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ANDREW  GREGG  GURTIN: 


HIS 
LIFE  AND  SERVICES, 


EDITED  BY 

WILLIAM  H.  EGLE,  M.  D, 


PHILADELPHIA: 

AVIL  PRINTING  COMPANY, 

MARKET  AND  FORTIETH  STS. 
1895, 


•' 


Copyright,  1895,  by 
WILLIAM  \V.  CURTIX  and  JOHN  BLANCHARD, 

Kxecut9rs  of 
Estate  of  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  deceased. 


OF 


. 

Preface  .    .        .  lj 

By  WILLIAM  B.    MANX. 

Andrew  Gregg  Curtin 2$ 

By  WILLIAM  H.  EGLE. 
Curtin  and  Free  Schools  . .      go 

By  HENRY  C.    HICKOK. 

Curtin  Elected  Governor — 1860      ....  ....  ioc 

By  A.    K.    McCLURE. 

Curtin's  First  Administration u- 

By  WILLIAM  II.    EGLF.. 

Curtin   Re-elected  Governor —  186;, ,    .  .159 

By  WAYNE  MACYKAGH. 

Curtin's  Second  Term j^q 

By  WILLIAM  II.    EGLK. 

Soldiers  Organi/ed  by  Curtin 2oS 

By  ROBKUT  E.    PATTISON. 
The  Pennsylvania  Reserves 0-5 

By  WILLIAM  HAYKS  GKIKR. 

». 
Curtin  and  the  Soldiers'   Orphans 2,8^ 

By  G.    HARRY  DAVIS. 

Curtin  and  the  Altoona  Conference -        305 

By  JOHN  RUSSELL  YOUNG. 

(xi) 


32162 


xii  TAKLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

I'AGK. 

Curtin's  Early  War  Trials    ..................    333 

By  FITZ  JOHN  PORTKK.        • 


Curtin's  First  Military  Telegraph      ..............     ^44 

By  WILLIAM  BENDER  WILSO::. 

<4 

Curtin's  Care  of  the  Soldiers  .................     354 

By  M.    S.    OI-AV. 

•j 

Curtiu  and  the  Private  Soldiers     ...............    365 

By  THOMAS  V.    COOPER. 

Curtin's  Personal  Attributes    .................     373 

By  GOVERNOR  DANIEL  H.  HASTINC.S. 

Curtiu  and    His  Home  Community  .............     -^97 

By  JAMES  A.   BEAVER. 

Curtin  and  the  State  Credit    ..........    ......        .412 

By  J.    C.    BOMHERC.ER. 

Curtin  and  Clement   B.  Barclay     ...............    417 

By  CRAK;  RIDDLE. 

Curtin  as  Minister  to  Russia  .    .        ........    .....    421 

By  TITIAN  J.  COKKEY. 

Curtin's  Gubernatorial   Battles    ..............  443 

By  THOMAS  M.  MARSHALL. 

Curtin  as  a  Civil  Administrator     .............    .    .    451 

By  WILLIAM  II.  ARMSTRONG. 

Curtin  and  Pennsylvania  at  the  Beginning  of  the  War  .    .    473 

By  GALUSHA  A.  GROW. 

Curtin  in  the  Constitutional   Convention    ...........    485 

By  HARRY  WHITE. 

Curtin  and  the  State  Flags      .................    502 

Curtin's  Funeral  ...............  ......    517 


PACK. 

A.  G.  Curtin,  a1////  aiito^iM/j/i  ....        .  ...  Frontispiece. 

William  B.  Mann     . T- 

Cnrtin's  Birthplace 22 

William  H.  Egle 

Henry  C.  Hickok $2 

A.  K.  McClure Ioo 

Curtin  in  iS6o    . I12 

Autograph  Letter  of  Abraham  Lincoln .    .        .158 

Wayne  MacVeagh , -o 

A.  G.  Cnrtin  in  1840 l^ 

Kx-Governor  Pattison 209 

William  Hayes  Grier   . 256 

Curtin  and  Staff ->-- 

Scotland  Soldiers'  Orphans'  School 282 

G.  Harry  Davis .......     283 

John  Russell  Young .......        .305 


332 
333 


State  Capitol  in  1860 

Fitz  John  Porter ...... 

\Villiam  Bender  Wilson     ....  344 

M.  S.  Quay 55- 

Thomas  V.  Cooper 365 

Gov.  D.  H.  Hastings .       .        .    372 

(xiii) 


XIV  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Gen.  James  A.  Beaver .    .  396 

J.  C.  Bomberger 412 

Craig  Diddle  . 4,7 

Titian  J.  Coffey 421 

Thomas  M.  Marshall .  443 

William  H.  Armstrong 4^1 

Galusha  A.  Grow 473 

Harry  White ...  485 

Curtin's  Home,  Bellefonte • 503 

Curtin's  Funeral . I6 


BY  WM.  B.  MANN. 


Dionysius  of  Hali- 
carnassus  tells  us 
that  "philosophy  is 
history,  teaching  by 
examples." 

If  this  be  so,  then 
the  lessons  to  be 
gathered  from  the 
lives  of  men  who 
make  history  should 
teach  us  to  abhor  dis 
loyalty,  tyranny,  in 
justice,  arrogance 
and  proportionately 
\VM.  B.  MANX.  prize  the  attributes 

of  patriotism,  equity,  courage  and  humility. 

Upon  this  hypothesis,  the  lessons  to  be  drawn  from 
all  that  can  be  related  of  the  life,  character  and  work  of 
Andrew  G.  Curtin  are  full  of  instruction  and  excite  the 
admiration  of  every  lover  of  his  country. 

Brought  into  public  view  at  the  critical  moment  in 
the  career  of  a  young  nation  when  her  institutions  were 
2  (17) 


1 8  PREFACE. 

subjected  to  so  severe  a  strain  that  passion  dethroned 
reason,  and  partisanship  was  more  potent  than  patriotism, 
he  so  filled  and  administered  the  great  office  of  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania  as  to  demonstrate  that,  like  Lincoln, 
he  was  pre-eminently  the  man  for  the  crisis.  His  lofty 
patriotism,  devoted  fidelity  to  the  citizen  soldiers  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  just  discharge  of  the  grave  duties 
imposed  upon  him,  have  left  such  an  impress  upon  our 
history  and  secured  such  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people  of  his  State,  that  he  is  the  chief  object  of  their 
grateful  remembrance,  for  no  other  executive  from  the 
foundation  of  the  State  until  the  present  time  holds  so 
warm  a  place  in  their  affections. 

History,  as  we  understand  it,  is  but  an  aggregation  of 
verity  and  fiction,  and  is,  therefore,  but  a  lying  jade  at 
best.  Historians  nevertheless  "  rescue  from  oblivion 
former  events"  and  embalm  the  memory  alike  of  the 
evil  and  the  good,  but  are  necessarily  ignorant  of  many 
incidents  that  most  fitly  and  truthfully  furnish  the  aptest 
illustrations  and  most  practical  lessons  of  a  great  life. 
It  is  here  that  tradition  comes  fo  their  assistance  and  in 
the  effort  to  narrate  events  of  doubtful  authenticity  mars 
the  integrity  of  the  whole. 

For  this  reason,  those  who  were  the  closest  to  the 
subject  of  this  work  and  who  most  intimately  shared 
his  opinions  and  sustained  his  measures  have  prepared 
these  chapters.  They  speak  of  what  they  know  and 
part  of  which  they  were.  They  are  the  best  wit 
nesses  to  the  facts  they  relate,  and  they  testify  at  a  time 


PREFACE.  I9 

when  their  recollections  are  perfect,  being  kept  alive 
by  their  affection  for,  and  the  closest  association  with, 
the  great  War  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  whom  they 
devotedly  loved. 


BY  WILLIAM  H.  EGLE. 
I. 

In  the  character- 
building  of  every 
representative  man, 
the  biographer  finds 
reflected  the  leading 
features  of  some  dis 
tinguished  ances 
tor.  Especially  was 
this  exemplified  in 
the  life  of  ANDREW 
GREGG  CuRTiN,the 
son  of  Roland  Cur- 
tin  and  his  wife 
Jean  Gregg.  He  was 
born  at  Bellefonte, 
Pa.,  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  April,  1815. 
His  father,  Roland  Curtin,  was  descended  from  a  long  line 
of  honored  Irish  ancestors,  who  resided  at  Dysert  in 
County  Clare.  The  Curtins  of  Dysert,  although  becom 
ing  extinct  in  Ireland,  were  always  noted  as  one  of  the 
best  families  of  the  ancient  Celtic  race.  They  can  look 
back  with  pride  on  their  history  in  County  Clare,  and 
see  its  undefiled  pages  filled  with  bright  stars  of  talent, 
and  men  of  pure  integrity,  with  characters  unsullied, 

(23) 


WILLIAM  H.  EGLE. 


24  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

and,  that  which  makes  man  the  noblest  of  God's  creatures 
honesty  amidst  prosperity.  Roland  wa*  sent  by  his 
father,  Austin  Curtin,  to  the  Irish  College  at  Paris,  where 
he  was  a  student  in  1797,  when,  owing  to  the  Reign  of 
Terror,  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  country,  and  nar 
rowly  escaped  the  guillotine.  He  succeeded  in  reaching 
America,  and  after  a  short  residence  in  Philadelphia 
found  his  way  to  Centre  Count}-  in  Pennsylvania.  At 
that  date  Centre  County  was  away  from  the  great  routes 
from  the  North  and  South,  the  East  and  the  West,  and 
was  not  as  well  known  as  now.  Exceedingly  rich  and 
lovely,  abounding  in  iron  ores,  fertile  valleys,  and  fine 
streams,  it  attracted  Mr.  Curtin.  Here  he  became  quite 
prominent  not  only  in  political  affairs,  but  in  the  iron 
industry,  being  a  leading  manufacturer  for  forty  years, 
and  accumulated  a  competent  estate.  He  married  Jean 
Gregg  as  his  second  wife,  in  1814,  daughter  of  Andrew 
Gregg,  for  whom  the  eldest  son  was  named.  She  was  a 
devoted  mother  to  whom  Andrew  Curtin  was  indebted 
for  that  loving  care  and  domestic  enjoyment  which 
shone  so  brightly  around  his  early  years.  She  was  one 
of  the  most  exemplary  of  women,  exceedingly  amiable 
and  of  the  sweetest  disposition — well  educated  and  in 
every  way  remarkable.  Her  life  and  her  example  had 
a  powerful  influence  on  the  formative  period  of  the  lives 
of  her  children,  of  whom  there  were  three  sons  besides 
Andrew.  Mrs.  Curtin's  ancestors  came  from  the  north 
of  Ireland,  and  settled  in  the  beautiful  Cumberland 
Valley.  The  son,  Andrew  Gregg,  received  his  early  edu 
cation  in  the  Rev.  John  Steel's  Latin  School  at  Carlisle, 
completing  his  education  at  the  Presbyterian  Academy  at 
Newark,  Del.  During  the  struggle  for  independence, 
Andrew  Gregg  served  several  tours  in  the  County  Militia. 


BIOGRAPHY.  25 

In  1779  he  was  a  tutor  in  the  College  at  Philadelphia, 
now  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  remained 
for  a  few  years,  when  he  went  into  mercantile  business  in 
Middletown.  After  his  marriage  to  Martha  Potter,  who 
was  the  daughter  of  General  James  Potter,  a  brilliant 
officer  of  the  Revolution,  he  removed  to  Lewistown, 
then  recently  laid  out  by  his  father-in-law,  and  in  1789 
to  Penn's  Valley,  Centre  County,  two  miles  east  of  the 
Old  Fort.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress  in 
1791,  and  continued  there  by  re-election  sixteen  years.  < 
In  1807  he  was  chosen  United  States  Senator,  serving 
in  that  capacity  one  full  term.  Andrew  Gregg  was  a 
sturdy  supporter  of  the  administrations  of  the  early  presi 
dents  and  especially  those  of  Jefferson  and  Madison. 
He  offered  in  Congress  the  famous  war  resolutions 
which  preceded  our  last  conflict  with  Great  Britain,  elic 
iting  in  their  support  the  eloquence  of  Henry  Clay  and 
John  Randolph.  In  1814  he  removed  to  Belief onte 
where  he  remained  as  president  of  the  bank  until 
December,  1820,  when  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
the  Commonwealth  by  Governor  Hiester.  In  May,  1823, 
Mr.  Gregg  was  nominated  for  Governor  in  opposition  to 
John  Andrew  Shulze.  It  was  a  fierce  and  decisive 
State  canvass,  but  the  old  Federal  party  under  his  lead 
made  a  fast  stand  for  victory  and  existence,  but  were 
defeated  by  the  old  Pennsylvania  Democracy,  under  the 
lead  of  the  former.  Mr.  Gregg  had  strong  party  pre 
dilections,  yet  was  remarkable  for  acting  according  to 
the  dictates  of  his  conscience,  though  that  differed  some 
times  from  the  views  of  his  party  associates.  He  was 
while  in  office  a  representative  of  the  interests  of  his 
constituents,  not  of  their  limited  views  on  subjects  of 
moment.  He  was  an  eloquent  classical  scholar,  and 


26  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

had  acquired  extensive  general  information,  which  large 
experience  and  deep  reflection  had  moukled  to  practi 
cable  purposes.  He  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  great 
men  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  early  part  of  this  century. 

Coming  from  such  an  ancestry,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  that  Andrew  G.  Curtin  inherited  many  of  their  admir 
able  qualities  which  characterized  his  after  life-history, 
and  to  which  allusion  will  be  made  further  on.  Mr. 
Curtin's  preparatory  education  was  obtained  from  the 
schools  of  his  native  town,  and  also  at  the  Harrisburg 
Academy,  under  the  tuition  of  that  famous  educator 
John  M.  Keagy.  It  was,  however,  at  the  celebrated 
Academy  at  Milton,  Pa.,  that  he  completed  his  studies. 
This  institution  was  presided  over  by  the  Rev.  David 
Kirkpatrick,  who  belonged  to  the  old  style  of  instructors. 
He  u  turned  out  "  his  boys  thoroughly  impregnated  with 
the  classics  and  mathematics.  Of  this  remarkable  man 
it  can  be  truly  said  that  his  school  became  distinguished 
for  the  large  number  of  young  men  who  received  instruc 
tion  in  the  higher  branches  of  law  and  theology.  At 
that  early  day,  the  only  professions  open  to  young  men 
on  leaving  the  academy,  who  were  anxious  to  follow  a 
public  career,  were  the  ministry  and  the  law.  Our  sub 
ject  chose  the  latter.  After  becoming  well  imbued 
with  as  much  Latin,  Greek,  and  mathematics  as  any  of 
our  colleges  afford,  young  Curtin  returned  to  his  moun 
tain  home  and  began  his  studies  under  the  direction  of 
William  W.  Potter,  a  leading  member  of  the  Bellefonte 
bar,  and  finished  them  at  the  Law  School  of  Dickinson 
College,  then  in  charge  of  Judge  Reed,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  jurists  of  Pennsylvania,  well  known  for 
his  u  Pennsylvania  Blackstone,"  one  of  the  first  attempts 
made  to  adapt  the  immortal  u  Commentaries "  to  our 


BIOGRAPHY,  27 

modern  law.  He  was  an  adept  in  teaching  legal  prin 
ciples,  and  among  Mr.  Curtin's  fellow-students  at  the 
Law  School  were  such  distinguished  men  as  Francis  W. 
Hughes,  Hugh  N.  McAlister,  Allison  McMnrtrie,  and 
William  Smithers. 

At  Bellefonte,  he  entered  into  partnership  with  John 
Blanchard,  an  eminent  lawyer,  afterward  a  member  of 
Congress.  His  rise  was  rapid,  and  with  his  early  suc 
cesses  were  associated  many  political  triumphs.  The 
Bellefonte  bar  was  then  considered  as  one  of  the  ablest 
in  the  State,  among  its  younger  members  being  such 
brilliant  advocates  as  Samuel  Linn,  James  T.  Hale,  and 
Hugh  N.  McAlister,  all,  like  their  colleague,  destined 
to  attain  high  distinction  in  future  years.  Being  a  ready 
and  effective  speaker,  gifted  with  fine  receptive  and 
analytical  powers,  a  hard  worker,  a  close  student,  Andrew 
G.  Curtin  was  soon  recognized  as  one  of  the  ablest 
members  of  the  bar. 

The  story  how  Mr.  Curtin  won  his  first  law  case  has 
passed  into  a  tradition  in  Centre  County.  A  school 
teacher,  arrested  for  stealing  a  flute,  was  brought  before 
the  Justice  for  a  hearing,  and  Mr.  Curtin  appeared  as 
his  counsel.  The  evidence  of  the  prisoner's  guilt  was 
convincing  and  complete,  but  young  Curtin  rose  to  the 
occasion.  He  offered  no  testimony  in  rebuttal,  but 
risked  all  on  an  appeal  to  the  mercy  of  the  Justice. 
"  Your  Honor,"  he  said,  "  I  admit  that  my  client  took 
the  flute,  but  he  did  it  for  a  laudable  purpose.  As  your 
Honor  well  knows  he  is  an  instructor  of  the  young.  He 
took  this  flute  in  order  to  instill  in  the  minds  of  his 
pupils,  the  first  principles  of  music,"  and,  continuing  in 
eloquent  and  glowing  terms,  he  painted  the  culprit  as  a 
public  benefactor.  The  Justice,  more  sentimental  than 


28  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

judicial,  was  touched  by  the  pathos  of  this  picture  of 
virtue  in  distress,  and  though  the  prosecuting  attorney 
protested  against  such  proceedings,  insisted  on  discharg 
ing  the  prisoner. 

A  man  with  the  gifts  and  temperament  of  Andrew  G. 
Curtin  could  not  fail  to  be  largely  interested  and  con 
cerned  in  public  affairs.  Strikingly  amiable,  genial, 
warm-hearted,  of  luminous,  quick  and  extensive  intelli 
gence,  of  the  most  engaging  address  endowed  with  a 
fluent  and  captivating  eloquence  and  with  the  Penn 
sylvania  traditions  of  policy  and  patriotism,  he  threw 
himself  at  once  into  the  political  controversies  of  the 
day,  which,  as  Burke  tells  us,  "  are  the  noblest  employ 
ments  of  the  cultivated  man."  He  was  an  ardent  and 
thoroughgoing  Old  Line  Whig,  and  in  1840  he  did  his 
first  active  work  as  a  public  speaker,  taking  part  in  that 
enthusiastic  campaign  which  made  General  Harrison 
President  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  May,  1844,  Mr.  Curtin  married 
Catharine  Irvine  Wilson,  daughter  of  Dr.  Irvine  Wilson 
and  his  wife  Mary  Potter,  who  was  a  granddaughter  of 
General  James  Potter  of  the  Revolution.  Her  ancestors 
came  from  County  Cavan,  Ireland,  and  participated  in 
the  battle  of  the  Boyne  in  1690.  Descendants  came  to 
Pennsylvania  as  early  as  1736  and  settled  in  the  so-called 
"  Irish  Settlement  "  in  Northampton  County.  Surviving 
her  illustrious  husband,  at  the  age  of  seventy-five  years 
no  meed  of  praise  is  too  great  for  a  devoted  wife  and 
mother. 

In  1844  Mr.  Curtin  made  a  more  extensive  canvass  of 
the  State  in  favor  of  the  election  of  Henry  Clay,  the 
political  idol  of  his  early  manhood.  His  speeches  during 
this  memorable  campaign  were  able,  eloquent,  and  con- 


BIOGRAPHY.  20 

vincing,  and  brought  him  prominently  before  the  people 
who  were  not  slow  to  recognize  his  ability  as  a  popular 
and  effective  speaker ;  and  there  was  not  a  county  in 
Pennsylvania,  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Allegheny,  in 
which  his  name  failed  to  attract  the  largest  audiences, 
who  eagerly  gathered  to  enjoy  the  feasts  of  wit  and 
wisdom,  of  humor  and  pathos,  of  statistics  and  story,  of 
argument  and  imagery,  which  spread  out  in  his  melo 
dious  and  glowing  periods.  In  1848  Mr.  Curtin's  name 
was  placed  on  the  Whig  electoral  ticket,  when  he  again 
traversed  the  State  in  behalf  of  the  Presidential  nominee, 
General  Zachary  Taylor.  He  was  one  of  the  original 
supporters  of  the  nomination  of  General  Winfield  Scott, 
and  in  1852,  his  name  was  again  placed  on  the  electoral 
ticket,  while  he  himself  worked  with  his  usual  zeal  to 
carry  the  State  for  the  hero  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico. 
In  1854,  though  comparatively  a  young  man,  he  had 
come  to  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig 
part\-  in  Pennsylvania,  and  at  the  State  convention  held 
that  year,  his  nomination  for  Governor  was  strongly 
urged.  However,  Mr.  Curtin  refused  to  allow  the  use 
of  his  name,  preferring  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Pollock. 
Mr.  Curtin  was  made  chairman  of  the  State  Central 
Committee,  and  upon  him  devolved  the  management 
of  that  memorable  campaign. 

Elected  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  by  a  handsome 
majority,  James  Pollock,  immediately  after  the  inaugura 
tion,  in  January,  1855,  appointed  Colonel  Curtin  Secretary 
of  the  Commonwealth.  The  organ  of  the  administration 
in  speaking  of  Governor  Pollock's  appointment  of  Mr. 
Curtin,  said,  the  Executive  had  been  exceedingly  for 
tunate  in  associating  with  him  in  official  capacity,  gentle 
men  eminently  qualified  for  the  various  positions  to 


30  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

which  they  had  been  called,  and  whose  honesty  and 
integrity,  and  high  moral  worth,  render  their  selection 
highly  acceptable  to  all  who  feel  an  interest  in  the 
success  of  the  new  administration,  and  that  Colonel  Cnrtin 
is  one  of  those  first-class  men  qualified  by  nature  and 
education  to  adorn  any  profession  in  public  life.  His 
appointment  was  hailed  with  delight  by  the  leaders  of 
the  party  in  all  sections  of  the  State,  not  only  as  a 
reward  for  political  services,  but,  as  a  compliment  to  the 
man  whose  eloquence  had  added  so  much  to  the  success 
of  the  dominant  party,  as  well  as  his  foresight  and 
sagacity  as  an  active  and  influential  factor  in  politics. 
Governor  Pollock's  administration  was  singularly  pure, 
moderate,  and  conservative.  It  was  not  distinguished 
by  any  startling  measures  or  any  exciting  innovations. 
The  agitations  and  fluctuations  caused  by  the  breaking 
up  of  the  old-line  Whig  party  with  the  pro-slavery 
Democratic  outrages  in  Kansas,  the  rise  of  the  American 
and  Free-Soil  organizations,  and  the  tremendous  political 
contest  of  1856,  withdrew  the  general  attention  from 
mere  State  affairs,  to  those  of  national  concern.  But, 
in  the  midst  of  all,  the  Pollock  administration  held  its 
even  wav,  maintaining  the  interests  and  the  honor  of 

*    f  o 

Pennsylvania,  condemning  the  barbarities  which  op 
pressed  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  the  faithless  servilities 
of  the  Pierce  and  Buchanan  administrations — uttering 
its  voice  for  protection  to  the  industries  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  exhibiting,  on  every  occasion,  that  dignified  modera 
tion,  which  is  so  peculiar  to  the  Pennsylvania  character. 
That  administration  steadily  won  the  confidence  of  the 
people  as  it  proceeded  and  retired  from  power,  attended 
by  the  respect  of  every  citizen  in  the  Commonwealth, 
and  above  even  the  suspicion  of  corruption  or  partiality. 


BIOGRAPHY.  31 

Mr.  Curtin,  as  the  Constitutional  adviser  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  was  fairly  entitled  to  a  full  share  of  the  credit 
which  attaches  to  that  honest,  wise  and  benign  adminis 
tration. 

During  the  strenuous  contest  for  the  United  States 
Senatorship  which  distinguished  the  legislative  session  of 
1855,  Colonel  Curtin  was  strongly  and  persistently  urged 
by  a  large  body  of  friends  for  that  high  position.  It 
was  perhaps  due  to  this  fact  that  he  brought  upon  him 
self  political  antagonisms  which  in  the  heated  canvass 
of  the  subsequent  years,  was  never  wholly  allayed.  In 
the  Presidential  contest  of  1856,  Mr.  Curtin  stood  by  the 
old-line  Whig  party  and  looked  with  apparent  distrust 
upon  the  Free-Soil  movement,  although  in  the  main 
acting  in  accord  therewith. 

The  crowning  act  of  Mr.  Curtin's  connection  with  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  was  his  service 
as  ex-officio  Superintendent  of  the  Common  School 
System  of  the  State.  He  gave  laborious  attention  to  it, 
and  took  particular  pleasure  in  perfecting  its  details  and 
increasing  its  efficiency.  He  did  not  aspire  to  be  an 
educator,  in  the  full  sense  of  that  term,  but  he  had  that 
peculiar  zeal  in  administering  the  laws  that  governed 
them,  which  at  once  and  for  the  first  time  made  the 
schools  of  the  Commonwealth  understood  and  fully 
appreciated  by  the  masses.  To  him  the  State  is  indebted 
for  whatever  legislation  was  had  in  the  organization  of 
the  Normal  School  system,  by  which  methods  and 
means,  the  systematic  training  of  a  body  of  intelligent 
and  highly  competent  teachers  was  afforded,  thus  supply 
ing  the  most  pressing  needs  of  our  schools.  During  his 
term  of  office  he  also  became  an  early  and  active  advocate 
of  that  great  measure  of  the  then  State  administration— 


32  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

the  sale  of  the  main  lines  of  the  public  improvements. 
This  measure  was  vigorously  opposed  before  its  con 
summation,  but  was  subsequently  agreed  on  all  hands, 
that  it  was  timely  and  wise,  and  that  the  Commonwealth 
was  thereby  relieved  of  an  incubus  which  annually 
depleted  its  treasury  and  corrupted  its  politics. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  official  position  as  Secretary 
of  the  Commonwealth,  Mr.  Curtin  returned  to  the  prac 
tice  of  the  law,  at  Bellefonte,  where  he  not  only  again 
devoted  himself  to  his  profession,  but  to  the  material 
industries  and  interests  of  his  region  of  the  State.  At 
this  period  of  his  history  he  was  very  active  in  promoting 
those  lines  of  railroad  which  brought  together  the 
different  counties  bordering  upon  that  of  Centre.  A 
man  of  unusual  public  spirit,  his  whole  soul  seemed  to 
have  been  bound  up  in  the  development  of  the  immense 
mineral  and  agricultural  resources  of  interior  Penn 
sylvania.  As  may  be  surmised,  he  was  by  birth,  educa 
tion,  and  life-long  habit  and  association,  a  protectionist, 
and  of  that  policy  which  purposely  encouraged,  diver 
sified,  and  perfected,  all  the  arts,  industries,  and  refine 
ments  of  a  free  and  civilized  community. 

In  the  meantime,  the  political  affairs  of  the  nation 
were  becoming  more  complicated  and  threatening,  on 
account  of  the  attitude  of  the  South  on  the  slave  question. 
The  outlook  was  portentous.  The  old  Whig  party  had 
passed  away  and  on  the  ruins  had  sprung  up  a  new 
political  organization,  which  had  for  one  of  the  cardinal 
principles,  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the 
new  territories.  Very  insolent  and  domineering,  the 
slave  party  which  embraced  the  Democratic  organiza 
tion,  was  more  threatening  in  its  demands  than  usual. 
Sagacious  politicians  of  the  North  foresaw  that  the  crisis 


BIOGRAPHY.  33 

was  approaching,  and  that  if  the  Union  was  to  be  pre 
served,  it  must  be  on  the  eternal  principles  of  patriotism 
and  freedom.  Colonel  Curtin  perhaps,  as  fully  as  any 
man,  foresaw  the  coming  storm,  a  fact  which  in  1859  and 
1860  made  him  a  leader  in  Pennsylvania  politics.  Before 
that  period  he  had  figured  more  as  an  orator  in  advocacy 
of  certain  political  purposes  than  as  a  moulder  of  parties, 
or  as  a  leader.  It  may  probably  be  that  the  last  year  of 
Mr.  Buchanans  administration  intensified  the  people  of 
the  North  as  well  as  those  of  the  South,  in  hatred  for 
each  other,  and  thereby  added  to  the  long  cherished 
purpose  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  leaders,  to  divide 
the  American  Union  and  of  having  two  forms  of  gov 
ernment,  one  with  slavery  as  the  corner-stone  of  the 
Union  formed  of  the  old  slave  States,  and  another  Union 
organized  with  anti-slavery  States.  Out  of  such  elements 
as  those  of  the  then  existing  parties,  Andrew  G.  Curtin's 
character  was  moulded  and  crystallized,  which  made  him 
the  coining  man  of  1860,  as  it  also  made  the  Republican 
party  the  one  great  power  to  save  the  American  Union. 
For  it  was  by  a  combination  of  facts  that  this  party 
really  saved  the  Republic.  It  is  true,  that  while  the 
Democratic  party  sacrificed  as  much  as  did  the  Repub 
licans  of  the  land,  for  the  success  of  the  struggle,  yet  it 
was  the  Republican  organization  which  formed  the 
rallying  nucleus  of  the  saving  power  of  the  Union. 
Mr.  Curtin  was  a  power  in  building  up  that  party.  He 
with  others  gathered  its  elements  into  shape,  wherewith 
to  confront  the  secret  foes  of  the  nation  when  they 
began  in  1860  to  carry  the  slave  States,  one  by  one,  out 
of  the  Union. 

The  magnetism  of  Colonel  Curtin's  personal  qualities, 
his  matchless  oratory,  his  energy  and  untiring  zeal,  made 


34  ANDREW  G,   CUR  TIN. 

him  a  man  not  only  fitted  to  act,  but  to  lead  the  people 
of  his  State  in  any  great  crisis.  When,  therefore,  the 
then  People's  party,  in  1860,  looked  for  a  great  leader, 
and  was  forced  to  act  promptly  in  the  selection,  it  found 
one  in  Andrew  Gregg  Curtin.  It  really  seems  as  if  he 
were  created  for  the  then  times,  and  he  at  once  sprang 
into  the  prominent  and  invincible  leader  of  what  was 
to  be  the  greatest  party  which  ever  dominated  in  Penn 
sylvania. 


II. 

Prior  to  the  assembling  of  the  People's  State  Con 
vention  at  Harrisburg,  in  February,  1860,  the  nomina 
tion  of  Andrew  G.  Curtin  as  its  standard-bearer  was  a 
foregone  conclusion.  For  at  least  ten  years  before,  he 
had  been  an  influential  member  of  nearly  every  Whig 
State  Convention  and  became,  perhaps,  more  promi 
nent  in  the  councils  of  that  party  than  any  other  rep 
resentative  man  in  it.  He  was  devoted  to  all  those 
conservative  and  humane  ideas  which  distinguished 
that  part}-,  among  whose  grand  leaders  were  num 
bered  Clay  and  Webster.  He  was  by  training  and 
by  mature  conviction,  a  believer  in  systematic  and 
efficient  protection,  in  liberal  internal  improvements, 
and  in  the  policy  of  encouraging  well-paid  and  wide- 
diffused  free  American  labor.  At  this  time  in  Pennsyl 
vania  the  Republican  party  had  not  yet  crystallized,  but 
the  convention  referred  to  was  composed  of  what  was 
then  the  remnant  of  the  old-line  Whig  party,  those  who 
had  entered  the  Free-Soil  movement  of  1856,  and  others 
prominently  connected  with  the  "  Know-nothing  "  cru 
sade  of  1854;  in  conjunction  there  were  many  who  had 
formerly  been  identified  with  the  Democratic  party,  but 
differed  at  the  present  crisis  widely  therefrom  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery.  With  this  auspicious  union  of  the 
opposition  to  the  pro-slavery  party  in  Pennsylvania,  no 
man  was  better  fitted  to  be  its  standard-bearer  than 
Andrew  G.  Curtin.  He  united  an  even  temperament,  a 
solid  judgment,  to  great  knowledge,  not  only  of  books, 

(35) 


36  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

but  of  men  and  affairs.  No  man  in  the  commonwealth 
was  more  familiar  with  its  history  or  wkh  its  varied  local 
interests,  with  its  diversified  capacities  and  requirements, 
with  its  legislation,  its  policy  and  its  public  opinion,  and 
no  one  had  such  an  extensive  acquaintance  all  over  the 
State.  There  never  was  a  nomination  more  joyfully 
hailed.  It  gave  equal  satisfaction  among  the  farmers 
and  iron  men  of  the  interior  of  the  commonwealth,  as 
well  as  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  the  metrop 
olis  on  the  Delaware.  From  one  end  of  the  State  to  the 
other,  the  nomination  was  regarded  as  the  beginning 
of  a  brilliant  campaign  and  the  harbinger  of  decisive 
State  and  national  victory.  During  that  very  memor 
able  political  campaign,  he  made  all  Pennsylvania  ring 
with  his  trenchant,  sparkling,  sonorous  eloquence,  sur 
rounded  as  he  was  by  the  best  men  of  the  People's  party 
— the  flower  and  promise  of  the  future  in  store  for  it : 
young,  intellectual,  well-informed,  public-spirited  and 
enthusiastic, — who  fought  by  his  side,  insuring  a  power 
ful  and  stirring  discussion  of  those  glorious  ideas  of 
freedom,  progress  and  the  rights  of  labor. 

At  this  period  in  the  history  of  the  nation,  all  eyes 
were  turned  to  the  convention  at  Chicago,  where  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  Union  was  to  be 
nominated  by  the  Republican  party  there  organized. 
Pennsylvania  had  instructed  her  delegates  to  vote  for 
General  Simon  Cameron  as  their  choice  for  that  high 
office.  Prior  to  the  assembling  of  that  body,  it  was 
supposed  that  Mr.  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York, 
would  be  the  nominee.  The  pivotal  States  in  the 
national  contest  were  presumed  to  be  Indiana  and  Penn 
sylvania,  and  it  was  therefore  essential  that  these  two 
States  should  declare  for  the  Republican  candidate  to 


BIOGRAPHY.  37 

insure  his  election.  It  was  morally  certain,  however, 
that  Pennsylvania  could  not  be  carried  for  a  Republican 
candidate  with  Seward  as  the  Presidential  candidate,  for 
it  had  been  charged  that  he  had,  previous  to  his  election 
as  Governor  of  New  York  as  a  Whig,  an  understanding 
with  the  dignitaries  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  that  - 
the  school  fund  of  the  State  was  to  be  divided  with  the 
various  educational  institutions  under  their  control, 
hence  the  Native  Americans  in  the  Republican  party 
who  came  to  it  after  the  death  of  the  Know-nothing 
organization,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  him.  It  will  thus 
be  seen  that  at  the  outset  of  Colonel  Curtin's  career  as 
the  Republican  nominee  for  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 
his  own  position  as  well  as  the  position  of  his  State, 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  country.  The 
necessity  of  carrying  Pennsylvania  in  October  for  the 
success  of  the  Republican  ticket  in  November  being  so 
apparent,  Mr.  Curtin  went  to  Chicago  with  Colonel 
Alexander  K.  McClure,  who  was  chairman  of  the  Re 
publican  State  Committee,  where  they  met  Henry  S. 
Lane,  of  Indiana,  who  was  the  candidate  for  Governor  of 
that  State.  Although,  as  stated,  the  National  Conven 
tion  was  chiefly  in  favor  of  Mr.  Seward,  it  was  through 
the  determined  influence  of  Mr.  Curtin  and  Mr.  Lane 
and  their  earnest  admonitions  that  the  delegates  to  the 
convention  were  compelled  to  give  up  their  preference 
for  Mr.  Seward.  The  question  was  one  of  availability, 
and  hence  when  Pennsylvania  ranged  itself  along  with 
Indiana  in  support  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Seward's  defeat 
was  not  only  inevitable,  but  the  nomination  of  Lincoln 
practically  assured. 

The   Presidential   convention  over,  and   Mr.    Lincoln 
nominated  with  an  enthusiasm  having  scarcely  a  parallel 


38  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

ill  the  annals  of  nominating  conventions,  Colonel  Curtin 
turned  his  attention  to  the  duties  of  his  own  campaign 
with  characteristic  energy,  and  his  Brilliant  personal 
canvass  is  still  remembered  with  enthusiasm.  Although 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  nation  was  divided  upon  the 
issues  of  the  day,  it  rallied  in  Pennsylvania  to  the  sup 
port  of  Henry  D.  Foster.  The  contest  was  animating 
and  exciting,  being  conducted  on  both  sides  with  great 
energy  and  ability.  Mr.  Curtin  spoke  in  nearly  every 
county  in  the  State,  often  addressing  assemblies  in  two 
or  three  places  in  a  single  day.  Magnetic  and  capti 
vating,  he  everywhere  attracted  large  audiences  and 
created  great  enthusiasm  in  his  favor,  especially  among 
the  young  men  whose  patriotism  was  aroused  to  fever 
heat.  The  election  was  held  on  the  second  Tuesday  of 
October  (under  the  Constitution  of  1838),  and  Colonel 
Curtin  was  elected  by  32,107  over  Foster,  a  much  larger 
majority  than  was  anticipated  by  the  most  sanguine  of 
his  friends,  while  Mr.  Lane  was  victorious  in  Indiana. 
The  struggle,  as  stated,  had  been  intensified  by  the  fact 
that  the  Presidential  election  was  to  follow  in  November, 
and  the  two  States  named  were  justly  regarded  as  the 
battle-ground  where  the  contest  was  to  be  decided.  Rut 
after  the  triumphant  success  of  the  October  elections,  all 
doubt  was  dispelled,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation. 

This  was  the  culmination  of  political  events  which 
led  to  the  civil  war.  Governor  Curtin  was  called  to  the 
gubernatorial  chair  at  a  time  when  the  greatest  problems 
ever  presented  to  American  statesmanship  were  to  be 
solved.  The  South,  whose  leaders  demanded  more  slave 
territory,  boldly  threatened  to  secede  and  divide  the 
Union  in  the  event  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  It 


BIOGRAPHY.  39 

was  under  such  appalling  circumstances  that  Governor 
Curtiii  was  called  to  speak  for  Pennsylvania  in  his 
inaugural  address  of  January,  1861,  two  months  before 
the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  times  were  criti 
cal.  The  question  was  :  Union  or  dis-Union.  It  was  at 
this  supreme  moment  that  Governor  Curtin  showed  his 
patriotism,  his  boldness,  and  true  conceptions  of  the 
great  principles  involved  in  the  mighty  issue  at  stake. 
He  spoke  with  words  of  deliberation,  decision  and  wis 
dom,  and  made  a  record  of  statesmanship  that  stood  the 
severest  test  of  years  of  bloody  and  wasting  war.  "  No 
one  who  knows  the  history  of  Pennsylvania,"  said  he, 
"  and  understands  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  her  people, 
can  justly  charge  us  with  hostility  to  our  brethren  of 
other  States.  We  regard  them  as  friends  and  fellow 
countrymen,  in  whose  welfare  we  feel  a  kindred  interest ; 
and  we  recognize  in  their  broadest  extent  all  our  consti 
tutional  obligations  to  them.  These  we  are  ready  and 
willing  to  observe,  generously  and  fraternally  in  their 
letter  and  spirit,  with  unswerving  fidelity.  Ours  is  a 
national  government.  It  has  within  the  sphere  of  its 
action,  all  the  attributes  of  sovereignty,  and  among  these 
are  the  right  and  duty  of  self-preservation.  It  is  based 
upon  a  compact  to  which  all  the  people  of  the  United 
States  are  parties.  It  is  the  result  of  mutual  conces 
sions,  which  were  made  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
reciprocal  benefits.  It  acts  directly  on  the  people  and 
they  owe  it  a  personal  allegiance.  No  part  of  the  people, 
no  State,  nor  combination  of  States,  can  voluntarily 
secede  from  the  Union,  nor  absolve  themselves  from 
their  obligations  to  it.  To  permit  a  State  to  withdraw 
at  pleasure  from  the  Union,  without  the  consent  of  the 
rest,  is  to  confess  that  our  government  is  a  failure. 


4°  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

Pennsylvania  can  never  acquiesce  in  such  a  conspiracy, 
nor  assent  to  a  doctrine  which  involves  the  destruction 
of  the  government.  If  the  government  is  to  exist,  all 
the  requirements  of  the  Constitution  must  be  obeyed, 
and  it  must  have  power  adequate  to  the  enforcement  of 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land  in  every  State.  It  is  the 
first  duty  of  the  national  authorities  to  stay  the  progress 
of  anarchy  and  enforce  the  laws,  and  Pennsylvania,  with 
a  united  people  will  give  them  an  honest,  faithful  and 
active  support.  The  people  mean  to  preserve  the  integ 
rity  of  the  national  Union  at  every  hazard." 

After  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  South  became 
more  belligerent  in  its  attitude,  and  threats  were  openly 
made  that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  enter  upon  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  exalted  office.  His  inaug 
uration,  however,  took  place,  and  the  work  of  secession 
was  commenced.  It  was  at  this  trying  hour  that 
Governor  Curtin  showed  the  spirit  and  bravery  of  the 
true  patriot.  He  early  became  one  of  the  President's 
trusted  advisers.  Their  meetings  were  frequent,  and 
each  soon  came  to  appreciate  the  other's  worth  at  its  full 
value.  In  after  years,  Governor  Curtin  said  that  when 
he  first  met  President  Lincoln  he  did  not  impress  him 
as  being  a  great  man.  His  greatness  was  then  in  a 
measure  still  dormant,  that  the  war  developed  and 
brought  out  the  latent  qualities  of  leadership  within  him 
which  would  never  have  become  manifest  save  under  the 
most  trying  conditions.  As  a  judge  of  men,  and  a 
ganger  of  public  sentiment,  he  was  almost  infallible. 
His  gifts  in  this  respect  were  truly  marvelous,  but  the 
grandeur  of  his  character  was  brought  into  strong 
relief  by  the  lights  and  shadows  of  the  struggle  for 
the  Union. 


BIOGRAPHY.  41 

On  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  Governor  Curtin  at 
once  took  an  active  part  in  raising  troops  and  making 
preparations  to  assist  the  national  government.  By 
inspiring  addresses  and  proclamations  he  enthused  the 
public  mind  and  aroused  the  patriotism  of  the  people. 

On  the  evening  of  April  7,  1861,  President  Lincoln 
sent  Governor  Curtin  a  dispatch  desiring  to  see  him. 
On  reaching  Washington  on  the  evening  of  the  eighth, 
he  found  the  President  waiting  for  him  in  his  room 
alone.  He  was  a  great  deal  depressed,  because  they  had 
failed  to  succor  Fort  Stimter,  which  he  supposed  would 
have  been  accomplished.  He  remarked  to  the  Governor 
that  it  looked  as  if  we  were  Hearing  th  beginning  of  a 
civil  war.  It  had  not  been  noticed  officially.  Congress 
was  not  in  session,  and  the  President  said  he  could  not 
do  it,  but,  continuing  said,  "  The  Pennsylvania  Legisla 
ture  is  in  session.  Will  they  respond,  if  you  present  the 
subject  to  them  seriously  ?"  The  Governor  replied  that 
he  was  confident  of  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  anxious,  and 
the  Governor  left,  intending  to  return  the  next  day  to 
Harrisburg,  but  the  President  sent  a  message  to  the 
hotel  to  this  effect :  that  if  he  were  confident  the  Penn 
sylvania  Legislature  would  respond,  not  to  delay  a  mo 
ment.  The  Governor  telegraphed  Deputy  Secretary  of  the 
Commonwealth,  Samuel  B.  Thomas,  to  meet  him  on  the 
arrival  of  the  train  in  the  night ;  and  by  morning  had  dic 
tated  and  ready,  the  message  which  was  delivered  to  both 
Houses.  The  Legislature  responded  promptly  by  ap 
pointing  a  committee  of  ten  persons,  five  members  from 
each  House,  and  the  bill  was  prepared  and  passed  con 
sonant  therewith.  On  the  ninth  the  President  tele 
graphed  the  Governor,  asking  if  he  had  acted,  adding, 
'  Do  not  delay"  to  which  a  reply  was  sent  that  the  bill 


42  ANDREW  G.  CVRTTtf. 

was  prepared  and  would  pass.  Fort  Su  niter  was  fired 
upon  on  the  twelfth.  Pennsylvania  was  foremost  and 
always  willing  to  enter  first  upon  measure^  for  the  preser 
vation  of  the  Union. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  April,  1861,  when  the  Legislature 
met  in  extraordinary  session,  in  obedience  to  his  proc 
lamation,  to  provide  for  the  public  defence,  Governor 
Curtin  earnestly  held  that  the  time  was  past  for  tempo 
rizing  or  forbearing,  with  a  rebellion,  the  most  causeless 
in  history.  "  The  North  had  not,"  said  he,  u  invaded  a 
single  guaranteed  right  of  the  South.  On  the  contrary, 
all  political  parties,  and  all  administrations,  had  fully 
recognized  the  binding  force  of  every  provision  of  the 
great  compact  between  the  States,  and  regardless  of  the 
views  of  State  policy,  the  people  had  respected  them. 
To  predicate  a  rebellion,  therefore,  upon  any  alleged 
wrong,  inflicted  or  sought  to  be  inflicted,  upon  the  South, 
was  to  offer  falsehood  as  an  apology  for  treason.  So 
would  the  civilized  world  and  history  judge  that  mad 
effort  to  overthrow  the  most  beneficent  structure  of 
human  government  ever  devised  by  man.  The  leaders 
of  the. rebellion  in  the  Cotton  States,  which  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  a  provisional  organization,  assuming 
to  discharge  all  the  functions  of  governmental  power, 
had  mistaken  the  forbearance  of  the  general  govern 
ment  ;  they  accepted  a  fraternal  indulgence  as  an  evi 
dence  of  weakness,  and  insanely  looked  to  a  united 
South,  and  a  divided  North,  to  give  success  to  the  wild 
ambition  which  led  to  the  seizure  of  the  national  arsenals 
and  arms ;  the  investment  and  bombardment  of  the 
forts,  the  plundering  of  the  mints, — had  invited  piracy 
on  the  commerce,  and  aimed  at  the  possession  of  the 
national  capital.  The  insurrection,"  continued  he, 


BIOGRAPHY.  43 

"must  be  met  by  force  of  arms  ;  and  to  re-establish  the 
government  on  an  enduring-  basis,  by  asserting  its  entire 
supremacy;  to  re-possess  the  forts  and  other  government 
property  so  unlawfully  seized  and  held  ;  to  insure  per 
sonal  freedom  and  safety  to  the  people  and  commerce  of 
the  nation  in  every  section,  the  people  of  the  loyal 
States  demand,  as  with  one  voice,  and  will  contend  for, 
as  with  one  heart ;  and  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Penn 
sylvania's  sons  will  answer  the  call  to  arms,  if  need  be, 
to  wrest  us  from  a  reign  of  anarchy  and  plunder,  and 
secure  for  themselves  and  their  children  forages  to  come, 
the  perpetuity  of  this  government  and  its  beneficent 
institutions." 

The  conflict  had  indeed  commenced.  The  clangor  of 
arms  resounded  in  the  land,  and  men  ceased  their  peace 
ful  avocations  to  respond  to  the  call  of  their  country. 
All  business  was  practically  suspended,  and  excitement 
reigned  supreme.  Communication  between  the  capital 
and  the  loyal  States  had  been  cut  off  by  the  revolt  in 
Baltimore,  The  troops  called  for  from  Pennsylvania, 
under  the  President's  proclamation  of  the  fifteenth  of 
April,  had  been  immediately  furnished,  and  more  were 
promptly  offering  their  services.  The  command  in  the 
State  had  been  assigned  to  General  Patterson,  a  brave 
and  experienced  officer,  but  by  reason  of  the  interruption 
of  communication  with  the  national  government  and 
Chief,  he  called  upon  Governor  Curtin  for  a  reinforce 
ment  of  25,000  men.  The  Governor  at  once  issued  his 
proclamation,  and  the  response  surpassed  all  expectation. 
From  every  part  of  the  State,  from  every  village,  ham 
let  and  city,  men  came  singly,  in  squads,  and  in  com 
panies  ;  and  the  requisition  was  in  rapid  progress  of  being 
filled,  when,  upon  the  re-opening  of  the  way  through 


44  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

Baltimore  to  Washington,  an  order  was  received  from 
the  Secretary  of  War  revoking  General  Patterson's  requi 
sition,  for  the  reason  as  stated,  that  the  troops  were  not 
needed,  and  that  less  than  the  number  already  called  for 
would  be  preferred  to  an  excess.  Fatal  error  on  the  part 
of  the  Washington  authorities.  But  Governor  Curtin 
more  clearly  foresaw  and  understood  the  magnitude  of 
the  impending  civil  war,  and  with  a  sagacity  only  equaled 
by  his  patriotism,  resolved  to  prepare  for  it  according  to 
his  appreciation  of  the  public  danger,  and  the  proba 
bility  of  a  future  call  for  men.  With  a  long  line  of 
Southern  border  exposed  to  the  sudden  incursions  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  national  army  composed  of  only  three 
months'  men,  and  likely  even  with  these  to  be  out 
numbered  in  the  field,  he  straightway  determined  not  to 
rely  upon  what  he  believed  to  be  the  mistaken  judgment 
of  the  authorities  at  Washington  for  the  protection  of 
the  Pennsylvania  border. 

At  Harrisburg,  thousands  of  men  were  already  in 
camp,  or  on  their  way  there  from  every  portion  of  the 
State,  their  services  having  been  accepted,  when  the  order 
of  revocation  was  received.  But  instead  of  disbanding 
these  men,  Governor  Curtin  at  once  directed  that  their 
organization  should  be  preserved  against  future  needs. 
The  sequel  showed  the  sagacity  of  his  conception.  He 
immediately  applied  to  the  Legislature  for  authority  to 
form  a  corps  of  thirteen  regiments  of  infantry,  one  of 
cavalry,  and  one  of  artillery,  to  be  organized  and  equip 
ped  by  the  State,  and  held  in  readiness,  subject  to  the 
call  of  the  national  government.  Authority  was  granted, 
and  the  result  was  the  formation  of  that  magnificent 
military  organization  afterward  known  as  the  famous 
Pennsylvania  Reserves,  an  organization  which  became 


BIOGRAPHY.  45 

powerful  as  an  arm  of  defence  and  distinguished  itself 
upon  many  fields  of  blood.  The  disaster  at  Bull  Run 
aroused  the  authorities  to  a  better  conception  of  the 
magnitude  of  the  rebellion,  and  of  the  terrible  earnest 
ness  of  the  South.  Governor  Curtin  had  not  yet  com 
pleted  the  entire  organization  of  his  corps,  when  there 
came  a  pressing  appeal  from  Washington  to  have  the 
Reserves  sent  forward  with  all  possible  haste.  Thus  was 
the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the  Governor,  in  recom 
mending  the  formation  of  the  corps,  quickly  vindicated. 

In  view  of  the  expiration  of  the  service  of  the  three 
months'  volunteers,  and  of  the  great  danger  threatening 
the  national  capital,  and  realizing  in  full  the  magnitude 
of  the  slave-holders'  rebellion,  Governor  Curtin  on  the 
twentieth  of  August,  1861,  issued  an  appeal  to  the  freemen 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  that  the  city  of 
Washington  was  again  believed  to  be  in  danger,  that  the 
President  had  made  an  earnest  appeal  for  all  the  men 
that  could  be  furnished,  to  be  sent  forward  without 
delay — that  if  Pennsylvania  should  then  put  forth  her 
strength  the  hordes  of  hungry  rebels  would  be  swept 
down  to  the  latitudes  where  they  belonged  ;  that  if  she 
faltered,  the  seat  of  tumult,  disorder  and  rapine  might 
be  transferred  to  her  own  soil,  and  it,  therefore,  behooved 
every  man  so  to  act  that  he  would  not  be  ashamed  to 
look  at  his  mother,  his  wife  or  sisters.  The  three  months' 
volunteers,  whose  discharge  had  so  weakened  the  army, 
were  urged  by  every  consideration  of  feeling,  duty  and 
patriotism  to  resume  their  arms  at  the  call  of  their 
country,  and  aid  the  other  men  of  Pennsylvania  in 
quelling  the  traitors. 

There  is  no  feature  so  attractive  in  the  forma 
tion  and  service  of  the  regiments  which  Pennsylvania 


46  ANDREW  G.  CURTIX. 

contributed  to  aid  in  crushing  the  insurrection  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  slave  States,  than  that  of  the  origin  of  the  regi 
mental  battle-flags,  the  actions  in  which  the)-  were  borne, 
their  present  condition  and  place  of  deposit.  In  May, 
1 86 1,  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  of  Pennsylvania,  an 
organization  formed  of  the  surviving  officers  of  the 
Revolutionary  War,  and  their  descendants,  donated  to 
Governor  Curtin  a  sum  of  money  to  be  used  toward 
arming  and  equipping  the  volunteers  of  the  State.  On 
the  eighth  of  May,  the  Governor,  in  a  special  message  to 
the  Legislature,  announced  the  tender  of  this  money, 
and  requested  that  he  be  authorized  to  receive,  and  direct 
how  to  apply  it.  At  his  suggestion,  in  a  series  of  joint 
resolutions,  the  Assembly  directed  him  to  apply  the 
money  in  the  purchase  of  regimental  flags,  to  be  inscribed 
with  the  arms  of  the  State.  The  standards  thus  pre 
pared  were  delivered  to  the  regiments  in  the  field,  or 
forming,  bearing  the  regimental  numbers  according  to 
the  regiments  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  war  of  the  Revo 
lution.  The  Reserves  secured  the  greater  portion  of  the 
flags  thus  inscribed.  Governor  Curtin  was  also  author 
ized  to  procure  flags  for  all  the  regiments  of  the  State, 
serving  in  the  Union  Army,  emblazoned  with  the  num 
ber  thereof,  and  the  coat-of-arms  of  the  Commonwealth. 
These  resolutions  also  provided  for  the  return  of  all  the 
standards  to  the  possession  of  the  State  at  the  close  of 
the  war,  to  be  inscribed  as  the  valor  and  good  conduct 
of  the  soldiers  of  each  regiment  deserved  ;  and  whenever 
the  country  may  be  involved  in  any  future  war,  they  are 
to  be  delivered  to  the  regiments  then  formed  according 
to  their  number,  as  they  may  be  called  into  service. 
Such  was  the  origin  of  the  battle-flags  of  Pennsylvania. 
And,  Governor  Curtin,  in  person,  presented  each  regi- 


BIOGRAPHY.  47 

ment  with  one  of  these  ensigns,  the  ceremony  either 
taking  place  at  camp  within  the  State,  or  in  the  camps 
of  the  army  at  the  front,  to  which  they  were  assigned. 
vSnch  events  were  always  interesting.  The  magnetic 
eloquence  of  the  fervent  Governor,  eliciting  the  spon 
taneous  enthusiasm  of  the  men  who  received  their 
standards  with  vows  that  were  zealously  kept,  while  the 
pledges  of  personal  devotion  which  the  Governor  made 
to  look  after  them  in  sickness,  wounds,  or  death,  and  to 
provide  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  were 
gone,  were  as  religiously  fulfilled. 

On  the  tenth  of  September,  1861,  while  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Reserves  were  at  Tenallytown,  accompanied  by 
President  Lincoln,  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Com 
mander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  other  notables, 
Governor  Curtin  presented  the  colors  to  General  McCall 
in  the  most  fervent  and  impassioned  language,  so  charac 
teristic  of  the  man  and  the  times  that  his  eloquent  words 
are  worthy  of  remembering.  That  he  came  there  on  a 
duty  enjoined  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  That 
the  remnant  of  the  descendants  of  the  heroes  and  sages 
of  the  Revolution  in  the  Keystone  State — known  as  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati — presented  him  with  a  sum  of 
money  to  arm  and  equip  the  volunteers  of  Pennsylvania 
who  might  go  into  public  service  in  their  exigency. 
Referring  the  subject  to  the  Assembly  they  instructed 
him  to  make  these  flags,  and  to  pay  for  them  with  the 
money  of  the  Cincinnati  Society.  He  had  then  placed 
in  the  centre  of  the  azure  field  the  coat-of-arms  of  the 
great  and  glorious  State  of  Pennsylvania  and  around  it 
a  bright  galaxy  of  stars.  The  peaceful  pursuits  in 
Pennsylvania,  said  he,  have  been  broken.  Many  of  the 
people  have  abandoned  those  arts  of  industry  which  led 


48  ANDREW  G.  CUKTIN. 

to  development  and  progress,  and  have  been  forced  to 
bear  arms.  They  responded  to  the  call  of  the  national 
government,  and  while  they  were  there  in  obedience  to 
that  call,  their  fellow-citizens  at  home  were  occupying 
the  camps  they  lately  vacated.  All  the  *naterial  wealth 
and  the  life  of  every  man  in  Pennsylvania  stood  pledged 
to  vindicate  the  right,  to  sustain  the  government,  and  to 
restore  the  ascendancy  of  law  and  order.  That  they 
were  there  for  that  purpose,  with  no  hope  of  acquisition 
or  vengeance,  nor  from  any  desire  to  be  enriched  by  the 
shedding  of  blood.  The  people  of  Pennsylvania  were 
for  peace,  but  if  men  lay  violent  hands  on  the  sacred 
fabric  of  the  government  unjustly,  spill  the  blood  of 
their  brethren,  and  tear  the  sacred  constitution  to  pieces, 
Pennsylvania  was  for  warfare  to  the  death. 

"  How7  is  it,"  exclaimed  the  Governor,  "  that  we 
Pennsylvanians  are  interrupted  in  our  progress  and 
development?  How  is  it  that  our  workshops  are  closed, 
and  that  our  mechanical  and  agricultural  pursuits  do 
not  secure  their  merited  reward?  It  is  because  folly, 
fanaticism,  rebellion,  murder,  piracy,  and  treason,  per 
vade  a  portion  of  this  land,  and  we  are  here  to-day  to 
vindicate  the  right,  to  sustain  the  government,  to  defend 
the  constitution,  and  to  shed  the  blood  of  Pennsylvania, 
if  need  be,  to  produce  this  result.  It  will  do  no  harm 
to  repeat  here,  in  the  presence  of  so  many  Pennsylvanians 
in  arms,  that  in  our  State  the  true  principles  of  human 
liberty  were  first  promulgated  to  the  world,  and  there 
also,  the  convention  met  that  framed  the  constitution  ; 
and  Pennsylvania,  loyal  in  the  Revolution,  now  stands 
solidly  and  defiantly  to  arrest  the  treason  and  rebellion 
that  would  tear  into  pieces  the  sacred  instrument  of  our 
glorious  Union  of  States.  Should  the  wrong  prevail, 


BIOGRAPHY.  .19 

should  treason  and  rebellion  succeed,  we  have  no  gov 
ernment.  Progress  is  stopped,  civilization  stands  still, 
and  Christianity  in  the  world  for  the  time,  must  cease — 
cease  forever.  Liberty,  Civilization  and  Christianity 
hang  upon  the  result  of  this  great  contest.  God  is  for 
the  truth  and  the  right.  Stand  by  your  colors,  un 
friends,  this  day  delivered  to  you,  and  the  right  will 
prevail.  I  present  to  yon,  to-day,  as  the  representative 
of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  these  beautiful  colors.  I 
place  in  your  hands  the  honor  of  your  State.  Thousands 
of  your  fellow-citizens  at  home  look  to  you  to  vindicate 
the  honor  of  your  great  State.  If  you  fail,  hearts  and 
homes  will  be  made  desolate.  If  you  succeed,  thousands 
of  Pennsylvanians  will  rejoice  over  your  success,  and  on 
your  return  you  will  be  hailed  as  heroes  who  have  gone 
forth  to  battle  for  the  right.  They  follow  you  with  their 
prayers  ;  they  look  to  you  to  vindicate  a  great  govern 
ment,  to  sustain  legitimate  power  and  to  crush  out 
rebellion.  Thousands  of  your  friends  in  Pennsylvania 
know  of  the  presentation  of  these  flags  to-day,  and  I  am 
sure  that  I  am  authorized  to  say  that  their  blessing  is 
upon  you.  May  the  God  of  battles,  in  His  wisdom, 
protect  your  lives,  and  may  right,  truth  and  justice 
prevail ! " 


III. 

Of  the  many  eventful  circumstances  which  occurred 
during  the  progress  of  the  civil  war,  Governor  Curtin 
was  a  prominent  leader.  Their  narration,  however,  in 
this  biographical  resume  is  not  within  our  province. 
There  were  instances,  however,  which  deserve  consid 
eration.  Next  to  President  Lincoln,  Mr.  Curtin  took 
the  leading  and  prominent  part  in  considering  the  great 
questions  which  came  up  as  the  war  continued.  He 
was  the  central  figure  in  the  famous  Altoona  Confer 
ence  of  loyal  Governors,  called  to  consider  the  Eman 
cipation  Proclamation,  and  its  probable  effect  as  bearing 
on  the  war.  That  conference  had  its  inception  in  a 
dispatch  Governor  Curtin  sent  to  Governor  Andrew,  of 
Massachusetts,  early  in  September,  1862,  stating  that  in 
his  opinion  the  time  had  come  to  give  the  war  a  definite 
end  and  aim,  and  that  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  loyal  States  should  take  prompt,  united, 
and  decided  action  in  the  matter.  Governor  Andrew 
replied  that  he  shared  the  same  views,  and  a  voluminous 
correspondence  between  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
and  the  Governors  of  the  other  Northern  States  followed. 
Finally,  Governors  Curtin  and  Andrew  went  to  see  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  who  told  them  that  he  was  preparing  a  proclamation 
emancipating  the  slaves,  and  asked  them  if  it  would  not 
be  advisable  for  him  to  wait  until  they  had  requested  him 
to  act  before  issuing  it.  They  told  him  that  by  all  means 
he  should  issue  it  first,  and  they  would  at  once  follow  it 
up  with  a  strong  address  of  commendation  and  support. 

(50) 


BIOGRAPHY,  51 

As  a  result  of  that  interview  with  the  President,  it  wras 
agreed  that  the  course  which  Governor  Curtin  proposed 
should  be  followed.  With  that  understanding  the  con 
ference  met  at  Altoona  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  September, 
1862.  Though  the  President's  proclamation  had  already 
appeared,  several  of  the  Governors  were  found  to  be 
hesitating  and  doubtful.  However,  the  majority  favored 
unswerving  support  of  the  President,  and  after  a  confer 
ence  of  several  hours,  Governors  Curtin  and  Andrew 
were  selected  to  draft  the  address.  When  it  was  finished, 
the  latter  arose  and  walked  the  floor  nervously.  Both  of 
them  felt  keenly  the  weight  of  the  tremendous  results 
that  would  follow  their  action.  Governor  Curtin  was  the 
first  to  sign  the  address,  Governor  Andrew  signed  next, 
and  the  others  an  hour  or  so  later.  The  only  one  who  did 
not  sign  it  was  Governor  Bradford,  of  Maryland.  "  Gen 
tlemen,"  he  said,  u  I  am  with  you  heart  and  soul,  but  I 
am  a  poor  man,  and  if  I  sign  that  address  I  may  be  a 
ruined  one.  "  Under  these  circumstances  all  agreed  that 
it  was  best  that  Mr.  Bradford  should  do  as  he  did.  The 
following  afternoon  the  address  was  presented  to  the 
President  at  the  federal  capital.  It  was  feared  at  the 
time  that  the  bold  stand  which  the  conference  took 
would  cost  their  election,  but  subsequent  events  showed 
that  they  had  struck  while  the  iron  was  hot,  and  had 
touched  the  popular  chord.  Governor  Curtin's  trium 
phant  re-election  the  following  year  was  one  evidence 
of  this,  and  elsewhere  the  endorsement  of  the  course  of 
the  loyal  Governors  was  fully  as  flattering  and  unmis 
takable. 

No  one  was  more  eminently  fitted  for  the  responsible 
position  as  Chief  Executive  of  a  great  commonwealth 
in  times  of  war  and  rebellion  than  Governor  Curtin. 


52  ANDREW  G.  CUKTIN. 

Apart  from  the  stern  duties  of  his  office,  his  administra 
tion  was  conspicuous  likewise,  for  the  beneficent  and 
merciful  policy  adopted  to  temper  the  terrible  scourge  of 
war.  He  was  ceaseless  in  his  devotion  to  the  interests 
and  the  wants  of  those  whom  the  State  had  given  for  the 
national  defence.  He  went  to  the  field  and  visited  them 
in  their  camps — not  with  pomp  and  ceremony,  but  to 
encourage  them  by  personal  intercourse.  In  the  hospital 
he  solaced  the  dying,  gave  words  of  hope  to  the  wounded 
and  suffering,  and  bore  messages  of  affection  to  and  from 
loved  ones  at  home.  No  letter  from  a  soldier  at  the 
front,  whether  officer  or  private,  was  ever  received  with 
out  being  promptly  answered.  It  mattered  not  how 
impossible  was  the  request,  if  it  could  not  be  granted 
the  reason  of  the  refusal  was  kindly  told.  In  every  time 
of  suffering  and  discouragement  the  soldier  felt  that  he 
who  represented  the  power  and  majesty  of  the  Common 
wealth  at  home,  was  mindful  of  him.  Wherever  were 
sickness,  or  wounds,  or  death,  there  was  the  official 
agent  of  the  State  to  perform  every  duty  to  the  living 
and  the  last  rites  to  the  dead.  The  bodies  of  the  deceased 
were  brought  back  to  sleep  with  their  kindred,  and  their 
names  enrolled  in  the  lists  of  the  martyred  patriots. 

Another  matter  growing  out  of  the  war,  was  the 
organization  of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Schools.  In 
Governor  Curtin's  message  to  the  Legislature,  January 
7,  1863,  he  stated  that  in  July  prior,  he  had  received  an 
offer  from  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company  of  a 
donation  of  $50,000  to  assist  in  paying  bounties  to 
volunteers.  This  he  declined,  because  he  had  no  au 
thority  to  accept  it  on  behalf  of  the  public,  and  was 
unwilling  to  undertake  the  disbursement  of  the  fund  in 

o 

his  private  capacity.      Fully  appreciating  the  promises 


BIOGRAPHY.  53 

lie  had  made  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  to  care  for  the 
orphans  of  those  that  fell  in  battle,  Governor  Cnrtin 
conceived  the  idea  of  the  establishment  of  that  system 
which  led  the  way  to  provide  for  the  education  and 
maintenance  of  the  destitute  orphans  of  the  patriots  in 
arms.  To  this  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  then  the 
vice-president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  promptly 
acceded,  and  at  once  measures  were  formulated  to  carry 
into  effect  the  plans  proposed  concerning  these  u  wards 
of  the  State."  Besides,  it  was  a  just  debt,  which  the 
State  owred  to  the  brave  men  who  perished  in  its  defence, 
that  their  children  should  be  cared  for  at  its  expense  ; 
and  no  deed  of  the  illustrious  Executive  has  cast  a  more 
resplendent  lustre  on  his  name  and  memory. 

Amid  the  vicissitudes  of  the  camp,  and  the  march, 
and  the  carnage  of  the  battlefield,  thousands  of  Penn 
sylvania's  soldiers  fell,  never  more  to  return  to  their 
homes,  to  their  friends  and  their  once  happy  families. 
The  children  of  many  of  those  fallen  patriots  were  left 
without  either  father  or  mother,  and  often  with  no  one 
to  care  for  or  protect  them.  Ignorant  of  a  mother's  love, 
and  robbed  of  a  father's  tender  care,  the  cry  of  the 
orphan  appealed  for  pity ;  and,  thanks  to  a  kind  Provi 
dence,  the  ear  of  one  man  in  Pennsylvania  was  not  deaf. 
That  man  was  Governor  Curtin  !  His  sympathies  were 
the  first  to  be  touched,  and  his  generous  nature  first 
responded  to  the  cry.  He  first  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  the  orphans  of  the  soldiers  the  children  of 
the  State !  And  through  evil  report  and  through 
good  report,  he  clung  to  that  idea  with  a  lion-hearted 
resolution,  until  he  saw  his  plan  successfully  consum 
mated. 

Therefore,  to  Governor  Curtin,  and  to  him  alone,  are 


54  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

the  people  indebted  for  the  benefits  and  blessings,  which, 
for  a  period  of  thirty  years  flowed  from  the'se  institutions 
of  philanthropy.  Thousands  of  orphan  children  enjoyed 
their  parental  care,  moral  culture  and  educational  train 
ing,  who  otherwise  would  have  suffered  poverty  and 
want,  and  been  left  to  grow  up  in  idleness  and  neglect, 
and  many  widows'  hearts  were  gladdened  by  the  protec 
tion,  comfort,  and  religious  solicitude  extended  to  her 
fatherless  offspring. 

Governor  Curtin  in  an  eloquent  war  speech,  just  after 
the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter,  promised  that  Pennsylvania 
would  permit  none  of  her  soldiers  to  be  buried  in  other 
soil  ;  and  that  their  children  should  be  the  wards  of  the 
State,  that  the  widows  of  soldiers  should  be  protected, 
and  their  orphans  cared  for  and  educated  at  the  expense 
of  the  Commonwealth.  More  than  twenty  years  after  it 
was  made,  and  seventeen  years  after  the  war  had  ended, 
a  friend  asked  him  how  this  promise  of  his  had  been 
kept. 

"  Religiously,"  he  replied.  "  Commissioners  were 
placed  in  every  corps  of  the  army,  and  every  Pennsylvania 
soldier  found,  wherever  he  went,  the  representative  of 
his  State  specially  charged  with  the  task  of  looking 
after  his  necessities.  If  he  were  sick  in  the  hospital,  if 
he  were  wounded  in  battle,  if  he  were  on  the  inarch  or 
iii  camp,  lie.  found  that  his  State  had  a  watchful  eye 
over  his  comfort.  Pennsylvania  was  the  first  State  to  do 
this,  and  no  Pennsylvania  soldier  ever  fell  in  battle 
whose  body  was  not  sent  home  for  burial,  if  his  body 
could  be  identified,  and  application  made  therefor.  The 
State  did  indeed  care  for  the  wives  and  children.  It 
protected  the  widows  and  educated  the  orphans.  Twenty 
thousand  soldiers'  orphans  have  been  educated  in  the 


BIOGRAPHY.  55 

different  soldiers'  orphans'  schools  throughout  Pennsylva 
nia,  provided  by  the  gratitude  of  the  State  for  the  valor 
and  patriotism  of  her  soldiers,  while  to-day  the  Industrial 
School  in  the  Cumberland  Valley  attests  the  interest 
of  the  Commonwealth  in  the  children  of  her  heroic 
defenders.  A  marvelous  fact  is,  that  out  of  the  twenty 
thousand  who  have  been  educated  in  these  schools,  only 
two  have  ever  been  accused  of  crime."  In  the  history  of 
the  world,  there  has  never  been  a  nation  that  has  provided 
for  its  soldiery  with  anything  like  the  watchful  generosity 
with  which  Pennsylvania  kept  the  promise  Andrew 
G.  Curtin  made  as  its  executive  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war. 

The  story  of  Gettysburg  has  been  told  and  retold.  It 
occurred  during  a  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  Common 
wealth  which  cemented  its  people  and  made  them  almost 
of  one  mind.  The  invasion  of  the  State  by  the  rebel 
horde  caused  intense  excitement  through  the  entire 
loyal  North.  The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  the  Ther 
mopylae  of  the  nation  ;  it  was  the  decisive  victory  of 
the  war,  and,  from  that  time  onward  the  Confederacy 
was  doomed.  Politically  it  had  its  effect,  and  made 
Pennsylvania  the  stronghold  of  Republicanism.  Much 
of  the  history  of  that  period,  which  is  deserving  of  pre 
servation,  showed  the  true  character  of  Governor  Curtin 
and  the  patriotic  motives  which  controlled  his  action. 
His  various  proclamations  had  their  effect  in  arousing 
the  people,  and  they  gave  nobly  of  their  blood  and 
treasure  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 

As  the  end  of  Governor  Curtin's  term  as  Chief  Ex 
ecutive  of  the  Commonwealth  approached,  the  cares  of 
office  and  the  anxiety  of  mind  had  a  telling  effect  upon 
his  health.  From  his  arduous  labors  he  was  forced  to 


56  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

give  himself  for  weeks  at  a  time,  to  the  exclusive  care 
of  an  eminent  physician.  President  Lincoln  appreciat 
ing  his  eminent  services,  and  recognizing  the  necessity 
of  a  change,  of  climate  and  employment,  for  him, 
promptly  tendered  him  a  first-class  foreign  mission, 
which  Mr.  Curtin  signified  his  willingness  to  accept, 
when  his  term  should  expire.  But  there  was  no  man  in 
the  State  so  strongly  engrafted  upon  the  affections  of 
the  people,  civil  and  military,  as  Governor  Curtin.  The 
devotion  which  he  exhibited  upon  all  occasions  to  public 
interests,  and  especially  the  prompt  and  able  manner  in 
which  he  sustained  the  national  government,  as  well  as 
the  untiring  sleepless  attention  bestowed  upon  the  sol 
diers  of  Pennsylvania,  whether  in  the  field,  the  camp,  or 
the  hospital,  united  in  making  a  record  for  him  which 
any  man  in  the  country  might  be  proud  to  possess. 
Therefore,  in  view  of  his  character,  qualifications  and 
services  he  was  regarded  as  the  most  suitable  and  avail 
able  candidate  for  the  gubernatorial  chair,  in  the  ranks 
of  loyal  citizens,  and,  although  there  seemed  to  be  a 
formal  withdrawing  of  his  name,  the  people  were  deter 
mined  to  restore  it,  and  the  public  sentiment  in  all 
portions  of  the  State,  was  to  renominate  and  re-elect 
him  without  regard  to  his  own  wishes.  The  great 
pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him,  not  only  by  the 
men  in  the  field,  who  filled  the  mails  with  appeals  to 
him  to  continue  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the  loyal 
people  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  that  his  great  work 
of  assisting  to  crush  the  rebellion  and  save  the  Union, 
in  which  he  was  engaged  with  all  the  enthusiasm  and 
strength  he  could  command,  was  unfinished,  and  that  it 
was  his  duty  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  his  friends. 

Reconsidering  his  determination  and  leaving  the  mat- 


BIOGRAPHY.  57 

ter  in  the  hands  of  his  friends,  Governor  Curtin  was 
renominated  by  the  convention  which  met  at  Pittsbnrg 
on  Wednesday,  August  6,  1863,  the  vote  being  almost 
unanimous.  Notwithstanding  his  apparent  broken 
health,  Governor  Curtin  made  a  personal  canvass,  and  in 
all  portions  of  the  State  the  enthusiasm  was  remarkable. 
It  is  true  there  was  a  feeling  of  intense  political  bitter 
ness  prevailing  on  the  part  of  some  who  sympathized 
with  the  Southern  Confederacy,  but  the  great  patriotic 
element,  powerful  and  determined,  in  behalf  of  the 
Governor  was  active,  vigilant  and  aggressive.  That 
political  campaign  of  1863  was  an  ovation  of  eloquence 
and  patriotism,  and  the  addresses,  not  only  by  the  Gov 
ernor,  but  those  of  his  friends,  were  remarkable  specimens 
of  campaign  oratory.  As  previously  stated,  thousands 
of  voters  were  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Commonwealth, 
facing  a  defiant  foe,  but  they,  almost  unanimously, 
favored  the  re-election  of  the  War  Governor.  Re-elected 
by  a  majority  of  over  15,000  votes,  the  rejoicing  of  those 
who  were  loyal  to  the  government  was  not  alone  con 
fined  to  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  but  the  entire  North 
expressed  its  appreciation  of  the  success  of  the  one  great 
Republican  Executive  of  the  loyal  States. 

During  the  entire  period  of  the  war  the  reputation  of 
Pennsylvania  for  promptness  in  furnishing  troops,  when 
called  for  by  the  national  government,  was  steadily 
maintained.  And  while  Governor  Curtin  was  zealous 
in  the  nation's  cause,  he  did  not  forget  that  the  great 
State  over  which  he  presided  was  an  empire  in  itself, 
and  that  its  vast  wealth  and  resources  were  constantly 
tempting  the  enemy  to  devastate  it.  He  never  asked 
that  the  armies  in  the  field  should  be  diminished  to  pro 
tect  the  State,  or  maintain  its  authority  ;  but  while 


5  ANDREW  0.  CUR  TIN. 

promptly  forwarding  troops  to  the  front  as  fast  as  called 
for,  he  was  always  anxious  to  raise  forces  for  local  pro 
tection  in  addition  to  these. 

It  was  on  account  of  this  vigilance  and  self-sacrificing 
devotion,  that  he  came  to  be  called  the  "  War  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania,"  a  title  as  appropriate  as  it  was  merited, 
and  which  never  forsook  him. 


IV. 

Governor  Curtin's  second  election  occurred  in  October 
of  1863.  New  York  was  to  follow  with  her  Guber 
natorial  contest  in  November,  1864.  Governor  Curtin 
was  invited  to  speak  in  that  State  by  the  Republican 
committee.  He  invited  Colonel  Biddle  Roberts,  of 
Pittsburg,  and  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure  to  accompany 
him.  New  York  was  in  doubt,  and  great  anxiety  was 
felt  by  the  friends  of  the  Union  as  to  the  result  therein, 
for  it  was  a  dark  period  in  the  struggle,  and,  to  hold 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York  firm  to  the  cause,  was  con 
sidered  of  the  greatest  importance.  The  first  meeting 
was  held  in  Elmira.  The  vast  building  was  packed, 
containing  many  thousands  of  excited  and  anxious 
people  to  hear  the  "  Great  War  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania."  The  scene  was  wonderful  ;  the  mighty  con 
course  of  eager,  excited  people,  while  Governor  Curtin, 
standing  drawn  to  his  full  majestic  height,  with  his 
right  arm  raised,  his  face  aglow  with  the  fire  of  deter 
mination,  like  a  war  god,  thundered  out :  "  I  have  lashed 
the  Keystone  to  this  rebel  craft,  and  by  the  eternal  God, 
I  will  fight  her  while  I  have  a  man  or  a  dollar  left" 

The  roar  of  applause  may  be  imagined.  It  was  the 
acclaim  of  a  great  and  true  people  who  approved  the 
utterance  and  caught  the  sacred  fire  that  glowed  in  the 
speaker's  own  heart.  The  Empire  State  was  saved  to 
the  Union  cause. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  triumphant  re-election  of 
Governor  Curtin  strengthened  the  Union  sentiment  and 
encouraged  the  armies  in  the  field.  And  no  one  was 

(59) 


60  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

more  pleased  over  the  result  than  President  Lincoln, 
who  regarded  him  as  his  right-hand  support.  But  his 
continued  ill-health  was  a  source  of  solicitude  to  the 
President  and  the  loyal  element.  In  1864  ne  was  so 
much  reduced  by  sickness  that  his  life  was  despaired  of; 
and  in  November  of  that  year  he  was  ordered  by  his 
physicians  to  spend  the  severe  winter  months  in  the 
island  of  Cuba,  and  thither  he  sailed.  The  visit,  fortu 
nately,  did  him  much  good,  and  he  returned  home 
greatly  improved  in  health  and  sufficiently  recuperated 
to  resume  his  active  duties  in  the  Executive  Department. 

Although  the  trusted  friend  and  adviser  of  the  Presi 
dent,  Governor  Curtin  did  not  hesitate  to  criticise  any 
act  of  the  Administration,  or  its  representatives  at 
Washington,  which  did  not  strike  him  as  fair  and  just. 
He  was  bold,  fearless  and  intensely  loyal ;  always  the 
champion  of  his  people,  and  their  defender  whenever  it 
became  necessary  to  step  between  them  and  the  encroach 
ment  upon  their  rights  by  the  civil  and  military  power. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  excessive  quota 
of  Pennsylvania  under  the  call  for  more  troops,  he 
addressed  to  President  Lincoln  a  long  and  pungent  letter 
ventilating  the  morality,  common  sense  and  arithmetic 
of  the  Provost  Marshal  General's  Office.  He  complained 
that  while  the  enrollment  act  provided  that  in  assigning 
the  quota  of  any  given  district,  the  number  of  men  that 
had  been  furnished,  and  the  period  of  their  service, 
should  be  taken  into  consideration,  the  government  had 
taken  account  of  the  number  of  men  and  the  term  of 
their  enlistment.  It  wras  this  misconstruction  of  the  law 
which,  in  his  opinion,  had  thrown  the  War  Department 
into  inextricable  confusion,  that  had  only  been  enhanced 
by  the  "  numerous  and  contradictory  orders  and  long 


FHOCKAPIIY.  6 1 

essays  "  which  it  had  occasioned.  Of  course  it  would 
be  impossible  to  arrive  at  more  than  an  approximate 
estimate  of  the  period  of  service  of  a  thousand  different 
men.  This  Governor  Curtin  admitted  ;  but  he  pointedly 
argued  that  surely  every  reasonable  man  could  say  for 
himself  whether  he  had  found  "  that  getting  one  pair 
of  boots  for  three  years,  was  practically  equivalent  to 
getting  three  pairs  of  boots  for  one  year."  The  vis 
ionary  character  of  the  system  on  which  they  proceeded 
could  not  be  better  illustrated  than  by  the  result  at 
which  they  had  arrived  on  that  occasion.  The  quota  of 
Pennsylvania  on  the  previous  call  had  been  proclaimed, 
as  61,700  ;  while  her  quota  to  make  up  deficiencies 
under  that  same  call  was  also  announced  to  be  66,999 
men.  It  was  simultaneously  promulgated  that  the  quota 
of  the  Western  District  had  on  revision  been  fixed  at 
22,543,  which  would  make  that  of  the  whole  State 
about  44,000 ;  and  later  on  it  was  announced  further, 
that  the  quota  of  the  Western  District  was  25,512,  and 
that  of  the  \vhole  State  49,583.  All  of  these  changes 
being  caused  by  no  intervening  circumstances  that  the 
Governor  was  aware  of.  In  fact,  he  said  the  quota  on 
that  call  had  been  filled,  and  there  could  be  no  deficiency 
to  be  supplied.  The  plan  was  unjust  to  the  districts 
and  to  the  government.  It  wholly  ignored  the  losses 
of  men  by  desertion,  sickness,  death  and  casualties. 
These  were  greater  during  the  first  year  of  service  than 
afterward.  A  town  which  had  furnished  3000  men  for 
one  year,  had  probably  lost  three-fifths  of  them  from 
these  causes  before  the  expiration  of  their  term.  An 
other  equal  town  which  had  furnished  1000  men  for 
three  years  might,  before  the  expiration  of  that  term, 
have  lost  seventeen-twentieths  of  them.  The  first  town 


62  A  \PREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

will  have  thus  given  1600  men  to  the  country,  the  second 
but  850.  The  Governor  held  there  was  no  equality  in 
this.  The  exhaustion  of  the  industrial  population  of 
the  two  towns  was  in  very  unequal  proportions.  As  to 
the  government :  The  government  had  in  the  first  case 
the  actual  service  during  the  whole  year  of  1400 
men  ;  in  the  second  case  the  actual  service  of,  say, 
400  men  during  the  whole  first  year,  of  probably  not 
more  than  200  during  the  whole  second  year  and, 
say,  150  men  at  most  during  the  whole  third  year. 
He  also  rightly  claimed  that  the  provision  of  the 
enrollment  act  thus  interpreted  was  set  aside  months 
prior  by  subsequent  enactments.  The  amendment  of 
February  24,  1864,  provided  that  the  quota  of  each  sub- 
district  should  be  as  nearly  as  possible  in  proportion  to 
the  number  of  men  resident  therein  liable  to  military 
service,  taking  into  account  the  number  of  men  already 
furnished.  Both  the  period  of  their  service  and  the  term 
of  their  enlistment  was  tacitly  ignored  ;  while  again,  the 
amendment  of  the  following  July  fixed  one  year  as  the 
term  of  service  for  a  drafted  man,  making  that  the  unit  of 
measure.  Volunteers  for  not  less  than  that  term  were  to 
be  credited  to  their  localities  on  the  quota  and  receive  a 
certain  bounty  from  the  government.  Such  of  them  as 
chose  to  enlist  for  longer  terms  received  further 'bounties 
from  the  government,  but  so  far  as  regards  the  increased 
term  beyond  one  year  were  not  to  be  credited  on  the 
quota  but  left  on  the  same  footing  that  all  volunteers 
were  on  before  the  act  of  1863.  What  the  people  com 
plained  of  was  not  the  number  of  men  demanded,  but 
the  shuffling,  equivocal,  incomprehensible  way  in  which 
the  government  made  its  wants  known.  The  responsi 
bility  for  this  method  of  procedure  was  justly  laid  at  the 


BIOGRAPHY.  63 

door  of  Secretary  Stan  ton  rather  than  the  President  or 
the  Provost  Marshal  General.  It  was  the  former  who, 
with  a  scratch  of  his  pen,  ruled  the  War  Department 
and  allowed  no  rival  near  his  throne. 

In  the  correspondence  upon  this  subject  Governor 
Curtin  did  not  mince  words.  He  insisted  that  Secretary 
Stanton's  subordinates  were  wholly  disregarding  the  act 
of  February,  1864,  that  they  were  proceeding  in  open 
and  direct  violation  of  it,  and  thus  creating  naturally 
great  confusion  and  uncertainty  among  the  people.  An 
nouncing  on  the  one  hand  that,  although  a  three-years' 
man  counts  only  as  a  one-year's  man  toward  the  quota 
on  which  he  volunteers,  yet  that  he  shall  be  counted  as 
three  one-year's  men  toward  the  quota  on  a  future  call. 
This  was  done  directly  in  the  teeth  of  the  law.  On  the 
other  hand  they  ciphered  out  a  deficiency  on  this  call  by 
counting  three  one-year's  men  as  only  equivalent  to  one 
three-years'  man,  which  was  equally  against  law.  The 
Governor  insisted  that  the  quota  of  Pennsylvania  under 
the  call  of  July  was  filled  in  accordance  with  the  law  by 
men  to  serve  for  not  less  than  one  year.  The  term  of 
service  of  those  men  had  not  yet  half  expired  and  yet 
the  subordinates  of  the  Secretary  of  War  were  threaten 
ing  a  draft  to  fill  an  alleged  deficiency  on  that  very  call, 
the  existence  of  which  they  attempted  to  make  out  by 
persisting  in  their  unlawful  and  unsubstantial  theories 
and  calculations. 

The  Governor  and  people  of  Pennsylvania  knew  that 
the  government  required  more  men ;  that  they  were 
ready  to  furnish  them — heavy  as  the  burden  had  become 
on  the  industrial  population — but  they  insisted  that  the 
requirement  be  made  in  the  clear  and  definite  shape 
which  the  law  provided  for,  when  it  would  be  cheerfully 


64  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

complied  with,  but  they  would  not  tolerate  that  the  sub 
ordinates  of  the  War  Department  should  be  permitted 
longer  to  pursue  the  system  of  substituting  for  the  law 
an  eccentric  plan  of  their  own. 

On  behalf  of  the  freemen  of  the  commonwealth,  who 
had  always  given  a  cheerful  and  hearty  support  to  the 
national  government  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  for 
the  Union,  the  Governor  emphatically  insisted  that 
Secretary  Stanton  enforce  upon  his  subordinates  that 
obedience  to  the  law,  which  he,  as  well  as  they  and  all 
others,  owed.  It  was  of  evil  example — it  tended  to 
enfeeble,  nay  to  destroy,  the  just  power  of  the  govern 
ment — that  he  should  not  suffer  his  officers  to  treat  with 
open  contempt  any  acts  of  Congress,  and  especially  those 
which  he  had  himself  approved,  and  which  regulated  a 
matter  of  such  deep  and  delicate  moment  as  the  enforc 
ing  a  draft  for  the  military  service. 

While  this  sharp  criticism  did  not  disturb  the  equa 
nimity  of  President  Lincoln,  it  excited  the  animosity  of 
Secretary  Stanton,  who  was  both  sensitive  and  dicta 
torial.  But,  finding  that  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania 
did  not  fear  him  and  could  not  be  frightened  by  his 
brusque  and  imperial  manners,  the  Secretary  subsided 
to  a  certain  extent  and  treated  the  great  "  War  Gover 
nor  "  with  respect.  The  most  pleasant  relations,  how 
ever,  continued  between  Governor  Curtin  and  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  they  existed  until  the  latter's  thread  of  life 
was  severed  by  the  assassin's  bullet. 


V. 

At  the  National  Convention  held  at  Chicago,  in  1868, 
Mr.  Cnrtin's  name  was  presented  by  the  Pennsylvania 
delegation  as  their  choice  for  vice-president  on  the 
ticket  with  General  Grant.  Owing  to  the  fact  that 
Pennsylvania  was  sufficiently  sure  that  year,  while  In 
diana  was  not,  Schuyler  Col  fax,  of  the  latter  State,  was 
given  the  nomination.  During  that  Presidential  contest, 
however,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  election  of  his 
great  friend  and  admirer.  In  the  canvass  he  had  lost 
none  of  his  former  fire  and  eloquence,  and  no  one  so 
well  succeeded  in  arousing  enthusiasm  for  the  hero  of 
Appomattox.  It  was  naturally  expected,  therefore,  that 
when  General  Grant  assumed  the  reins  of  office,  that 
Governor  Curtin  would  be  gratefully  remembered. 
Shortly  after  his  inauguration  President  Grant  nomi 
nated  Mr.  Curtin  as  Minister  to  Russia,  and  the  nomi 
nation  was  promptly  confirmed.  The  Russian  mission 
had  always  been  considered  one  of  the  most  important 
positions  in  the  gift  of  the  President  At  this  particular 
time  it  was  especially  the  case.  For  several  years  the 
American  government  had  been  badly  misrepresented  at 
St.  Petersburg  and  it  was  necessary  that  a  gentleman 
like  Governor  Curtin,  whose  attractive,  affable  manners, 
large  experience  in  public  affairs,  undeviating  devotion 
to  the  interests  of  his  country,  fitted  him  most  eminently 
to  represent  the  United  States  at  the  Russian  court. 
The  people  of  Russia  and  America  had  always  been 
friends,  and  during  the  struggle  for  the  Union  it  was 
Russia  whose  sympathies  for  the  loyal  North  kept  in 
5  (65) 


66  ANDREW  C.  CURTIX. 

check  the  clamors  of  England  and  France  to  recognize 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  It  was  not*  strange,  there 
fore,  that  when  the  war  had  ceased,  the  people  living 
under  the  only  true  free  government  in  the  world,  and 
the  people  living  under  the  greatest  monarchical  govern 
ment  in  the  world,  should  have  been  such  devoted  friends. 

His  appointment  gave  great  satisfaction  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  the  Legislature  of  the  State  passed  a  joint 
resolution  commending  it  and  conveying  the  best  wishes 
of  the  members  to  Mr.  Curtin  for  his  restoration  to 
health,  so  much  impaired  by  his  work  and  constant 
labors  in  behalf  of  the  commonwealth,  and  declaring 
that  u  he  has  and  always  will  receive  the  grateful  assur 
ances  of  the  high  regard  and  esteem  in  which  he  is  held 
by  his  fellow-citizens,  without  regard  to  partisan  views, 
on  account  of  the  noble  and  self-sacrificing  spirit  dis 
played  by  him,  alike  in  the  hours  of  victory  and  defeat, 
and  the  fidelity  with  which  he  executed  the  solemn  and 
responsible  trust  committed  to  his  hands  by  his  fellow- 
citizens."  Similar  resolutions  were  passed  by  the  city 
councils  of  Philadelphia  who  tendered  Governor  Curtin 
a  public  reception  in  Independence  Hall.  In  addition 
to  this  marked  evidence  of  devotion,  the  leading  citizens, 
without  distinction  of  party,  united  in  giving  him  a 
banquet  at  the  Academy  of  Music,  which  has  never  been 
excelled  for  elegance  and  every  manifestation  of  popular 
affection  and  esteem.  Fresh  from  that  hall,  around 
whose  walls  clustered  the  grandest  historic  and  patriotic 
associations,  he  was  met  in  the  magnificent  banquet 
room  by  the  most  prominent  men  in  every  walk  of  life 
who  made  the  welkin  ring  to  his  honor. 

Everything  being  in  readiness,  Minister  Curtin  hav 
ing  been  accompanied  to  New  York  City  by  a  committee 


BIOGRAPHY.  67 

of  citizens,  he  sailed  for  Europe  on  June  u,  1869,  bear 
ing  the  grateful  good  wishes  of  all  his  countrymen.  He 
was  received  in  England  with  marked  respect,  and  all 
along  the  way  to  St.  Petersburg  his  journey  was  a 
triumphant  one.  His  fame  as  the  u  War  Governor  "  of 
Pennsylvania  had  preceded  him,  and  there  was  a  strong 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  see  and  welcome  him. 
He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  daughters.  His 
diplomatic  services  at  the  court  of  the  czar  were  in  a 
high  degree  distinguished,  and  he  did  very  much  to  pro 
mote  the  traditional  friendship  and  courtesy  between  the 
two  nations.  He  won  the  esteem  of  the  Emperor  Alex 
ander.  Governor  and  Mrs.  Curtin  well  maintained  the 
honor  of  the  United  States  at  St.  Petersburg. 

Of  the  story  of  that  mission,  unsolicited  by  him,  it 
is  not  necessary  to  go  into  further  details  than  narrated 
in  another  portion  of  this  work.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
no  representative  of  the  United  States  was  more  cordially 
received,  more  hospitably  entertained  and  more  gra 
ciously  treated.  There  is  one  incident  connected  there 
with  which  it  is  proper  here  to  state,  and  that  is,  that 
while  Minister  to  Russia,  a  cruel  edict  was  issued  by  that 
government,  banishing  the  Jews  of  Bessa-Barabia.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  cabled  Minister  Curtin  to 
use  his  best  offices,  which  he  not  only  promptly  did,  but 
interested  himself  specially  and  went  outside  of  his  offi 
cial  duties  to  effect  the  desired  result,  which  he  accom 
plished  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner.  The  edict  was 
recalled,  the  Russian  Jews  not  banished  ;  and  the  act,  so 
cheerfully  and  humanely  done,  was  regarded  by  the 
friends  of  humanity  everywhere  as  worthy  of  the  highest 
appreciation. 

Prior  to  his  leaving  Russia,  the  emperor  proposed  to 


68  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

present  him  with  his  portrait,  in  remembrance  of  the 
good  sentiment  that  he  had  always  manifested  toward 
Russia,  as  well  as  an  evidence  of  the  favorable  impres 
sion  created  by  him,  and  the  warm  friendship  felt  for 
Governor  Cnrtin.  This  portrait,  as  well  as  that  of  Prince 
Gortschakoff,  was  subsequently  forwarded  to  America 
and  prominently  placed  on  the  walls  of  Governor  Cur- 
tin's  pretty  residence  in  Bellefonte. 

To  an  old  campaigner  the  honorable  ease  of  such  a 
post  was  a  great  delight,  and  it  brought  Mr.  Curtin  not 
only  rest  and  congenial  occupation,  but  the  restored 
health  which  he  greatly  needed.  However,  the  course 
of  political  events  at  home  distressed  him.  He  had  sup 
ported  the  war  for  the  union  and  peace>  not  for  partisan 
oppression  or  personal  aggrandizement.  He  saw  the 
party  he  had  helped  to  organize  and  lead  to  victory 
abandoned  to  the  control  of  selfish  schemers.  His 
sympathies  were  with  the  liberal  movement  in  which  so 
many  of  his  former  friends  and  associates  had  embarked, 
and  to  secure  liberty  of  political  action  he  resigned  his 
mission  in  the  summer  of  1872.  On  his  way  home  to 
America,  Minister  Curtin  was  met  both  at  Paris  and 
L/ondon  by  authorized  offers  of  either  of  those  missions 
if  he  would  remain  abroad,  but  he  declined  to  entertain 
the  proposition. 

Mr.  Curtin's  return  to  the  United  States  revived  the 
interest  felt  in  him  by  his  friends,  and  the  report  of  his 
arrival  was  heralded  far  and  wide.  His  absence,  as 
stated,  had  enabled  his  political  antagonists  in  the  State 
to  gain  a  foot-hold  that  redounded  to  his  disadvantage. 
These  feared  him  because  of  his  popularity  with  the 
people  and  they,  therefore,  sought  every  opportunity  to 
cripple  his  strength,  that  they  might  profit  thereby.  It 


BIOGRAPHY.  69 

was  not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  that  he  finally 
became  identified  with  the  Liberal  Republican  party. 
Although  disappointed,  with  many  others,  in  the  out 
come  of  the  Cincinnati  Convention  of  that  year,  he  threw 
his  influence  in  support  of  the  movement. 

At  this  period  there  was  much  discussion  about  the 
propriety  of  calling  a  convention  to  revise  the  State 
Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  which  had  not  undergone 
revision  since  1838,  and  Governor  Curtin  was  appealed 
to  for  his  opinion  on  the  subject,  which  he  cheerfully 
gave  in  a  lengthy  letter,  published  at  the  time  and  which 
had  great  weight  in  determining  the  action  of  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  in  regard  thereto.  When  it  was  decided 
to  call  a  convention,  public  attention  was  turned  to  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  as  a  suitable  person  to  be  made  a  representa 
tive  therein.  The  movement  met  with  great  favor  and  he 
was  nominated  as  a  delegate-at-large  by  the  liberal 
Republicans.  At  the  same  time  ex-Governor  Bigler 
voluntarily  retired  from  the  Democratic  ticket  to  enable 
that  party  to  tender  Governor  Curtin  a  unanimous 
nomination,  resulting  in  his  election,  and  also  carrying 
him  into  the  fold  of  the  Democracy.  Governor  Curtin's 
exceptional  experience  in  State  government  made  him 
one  of  the  most  practical  and  useful  members  of  that 
body,  and  many  of  the  most  beneficent  reforms  of  the  new 
fundamental  law  are  of  his  creation.  The  debates  and 
journals  of  that  convention  contain  numerous  references 
showing  the  labors  and  ability  of  the  War  Governor. 
Especially  was  this  the  case  in  the  able  and  timely  speech 
"  On  the  rights  of  the  people  in  the  effort  to  centralize 
power,  and  the  dangers  of  restricting  the  representatives 
of  the  masses."  As  is  well  known,  the  revised  constitu 
tion  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of  over  one  hundred 


70  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

thousand.  It  lias  formed  the  basis  or  model  for  the 
various  revisions  of  the  different  State  constitutions  in 
the  Union,  and  fully  exemplifies  the  result  of  the  labors 
of  that  remarkable  body  of  able  men,  one  of  whose  lead 
ers  was  Andrew  Gregg  Curtin. 

Once  again  Governor  Curtin  retired  to  domestic  life ; 
but  a  man  of  his  prominence  and  ability  could  not  be  per 
mitted  thus  to  hide  himself  away  from  public  view  and 
public  action.  Of  course  now  and  then  he  appeared  at 
some  soldiers'  reunion,  and  especially  at  those  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Reserves,  of  which  organization  he  was  president, 
where  he  was  wont  to  keep  up  their  remembrances  of  the 
dark  days  of  the  Republic,  of  their  participation  in  the 
struggle  for  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  while  with 
his  old-time  vigor  and  eloquence  he  regaled  his  comrades 
with  the  scenes  and  acts  of  other  and  momentous  times. 
But,  wearying  of  the  quiet  life  and  longing  for  the 
political  field,  it  was  not  surprising  that  when  in  1878 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  Centre  District  nominated 
him  for  Congress,  that  he  accepted  the  same.  This  was 
at  the  time  when  the  greenback  craze  was  at  its  height, 
and  through  a  combination  of  disgruntled  partisans 
from  all  ranks,  he  was  ostensibly  defeated  for  the  position. 
There  being,  however,  evidence  of  fraud  in  the  election, 
he  made  a  contest  before  the  National  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  but  he  was  confronted  by  the  opposition  of 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  ex-vice-president  of  the  South 
ern  Confederacy  and  others  of  that  ilk,  who  were  then 
in  Congress  and  controlled  its  actions,  as  "  reconstructed 
rebels."  To  them  such  a  man  as  Andrew  G.  Curtin 
was  very  distasteful,  and  they  gratified  their  resentment 
by  defeating  him  for  the  place  which  rightfully  belonged 
to  him.  Their  animosity  was  engendered  by  his  efforts 


BIOGRAPHY.  71 

to  sustain  the  government  during  the  war  in  1862,  by 
calling  the  Altoona  Conference  of  Governors,  and  in 
spiring  the  nation  by  his  eloquence  to  renewed  efforts 
for  its  safety. 

But  Governor  Curtin  bided  his  time.  A  man  of  his 
transcendent  abilities,  eloquence,  patriotism,  and  efforts 
in  behalf  of  the  people,  could  not  be  crushed.  He  was 
renominated  in  1880  and  triumphantly  elected,  and  in 
two  successive  contests  thereafter  he  was  returned  to 
Congress  from  the  same  district  by  large  majorities. 
For  many  years  he  was  chairman  of  the  Foreign  Affairs 
Committee,  whose  labors  have  always  been  arduous  and 
appreciated  by  all  having  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
the  government.  He  was  a  close  friend  of  President 
Cleveland  during  his  first  administration,  and  was  influ 
ential  upon  the  floor  of  the  lower  House,  while  his 
brilliant  oratory  has  left  upon  the  pages  of  the  Congres 
sional  Record  his  remarkable  statements  upon  all  sub 
jects  of  moment  and  of  interest  to  the  nation  at  large. 

During  his  six  years  of  service  in  Congress  he  was 
one  of  the  most  popular  men  in  that  body,  and  the 
favorite  in  every  social  circle.  Strangers  visiting  the 
national  capital  always  desired  to  have  him  pointed  out 
to  them,  that  they  might,  on  their  return  home,  say  that 
they  had  seen  Pennsylvania's  great  "  War  Governor,'* 
the  man  whose  fame  filled  all  the  land. 

Retiring  from  Congress  in  March,  1887,  Governor 
Curtin  returned  to  his  mountain  home.  He  was  then 
upward  of  seventy-one  years  of  age,  and  he  naturally 
sought  repose  and  quiet.  This  he  hoped  to  enjoy  in  the 
midst  of  his  neighbors  and  friends,  and  in  the  seclusion 
of  his  splendid  library,  which  was  filled  with  the  choicest 
literature  of  the  day.  In  the  midst  of  his  charming 


72  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

family  he  always  appeared  at  his  best,  for  it  was  there 
that  his  great  qualities  of  heart  and  mind  manifested 
themselves  in  the  highest.  Selfishness  was  an  unknown 
quantity  in  his  organization,  consequently  his  hospitality 
was  unbounded,  and  his  sympathies  went  out  for  suffer 
ing  humanity.  We  have  seen  how  boldly  this  principle 
stood  out  in  his  sublime  efforts  in  behalf  of  those  whom 
the  civil  war  made  miserable.  The  humblest  "  Knight 
of  the  Road "  was  never  turned  away  empty-handed 
from  his  door,  and  he  had  as  warm  and  steadfast  friends 
among  this  humble  and  despised  class  as  he  had  among 
the  rich  and  the  powerful.  Of  a  social  and  genial 
disposition,  he  was  always  happiest  when  he  had  some 
of  his  old  friends  and  acquaintances  assembled  around 
him.  Full  of  anecdote  and  reminiscence,  he  dearly 
loved  to  recount  the  incidents  of  the  past  and  illustrate 
occurrences  by  humorous  applications. 


VI. 

In  the  quietude  of  his  Bellefonte  home,  Governor  Cur- 
tin  spent  the  evening  of  his  life,  and  watched  the  twilight 
deepen  into  darkness.  Gradually  his  robust  constitution 
gave  way  to  the  weight  of  years.  In  the  autumn  of 
1894  he  was  prostrated  by  a  severe  attack  of  illness,  - 
caused  by  nervous  troubles,  brought  on  by  mental  strain 
and  a  general  breaking  up  of  the  system,  superinduced 
by  old  age,  and  after  lingering  for  several  days  he  died 
at  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  October  7,  1894.  Thus 
passed  away  in  his  eightieth  year,  not  only  one  of  the 
most  prominent  characters  of  the  times,  but  one  of  the 
ablest  governors  who  ever  presided  over  the  destinies  of 
the  State.  His  death,  though  not  unexpected,  caused  a 
profound  sensation,  and  the  sad  news  was  flashed  to 
every  corner  of  the  Republic  and  across  the  seas  to  dis 
tant  lands. 

Since  the  death  of  Lincoln,  perchance  no  death  in  the 
Union  called  out  more  expressions  of  profound  regret 
than  did  the  death  of  Governor  Curtin.  There  was  not 
a  newspaper  published  in  the  United  States  that  did  not 
pay  him  some  tribute  as  one  of  the  heroic  characters  of 
the  period  of  the  Rebellion  so  fast  passing  away.  Every 
where  in  the  grand  old  commonwealth  did  the  men  who 
went  through  that  struggle  for  the  Union  cease  their 
labors,  and,  gathering  together  at  their  Posts,  recall  to 
mind  the  eminent  services  of  the  "War  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,"  and  expressing  in  the  warmest  terms 
their  love  and  veneration  for  the  dead,  and  their  sym 
pathy  for  the  living.  Many  messages  of  condolence 

(73) 


74  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

were  received  by  the  family,  and  the  burgess  of  the  town 
of  Bellefonte  issued  a  proclamation  lamenting  the  loss 
to  the  town,  while  all  of  the  business  houses  were 
immediately  draped  in  mourning.  Governor  Pattison 
sent  forth  the  following  proclamation  announcing  the 
sad  event,  in  which  he  recounted  Governor  Curtin's 
eminent  services  to  the  commonwealth  : 

"It  is  with  profound  sorrow  that  I  announce  to  the 
citizens  of  this  commonwealth  the  death  of  Andrew 
Gregg  Curtin,  which  occurred  at  his  home  in  Bellefonte, 
at  five  o'clock  a.  in.,  this  seventh  day  of  October,  A.  D. 
1894.  His  death  leaves  surviving  but  a  single  one  of 
my  predecessors  in  the  Executive  Office  of  Pennsylvania. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  in  the  long  line 
of  illustrious  men.  Dying  at  the  age  of  fourscore  years, 
until  lately  his  eye  was  not  dim  nor  his  natural  force 
abated,  and  few,  if  any,  of  the  citizens  of  our  State  ever 
maintained  so  lasting  a  hold  upon  the  affections  of  its 
people.  Native  of  Pennsylvania,  he  sprang  from  a  race 
of  hardy  men  who  left  their  impress  upon  its  citizenship 
and  who  had  been  alike  conspicuous  in  public  affairs 
and  in  the  development  of  the  material  interests  of  the 
commonwealth.  For  more  than  half  a  century  he  was 
a  member  of  the  learned  profession  of  the  law,  and 
though  at  times  his  towering  prominence  in  politics 
overshadowed  his  fame  as  an  advocate,  his  legal  training, 
during  his  entire  public  career,  was  of  inestimable 
advantage  to  himself  and  benefit  to  the  State. 

"  Conspicuous  as  the  possible  candidate  of  his  party  for 
governor  as  early  as  1854,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
the  Commonwealth  to  Governor  Pollock,  and  with  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  ordinary  duties  of  that  office  he  combined 
the  direction  and  management  of  the  public  school  system 


BIOGRAPHY.  75 

of  the  State,  then  in  a  somewhat  formative  condition, 
and  which  gained  great  impulse  toward  its  future  useful 
ness  from  his  wise  counsel.  He  was  a  most  potent  factor 
in  determining  the  political  conditions  of  the  country 
during  the  period  of  the  beginning  and  prosecution  of 
the  war  for  the  Union,  and  for  six  years  he  discharged 
the  duties  of  the  office  of  governor,  to  which  he  had 
been  elected,  and  re-elected,  in  a  manner  that  won  for 
him,  above  all  his  contemporaries,  the  title  of  '  The 
War  Governor.'  He  was  conspicuously  helpful  to  the 
federal  government  and  President  Lincoln,  and  while 
always  jealous  of  the  honor  and  regardful  of  the  dignity 
of  his  own  commonwealth,  he  aided  largely  to  make  the 
part  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  great  struggle  second  to  that 
of  no  other  State  in  the  Union.  He  was  active  in  rais 
ing  and  equipping  troops,  and  the  splendid  organization 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves  was  owing  to  his  exer 
tions.  He  was  indefatigable  in  his  ministrations  for  the 
comfort  of  Pennsylvania's  soldiers  in  the  field,  on  the 
march,  in  the  camp  or  in  the  hospital.  No  personal  ser 
vice  in  this  behalf  was  too  exacting  for  him  to  render, 
and  again  and  again  his  presence  inspired  our  soldiery, 
and  his  sympathy  cheered  the  wives  and  children  of  the 
absent,  and  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  never 
returned.  To  him,  above  all  others,  the  State  is  indebted 
for  the  establishment  of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Schools, 
and  the  country  owes  to  him  the  splendid  example  of 
Pennsylvania's  care  for  the  children  of  her  soldier  dead. 
"  He  and  his  native  State  were  honored  by  his  appoint 
ment  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  one  of  the  great 
powers  of  Europe,  and  he  was  eminently  successful  in 
establishing  and  maintaining  the  most  cordial  relations  of 
Russia's  great  empire  with  our  Republic.  He  sat  an 


76  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

honored  member  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  which 
framed  our  present  fundamental  law.  %  He  represented 
with  distinction  one  of  the  principal  congressional  dis 
tricts  of  our  State  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the 
United  States,  and  when  he  retired  to  private  life  he 
was  followed  with  the  affectionate  regard  of  the  people 
of  all  parties  and  of  every  section  of  the  commonwealth, 
of  which  he  had  been  a  faithful  public  representative. 
His  presence  in  every  popular  assembly,  and  especially 
on  the  occasions  of  military  reunions,  was  always  the 
occasion  for  veneration  of  his  imposing  and  genial  per 
sonality." 

One  of  the  most  touching  allusions  to  his  memory 
was  made  by  his  life-long  friend,  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure, 
who  in  the  Times  of  the  eighth  of  October  said  :  "Just 
as  yesterday  morning's  sun  was  lifting  the  curtain  of 
night  in  the  east,  with  the  promise  of  the  brightest  of 
autumn  Sabbaths,  the  life  of  ANDREW  GREGG  CURTIN 
ended  in  that  dreamless  sleep  of  the  dead.  Measured 
only  by  his  great  public  record  that  is  rarely  equaled 
in  patriotic  achievement,  in  field  or  forum,  he  did  not 
die  untimely.  He  had  passed  the  period  allotted  to 
mortals  and  his  great  work  was  finished.  For  several 
years  he  has  rested  from  the  wearying  exactions  of  pub 
lic  affairs,  but  he  did  not  lag  superfluous  on  the  stage. 
His  interest  in  the  country  in  whose  annals  he  has 
written  a  most  illustrious  chapter,  was  never  lessened  ; 
and  his  life  closed  in  that  mellow  grandeur  of  ripened 
years,  with  all  the  cherished  affections  of  youth  and 
beloved  by  all  who  came  within  the  range  of  his 
acquaintance." 

The  funeral  of  Governor  Curtin  took  place  on  Wed 
nesday,  the  tenth  of  October.  In  every  respect  it  was 


BIOGRAPHY.  77 

one  befitting  the  memory  of  the  man  whose  life  had 
been  so  eventful,  and  potential  in  the  history  of  the 
State.  It  was  a  tribute  which  in  its  pathos  stands  un 
rivaled  in  the  annals  of  sorrow  of  the  Keystone  State. 
Properly,  the  family  consented  to  permit  a  military 
service,  and  Pennsylvania  ordered  an  appropriate  cor 
tege  for  the  one  who  had  been  its  stay  in  the  hour  of 
trial.  The  military  escort  detailed  by  the  Governor 
consisted  of  five  companies  from  the  i2th  Regiment  of 
the  National  Guard  ;  four  from  the  5th  ;  Battery  B,  of 
Pittsburg ;  and  the  Sheridan  Troop  of  Cavalry,  of 
Tyrone.  Ex-Governor  James  A.  Beaver,  of  Bellefonte, 
had  charge  of  the  funeral  arrangements,  and  they  were 
admirably  carried  out.  Everywhere  in  the  town  could 
be  seen  the  manifest  sorrow  of  the  people,  while  Gover 
nor  Pattison  and  staff,  with  those  of  Major  General 
Snowden,  and  Brigadier  Generals  Gobin  and  Wiley,  in 
addition  to  many  other  distinguished  men  from  all 
sections  of  the  State,  were  present  to  pay  their  last 
respects  to  the  distinguished  dead. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  Centre  County  Bar 
Association  held  a  memorial  service  in  the  court  house. 
Governor  Beaver  calling  together  the  notable  gathering 
explained  to  them  that  the  Bar  Association  had  appoin 
ted  a  committee  of  which  he  was  chairman,  regarding 
the  death  of  the  leader  and  the  oldest  member  of  the 
bar.  Judge  Furst  was  called  to  preside,  who,  upon 
taking  the  chair,  gave  the  honor  of  eulogy  to  those  of 
the  visitors  who  were  designated  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  the  departed. 

Colonel  William  B.  Mann,  of  Philadelphia,  seventy- 
nine  years  of  age  himself,  was  the  first  to  respond.  De 
spite  his  weight  of  years  he  began  in  a  clear  voice  to 


78  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

express  an  unnecessary  apology  for  his  consciousness  of 
his  inability  to  do  justice  to  the  occasion,  Nevertheless, 
he  paid  an  eloquent  and  touching  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  Governor  Curtin,  and  related  a  number  of  incidents  in 
his  life,  when  and  where  he  first  met  him,  and  how  he 
was  impressed  by  him.  "  Tall,  handsome,  beautiful,  he 
looked  like  an  intelligent  statesman  of  long  ago,  and 
turning  around  as  I  looked  at  him,  I  said  to  myself, 
'  How  much  he  reminds  me  of  Alcibiades  of  Athens,  as  I 
had  read  of  him.'  '  Colonel  Maun  was  followed  by 
Governor  Pattison,  who  spoke  in  his  usual  impressive 
manner,  stating  that  in  the  hour  of  greatest  trial  in  the 
history  of  the  country  Governor  Curtin  was  a  house 
hold  name  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  where  he  was 
reared.  That  he  was  of  marked  personal  appearance, 
he  inspired  people,  and  he  lives,  not  only  in  history,  but 
in  the  lives  of  men,  the  impression  he  made  was  simply 
the  inspiration  of  his  own  character  on  that  of  others. 
Honorable  John  Scott,  general  solicitor  for  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Railroad  Company,  and  Honorable  William  A.  Wal 
lace,  of  Clearfield,  Pa.,  made  noteworthy  addresses.  They 
were  followed  by  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure,  of  the  Phila 
delphia  Times,  who  paid  a  tribute  to  Mr.  Curtin's  memory 
in  an  oration  of  great  power  and  beauty.  Depicting  the 
character  of  his  deceased  friend,  whom  he  had  known 
and  loved  for  nearly  half  a  century,  he  spoke  feelingly 
of  the  dead  man's  characteristics  and  treated  fully  of  the 
conditions  under  which  he  created  the  famous  "  Penn 
sylvania  Reserves,"  and  without  a  precedent  to  guide 
him,  laid  down  the  policy  which  afterward  guided  the 
nation  through  the  struggle  of  civil  war.  He  closed  his 
eloquent  eulogy  over  the  bier  of  his  friend  in  these 
chaste  and  beautiful  words ; 


D IOCR  A  PHY.  79 

"  When  the  sun  passes  beyond  your  mountain  and 
sets  in  the  far  west,  we  call  it  night.  The  night  is 
come,  but  throughout  the  long  watches  of  the  night,  the 
god  of  day  throws  back  his  refulgence  upon  the  stars 
and  light  is  eternal,  and  so  of  a  life  like  that  of  Gover 
nor  Curtin.  We  bear  his  body  to  the  tomb  to-day,  but 
we  bury  not  his  memory.  We  bury  not  his  achieve 
ments,  his  records,  his  examples.  They  will  remain 
with  us,  lustrous  as  the  silver  stars  of  night,  that  never 
permit  darkness  to  come  upon  the  earth.  And  so  from 
generation  to  generation  in  Pennsylvania  will  the  mem 
ory  of  this  man  endure,  will  the  love  for  him  be 
perpetual,  and  as  those  who  come  generation  after 
generation  to  hear  the  story  of  his  greatness,  of  his 
devotion,  his  liberality,  his  humanity  toward  all  man 
kind,  he  will  dwell  in  the  sweet  memories  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  while  the  high  cliffs  of  his  mountain  home 
shall  stand  as  sentinels  around  his  tomb,  wherever  there 
shall  be  the  altar  and  worshiper  of  free  government, 
there  will  be  the  lovers  and  worshipers  of  the  memory 
of  Andrew  Gregg  Curtin." 

General  J.  P.  S.  Gobin,  of  Lebanon,  in  a  few  remarks 
eulogistic  of  the  deceased  statesman,  graphically  de 
scribed  how  Governor  Curtin  placed  in  his  hands  the 
colors  of  one  of  the  two  hundred  and  twelve  regiments 
which  composed  the  Pennsylvania  volunteers  during  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion. 

Memorial  services  at  the  court  house  had  scarcely 
ended  when  the  hour  of  noon  was  tolled  and  the  body  of 
the  dead  chief  was  carried  into  the  court  room  by  the 
hands  of  the  grizzled  veterans,  and  guarded  by  a  squad 
of  soldiers.  Across  the  casket  was  draped  the  American 
flag  ;  the  face  was  exposed  and  the  friends  and  neighbors 


8o  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

gazed  for  the  last  time  on  the  lineaments  so  dearly 
loved.  The  linger  of  death  had  touched  the  familiar 
countenance  kindly  ;  he  had  evidently  passed  away  with 
a  smile  on  his  face,  for  there  was  still  a  smile  on  his 
visage.  For  nearly  two  hours  a  stream  of  people  passed 
by  the  coffin,  some  in  tears,  others  in  affectionate  awe. 

The  religious  services  took  place  at  two  o'clock,  in  the 
charming  old  Curtin  mansion.  These  were  conducted 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Laurie,  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  Bellefonte,  where  the  Governor  had  worshiped, 
assisted  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  T.  H.  Robinson,  of  the  Western 
Theological  Seminary,  Allegheny,  who  was  Governor 
Curtin's  pastor  during  his  first  term  as  governor.  Dr. 
L,aurie  read  the  funeral  discourse  from  the  text :  "  And 
the  king  said  unto  his  servants,  Know  ye  not  that  a 
prince  and  a  great  man  has  fallen  this  day  in  Israel  ?" 
(2  Sam.  iii.  38.)  Meanwhile  the  funeral  procession  had 
been  arranged  in  line  under  the  direction  of  General 
Beaver.  It  was  headed  by  the  military  escort,  to  which 
reference  has  been  made.  Following  came  the  special 
escort  of  one  of  the  posts  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic,  under  charge  of  Colonel  Amos  Mullin,  after 
these  the  honorary  pall-bearers :  Governor  Pattison  and 
Judge  Dean,  Senator  Scott  and  Senator  Wallace,  Judge 
Brooke  and  General  Taylor,  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure  and 
Colonel  Mann,  Judge  Biddle  and  Colonel  McMichael, 
Judge  Furst  and  C.  C.  Humes,  Esq.,  and  General  Hast 
ings  and  Thomas  Collins.  Following  came  the  body 
with  the  active  pall-bearers,  consisting  of  representatives 
of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Sixteeners,  the  Pennsylvania 
Reserve  Corps,  and  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 
Then  came  the  members  of  the  family,  followed  by  the 
representatives  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Association, 


BIOGRAPHY.  8 1 

the  members  of  the  Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion, 
of  which  Governor  Curtin  was  the  only  honorary  mem 
ber  ;  representatives  of  the  Union  League  of  Philadel 
phia,  general  and  officers  of  the  National  Guard,  the 
Governor's  staff  and  staffs  of  the  brigadier  generals,  and 
other  officers  according  to  rank  ;  representatives  of  the 
Centre  County  Veterans'  Association,  followed  by  several 
Bar  Associations  of  Centre  County  and  adjoining  coun 
ties.  At  least  1200  of  the  citizens  of  Bellefonte  and 
vicinity  followed  in  the  pageant, — one  of  the  most  mag 
nificent  ever  seen  in  Central  Pennsylvania. 

Reaching  the  family  plot  in  the  Union  Cemetery,  the 
body  of  Governor  Curtin  was  laid  to  its  final  rest.  At 
the  grave  the  concluding  services  were  conducted  by 
Gregg  Post,  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  of  Bellefonte. 
At  the  conclusion,  three  volleys  were  fired  by  the  Na 
tional  Guard,  with  a  volley  from  the  battery  in  the 
adjacent  field.  Finally  the  bugle  sounded  "  taps,"  amid 
a  stillness  and  awe  which  filled  the  eyes  of  the  veterans, 
who  sorrowfully  felt  in  their  hearts  that  they  had  in 
verity  lost  a  "  friend." 


BY    HENRY    C.    HICKOK. 


^ 


William  Penn 
founded  his  Com 
monwealth  upon 
the  enlightened 
principle  that 
"That  which 
makes  a  good  con 
stitution  must  keep 
it,  viz  :  men  of  wis 
dom  and  virtue, 
qualities  that,  be 
cause  they  descend 
not  with  worldly 
inheritance,  must 
be  carefully  propa 
gated  by  a  virtuous 
education  of 
youth."  Passing  over  the  experimental  colonial  period 
when  seeds  were  planted  which  are  producing  fruit  to 
day,  we  come  to  the  Constitution  of  1790,  which  required 
the  establishment  of  schools  throughout  the  State  in  such 
a  manner  that  the  poor  might  "  be  taught  gratis."  This 
provision  of  the  Constitution  remained  inoperative  not 
withstanding  many  enlightened  efforts  to  the  contrary, 
until  1809,  when  a  law  was  passed  providing  that  the  chil 
dren  of  indigent  families,  after  being  reported  as  such  to 
the  assessors  and  registered,  could  be  taught  in  existing 

(82) 


HKNRY  C.  HICKOK. 


FREE  SCHOOLS  83 

schools,  and  the  tuition  bills  paid  out  of  the  county 
treasury.  The  badge  of  pauperism  made  this  plan 
odious  to  the  families  coming  within  its  provisions,  and 
only  a  small  percentage  of  the  children  for  whom  it  was 
intended  could  be  induced  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
opportunity  thus  offered.  It  was  practically  a  failure, 
and  resolute  efforts  were  made  by  the  friends  of  educa 
tion  and  successive  governors  for  the  ensuing  twenty- 
five  years  to  get  free  schools  established,  but  without 
success,  until  during  the  second  term  of  Governor 
George  Wolfe,  and  largely  owing  to  his  persistent  and 
determined  efforts  and  influence,  our  first  free  school  law 
was  enacted  in  1834. 

It  should  be  added  here  that  amongst  other  influential 
citizens  one  of  Governor  Wolfe's  staunchest  supporters  in 
school  matters  was  Robert  Vaux,  of  Philadelphia,  who 
is  entitled  to  more  credit  in  that  connection  than  has 
generally  been  accorded  to  him. 

The  Act  of  1834  had  been  preceded  in  1833  by  a 
special  report  by  Samuel  McKean,  Secretary  of  the  Com 
monwealth,  in  reply  to  a  resolution  of  the  House,  in 
which  he  denounced  in  vigorous  terms  the  objectionable 
character  and  utter  insufficiency  of  the  law  of  1809,  and 
the  imperious  necessity  for  a  general  system  of  educa 
tion  without  regard  to  class  distinctions. 

The  Act  of  1834  was  framed  mainly  by  Senator 
Samuel  Breck,  of  Philadelphia,  and  whilst  including 
manual  training  and  district  supervision  by  inspectors, 
was  as  a  whole  incongruous  and  impracticable.  It  did 
make  it  the  duty,  however,  of  school  directors  to  appoint 
u  capable  teachers  at  liberal  salaries."  It  also  established 
borough  and  township  school  districts,  differing  in  this 
respect  from  the  single  school  districts  of  other  States. 


84  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

This  form  of  organization  was  an  original  and  strong 
feature  of  our  Pennsylvania  school  policy^  and  has  been 
successively  adopted  by  twenty  other  States  of  the  Union, 
New  Jersey  being,  quite  recently,  the  latest  to  fall  into 
line.  Three  other  States  are  said  to  contemplate  adopt 
ing  our  plan  at  an  early  day.  Its  passage  raised  a  storm 
of  opposition,  and  at  the  next  session,  1835,  a  bill  to 
repeal  it  passed  the  Senate  by  a  large  majority,  and 
it  was  expected  to  pass  the  House  also  without  seri 
ous  objection.  When  the  bill  came  up  in  the  House, 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  a  member  from  Adams  County,  after 
an  invited  consultation  with  Governor  Wolfe,  and  at  his 
request,  took  the  floor  in  opposition  to  the  repeal,  show 
ing  by  an  arithmetical  calculation  that  the  free  schools 
would  cost  less  money  than  the  pauper  system,  and  fol 
lowing  it  up  by  what  he  himself  regarded  in  his  old 
age  as  the  most  effective  forensic  effort  of  his  life,  car 
ried  the  House  triumphantly  against  repeal,  and  left  to 
the  friends  of  education  a  statutory  basis  for  further 
aggressive  movements. 

Governor  Wolfe,  having  failed  of  re-election  owing 
to  a  split  in  his  party,  was  succeeded  by  Governor 
Joseph  Rituer,  a  staunch  and  uncompromising  school 
man.  • 

In  1836  Dr.  George  Smith,  Senator  from  Delaware 
County,  and  chairman  of  the  joint  committee  of  the  two 
Houses  on  education,  prepared  and  reported  and  suc 
ceeded  in  passing  a  revision  of  the  school  law  of  1834, 
which  in  its  organization  of  school  districts  and  school 
boards  and  some  other  minor  details  has  remained  sub 
stantially  unchanged  to  this  day,  and  became  the  foun 
dation  of  the  superstructure  which  has  since  been  erected 
upon  it. 


fiREE  SCHOOLS.  85 

The  Act  of  1834  made  the  Secretary  of  the  Common 
wealth  ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools, 
and  so  remained  until  1857.  ^n  ^iat  capacity  Thomas 
H.  Burrowes,  of  Lancaster  County,  during  Governor 
Ritner's  term  rendered  the  pioneer  service  of  putting 
the  school  system  into  operation,  prescribing  rules, 
regulations  and  forms  for  the  guidance  of  school  direc 
tors  in  organizing  and  administering  the  schools.  This 
service  and  his  final  report  in  1838  gained  for  him  great 
reputation,  but  there  being  neither  public  sentiment  nor 
public  funds  to  make  his  suggestions,  in  that  report, 
available,  it  slowly  faded  from  the  public  conscious 
ness  and  was  forgotten.  This  was  the  common  fate  of 
school  reports  all  through  the  germinating  period  of  our 
school  history.  It  was  only  upon  the  republication  of 
that  report  in  the  Pennsylvania  School  Journal  some 
thirty  or  forty  years  afterwards,  that  its  foresh  ado  wings 
were  understood. 

By  vote  of  the  people  in  their  respective  school  dis 
tricts  (townships  and  boroughs)  the  acceptance  of  the 
school  law  was  gradually  extended  over  the  State — the 
northern  counties  being  amongst  the  first  to  act — until 
in  1849  the  Legislature  felt  itself  strong  enough  to 
decree  the  acceptance  of  the  school  system  in  all  the 
districts,  although  as  late  as  1860  there  were  still  scat 
tered  townships,  ten  or  twelve  in  all,  in  which  no  common 
schools  had  ever  been  established.  The  people  had 
become  accustomed  to  the  presence  and  working  forms 
of  a  common  school  system  and  appropriations  were 
made  to  academies  and  colleges  in  the  mistaken  hope 
that  they  would  furnish  teachers  for  the  common 
schools.  Three  months'  imperfect  tuition  in  a  year  was 
of  course  better  than  none,  but  after  some  fifteen  years 


86  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

of  trial  it  was  only  too  evident  that  the  common  school 
system  was  very  far  from  meeting  the  expectations  of  its 
projectors  and  friends.  Except  in  some  centres  of  popu 
lation  under  local  laws  the  common  schools  became  a 
reproach  to  the  Commonwealth  instead  of  a  blessing. 
There  was  little  in  their  loose  and  inefficient  manage 
ment  to  command  respect  or  inspire  confidence.  We 
had  the  outlines  of  a  school  system,  but  without  power, 
supervision  or  accountability.  Their  increasing  de 
generacy  was  a  matter  of  grave  solicitude  and  anxiety 
to  all  of  onr  governors,  and  their  annual  messages 
showed  an  earnest  desire  for  their  improvement,  but 
legislation  did  not  get  beyond  superficial  expedience 
until  the  enactment  of  the  general  school  law  of  May 
8,  1854,  which,  under  the  guise  of  a  mere  revision, 
was  in  reality  a  sweeping  and  comprehensive  revolu 
tion  in  our  common  school  policy,  and  still  stands  as 
the  most  potential  force  in  our  educational  history,  and 
constitutes  the  great  divide  between  the  apathy  and 
inefficiency  of  the  past  and  the  energy  and  success  of 
subsequent  years.  It  cut  the  common  schools  loose  from 
all  entangling  alliance  with  other  institutions  of  learn 
ing;  provided  for  the  supervision  of  the  schools  by 
experts  in  the  art  of  teaching;  and  conferred  plenary 
power  upon  school  directors  to  lift  the  schools  in  every 
district,  from  the  primary  to  the  high  school,  to  the 
highest  attainable  excellence;  the  only  limit  in  the 
ascending  scale,  being  the  financial  resources  of  the 
district. 

Unexplained  this  feeble  evolution  might  leave  stran 
gers  under  a  misapprehension  as  to  the  real  educational 
status  of  Pennsylvania  during  these  tentative  common 
school  years.  Public  spirit  and  denominational  zeal  and 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  87 

emulation  had  multiplied  colleges  until  they  became 
weak  from  excessive  numbers.  Eastern  colleges  were 
largely  patronized  by  the  best  families  in  the  State. 
Academies,  schools  and  seminaries  sprang  up  everywhere, 
and  with  the  colleges  often  received  help  from  the  State, 
and  their  privileges  were  eagerly  sought  by  those  who 
could  or  could  not  fairly  afford  it,  and  many  sacrifices 
were  made  in  that  direction.  The  learned  professions 
were  never  more  ably  filled  or  more  honored  and  influ 
ential  ;  the  bar  never  stronger  or  more  conspicuous  for 
the  learning1  and  abilitv  of  its  members,  and  the  State 

o  •• 

never  more  weighty  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation  ;  the 
blessings  of  education  were  never  more  craved  and 
appreciated,  but  the  public  sentiment  did  not  run  in  com 
mon  school  channels,  and  the  expression,  "  the  poor 
gratis,"  in  the  Constitution  extended  itself  to  the  common 
schools,  and  exerted  a  blighting  influence  upon  them. 

-.Again,  each  period  must  be  judged  by  its  own  circum 
stances.  Those  early  years  covered  the  development  of 
great  material  interests,  the  building  of  roads,  bridges 
and  canals;  a  gigantic  system  of  internal  improvements 
piled  up  a  debt  of  forty  millions  of  dollars,  the  interest 
011  which  could  only  be  met  by  taxation.  The  finances 
were  so  disturbed  that  for  years  our  only  money  was 
"  shin-plasters,"  issued  by  almost  every  borough  in  the 
State.  The  present  generation  can  form  no  adequate 
conception  of  those  times.  It  was  under  the  pressure  of 
such  embarrassments  that  continuous  efforts  were  put 
forth  to  vitalize  and  elevate  the  common  schools.  These 
facts  should  be  borne  in  mind  in  order  to  a  proper 
estimate  of  those  anxious  and  harassing  years. 

The  year  1852   found  Governor  William  Bigler,  of 
Clearfield  County,  who  had  set  his  heart  upon  reforming 


88  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

the  common  schools,  in  the  executive  chair,  with  Fran 
cis  W.  Hughes,  of  the  Schnylkill  County  bar,  as  Secre 
tary  of  the  Commonwealth  and  ex-officio  Superinten 
dent  of  Common  Schools,  and  Henry  L,.  Dieffenbach,  of 
Clinton  County,  a  well-known  journalist,  as  Chief  Clerk 
of  the  u  School  Department,"  then  an  obscure  adjunct 
of  the  Secretary's  office.  His  positive  convictions  and 
constitutional  hardihood  of  moral  courage,  which  made 
him  insensible  to  popular  clamor,  peculiarly  fitted  him 
for  the  work  in  hand  at  that  formative  period.  To  dis 
seminate  information  amongst  the  people,  Mr.  Dieffen 
bach  commenced  to  publish  the  current  decisions  and 
explanations  of  the  department  in  the  Harrisburg 
Keystone,  of  which  he  was  editor,  whence  they  were 
extensively  copied  by  the  country  press,  and  attracting 
attention  a\vakeiied  a  new  interest  in  common  school 
affairs.  Mr.  Hughes  served  only  one  year,  but  his  brief 
annual  report  contained  the  germ  of  much  that  was 
afterward  embodied  in  the  school  law  of  1854.  He 
pointed  out  with  legal  astuteness  many  particulars  in 
which  our  school  system  was  radically  defective  in  its 
organization,  his  opinions  being  the  result  of  difficulties 
and  controversies  brought  to  his  notice  by  the  chief 
clerk  for  adjustment,  and  Mr.  Hughes  had  framed  the 
outline  of  a  bill  to  meet  these  defects.  He  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Charles  A.  Black,  an  accomplished  lawyer  of 
Greene  County,  who  had  served  in  the  Senate  with  Gov 
ernor  Bigler.  During  his  two  years'  term  the  work  of 
revising  the  school  law  was  assiduously  kept  up  by  Mr. 
Dieffenbach  in  consultation  with  Mr.  Black,  as  had  been 
the  case  with  Mr.  Hughes,  until  at  length  in  the  early 
part  of  the  legislative  session  of  1854  a  completed  bill 
was  ready  to  be  submitted.  It  provided  for  normal 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  89 

schools,  but  those  sections  were  stricken  out  in  the 
Senate  Committee.  It  provided  also  for  the  county 
superintendency,  which  had  been  recommended  by 
Secretary  Findlay  as  far  back  as  1835,  and  a  dozen  years 
later  strongly  urged  in  his  second  annual  report  by  Jesse 
Miller,  of  Perry  County,  ex-officio  Superintendent  under 
Governor  Shunk.  It  also  made  the  chief  clerk,  deputy 
superintendent  with  power  to  act,  and  Mr.  Diefrenbach 
occupied  that  position  until  the  close  of  Governor  Big- 
ler's  term.  The  bill  had  been  framed  not  upon  any 
abstract  theory  nor  patterned  after  the  laws  of  other 
States  or  countries,  but  slowly  built  up  section  by  section 
to  meet  ascertained  difficulties  and  defects  in  our  own 
law  as  they  developed  themselves  in  the  current  adminis 
tration  of  our  school  system.  The  bill  was  thus  indi 
genous,  and  the  result  of  our  own  necessities  and  expe 
rience,  and  the  character  and  circumstances  of  our  people. 
It  was  first  introduced  in  the  Senate  where  after  much 
resolute  and  determined  opposition  it  was  passed  by  a 
majority  of  one  vote,  and  after  the  vote  was  taken  five 
Senators  to  save  themselves  with  their  constituents  filed 
a  written  protest  against  the  county  superintendency. 
In  the  House  the  bill  was  in  the  skillful  and  efficient 
management  of  Robert  E.  Monaghan,  of  Chester  County, 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Education,  backed  up 
by  the  entire  influence  of  the  Administration,  but  not  in 
any  partisan  sense,  and  after  much  earnest  discussion 
was  passed  by  a  majority  of  seventeen.  While  it  was 
pending,  Henry  Barnard,  LL.  D.,  of  Connecticut,  editor 
of  Barnard's  Journal  of  Education,  and  afterward  United 
States  Commissioner  of  Education  at  Washington,  while 
011  a  visit  at  Harrisburg  carefully  examined  its  pro 
visions,  and  assured  its  friends  that  if  it  should  become 


90  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

a  law  Pennsylvania  would  have  the  best  common  school 
system  of  any  State  in  the  Union.  U  also  had  the 
earnest  approval  of  that  broad-minded  champion  of  the 
common  schools,  Bishop  Alonzo  Potter. 

The  passage  of  the  bill  marked  an  epoch  in  our 
educational  history.  The  jelly  fish  character  of  our 
school  system  disappeared,  and  it  became  a  vertebrate 
and  robust  organization.  It  was  approved  by  Governor 
Bigler  on  the  eighth  of  May,  with  the  full  consciousness 
that  he  thus  endangered  his  own  re-election  in  October 
following,  but  declared  to  his  friends  that  he  would  sign 
the  bill  without  regard  to  any  adverse  influence  it  might 
have  upon  his  political  fortunes.  He  was  overwhelm 
ingly  defeated  by  the  political  cyclone  of  that  memorable 
year,  but  the  storm  of  opposition  to  the  new  school  law, 
especially  to  the  county  superintendency,  contributed 
largely  to  swell  the  vote  against  him.  Directors,  teach 
ers  and  taxpayers  made  common  cause  against  that 
obnoxious  office,  and  their  opposition  was  felt  heavily  at 
the  ballot-box. 

The  opposing  candidate,  ex-Judge  James  Pollock,  of 
Northumberland  County,  became  Governor  January  19, 
1855.  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  of  the  Centre  County  bar, 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  and  ex- 
officio  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools.  By  request 
of  the  Governor,  Henry  C.  Hickok,  of  the  Union  County 
bar,  was  appointed  deputy  superintendent  to  succeed 
Mr.  Dieffenbach.  The  Legislature  had  been  in  session 
nearly  three  weeks,  but  was  resting  on  its  oars  awaiting 
the  installation  of  the  new  Governor,  to  see  what  his 
policy  was  to  be.  There  was  a  general  expectation  that 
one  of  the  first  things  to  be  done  would  be  to  tumble 
the  obnoxious  school  legislation  of  the  previous  session 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  91 

overboard,  under  the  impression  that  it  would  be  too 
heavy  a  load  to  carry,  but  it  was  not  so  understood  at 
headquarters.  Looking  into  the  matter  after  his  inaug 
uration,  Governor  Pollock  found  that  the  new  school 
law  was  substantially  right  in  principle,  and  he  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  should  have  a  fair  trial  to  see  how 
far  it  could  be  made  successful  in  practice.  It  was 
found  that  po\vers  and  agencies  that  had  long  been 
sought  and  that  were  essential  to  any  well  organized 
school  system  were  already  intrenched  in  the  citadel  of 
the  statute  book,  and  although  prodigiously  unpopular 
it  was  the  obvious  duty  of  the  hour  to  defend  that 
citadel  against  all  comers  no  matter  how  formidable  the 
odds.  Any  other  law,  if  equally  efficient,  would  for 
that  reason  be  equally  unpopular,  and  the  fight  for 
better  common  schools,  if  we  were  ever  to  have  them  at 
all,  might  as  well  be  made  then  as  at  any  future  time, 
and  better,  because  we  had  the  advantage  of  fighting  in 
possession  which  was  half  the  battle. 

As  premier  of  the  Administration  it  became  Mr.  Cur- 
tin's  province  to  personally  communicate  with  the 
speakers,  committees  and  members  of  the  two  Houses 
to  rally  the  Legislature  to  the  support  of  the  Governor's 
policy  on  this  subject,  a  very  arduous  and  difficult  task 
on  account  of  the  bitter  and  implacable  hostility  to  the 
coiinty  superintendency,  and  members  whose  constit 
uents  were  up  in  arms  against  that  office  could  not  easily 
be  influenced  by  anything  said  at  Harrisburg  to  change 
their  votes  in  its  favor.  They  had  to  protect  themselves 
at  home.  Petitions  to  abolish  the  office  were  pouring 
in  by  every  mail,  and  bills  for  that  purpose  had  been 
introduced  in  the  House,  and  action  on  them  only 
delayed  until  it  could  be  known  what  the  Governor's 


92  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

position  could  be.  A  bill  did  get  through  the  House 
after  a  very  earnest  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  friends 
of  the  system,  but  it  was  defeated  in  the  Senate,  then  a 
conservative  body  of  exceptionally  able  men,  amongst 
whom  were  a  large  number  of  Mr.  Curtin's  personal  and 
political  friends  and  adherents,  who  were  ready  at  all 
times  to  co-operate  with  him  in  any  movement  that  he 
thought  it  desirable  to  make  to  protect  our  school  inter 
ests.  The  failure  to  get  a  general  bill  through  was  fol 
lowed  by  numerous  bills  to  abolish  the  office  in  particular 
counties,  and  it  required  strenuous  and  persistent  efforts 
to  retard  and  defeat  them. 

Wearied  with  these  prolonged  and  harassing  confer 
ences  and  appeals,  which  were  so  often  fruitless,  Mr. 
Curtin  changed  his  tactics  and  taking  the  bull  by  the 
horns  assembled  the  county  superintendents  in  conven 
tion  at  Harrisburg  to  meet  the  Legislature  face  to  face. 
Their  first  day's  session  was  held  in  the  hall  of  the 
House,  which  had  been  granted  for  the  purpose,  and  it 
made  a  good  impression.  The  next  day  they  met  in  the 
Supreme  Court  room,  where  they  were  addressed  by  Mr. 
Curtin,  Dr.  McClintock,  chairman  of  the  Senate  Com 
mittee  on  Education,  and  by  the  Governor,  and  the 
Deputy  Superintendent.  The  Governor  stated  that 
there  should  not  with  his  consent  be  any  backward 
step  in  common  school  affairs  during  his  term,  and  that 
if  any  of  the  pending  hostile  bills  should  get  through 
both  Houses  he  intimated  very  plainly  that  they  would 
be  returned  with  a  veto.  This  greatly  cheered  the 
superintendents  and  the  friends  of  the  cause,  and  exerted 
a  restraining  influence  upon  adverse  legislation. 

A  bill  that  was  a  covert  attack  upon  the  superin- 
tendency  did  get  through  both  Houses  soon  after,  under 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  93 

the  championship  of  the  chairman  of  the  Senate  Com 
mittee,  but  its  sinister  purpose  being  seen  the  Governor 
handed  it  to  Mr.  Curtin  to  prepare  a  veto  message,  which 
was  promptly  done,  and  the  bill  returned  to  the  Senate  on 
the  broad  ground  that  it  was  special  legislation  in  its 
worst  form.  This  was  notice  to  everybody  that  the 
Governor's  position  would  not  be  changed.  It  was  in 
these  persistent  and  indefatigable  efforts  and  negotia 
tions  that  Mr.  Curtin  rendered  most  valuable  service  to 
the  cause.  The  present  generation  can  form  no  adequate 
idea  of  the  intense  and  bitter  opposition  to  the  county 
superintendency  in  those  days.  Governor  Pollock 
remarked  to  the  writer  twenty  years  afterward  in  refer 
ence  to  the  pressure  upon  himself  that  it  was  about  as 
much  as  a  man's  life  was  worth  to  stand  by  the  county 
superintendency  at  that  period.  The  opposition  did  not 
come  from  the  illiterate  alone,  but  some  intelligent  and 
strong  men  in  the  House  were  the  most  resolute  in  their 
hostility.  Two  years  later  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  the 
State  demanded  and  obtained  of  the  Speaker  of  the 
House,  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Educa 
tion  for  the  express  purpose  of  breaking  down  the 
county  superintendency.  He  thought  better  of  it,  how 
ever,  as  the  session  progressed  and  became  one  of  its 
staunchest  friends.  I  went  over  to  the  House  at  the 
session  of  1856,  to  listen  to  the  reading  of  the  Gover 
nor's  first  annual  message,  and  see  how  his  views  on  the 
school  question  would  be  received.  There  were  evident 
signs  of  dissatisfaction  ;  and  one  member  in  the  outer 
circle  near  my  position  in  the  lobby,  turned  angrily  in 
his  seat,  and  denounced  the  Governor,  sotto  voce,  in 
terms  so  much  more  emphatic  than  polite,  that  they  can 
not  here  be  quoted.  The  crusade  against  the  county 


94  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

superintendency  continued  during  the  whole  of  Gov 
ernor  Pollock's  term,  and  while,  as  was  natural,  it  greatly 
disturbed  the  politicians,  to  whom  it  was  very  annoying, 
unpopularity  not  being  a  recognized  element  of  political 
success,  yet  to  the  friends  of  education  it  was  a  very 
hopeful  sign  of  the  times,  and  a  matter  of  positive  exulta 
tion.  "  The  sleeping  giant,"  as  Pennsylvania  has  some 
times  been  called,  was  roused  at  last,  and  though  her 
interest  in  education  came  in  the  form  of  bitter  antago 
nism,  yet  that  was  to  be  welcomed  as  evidence  of 
wakened  life  that  could  be  moulded  and  guided  into 
right  channels  and  to  wise  results.  Better  thunder  and 
lightning,  hailstorms  and  cloudbursts,  than  hopeless 
stagnation. 

In  his  first  annual  report  Mr.  Curtin  referred  in  strong 
terms  to  the  deplorable  mismanagement  of  the  common 
schools  in  the  past  as  a  justification  and  necessity  for 
the  new  law.  He  also  commended  teachers'  institutes 
for  the  improvement  of  teachers. 

His  second  annual  report  was  devoted  mainly  to  a 
discussion  of  normal  schools,  a  subject  which  the 
friends  of  education  had  much  at  heart  without  seeing 
any  chance  of  getting  them.  The  report  made  a  marked 
impression  on  the  Legislature  and  the  public,  and  brought 
a  score  of  college  and  seminary  presidents  and  professors 
to  Harrisburg  to  see  what  was  in  the  wind,  and  how 
their  interests  were  likely  to  be  affected.  Believing 
from  all  the  indications  that  the  time  had  come  wlien 
something  practical  could  be  accomplished,  Mr.  Curtin 
in  consultation  with  the  Speaker  of  the  Senate  secured 
the  appointment,  upon  motion,  of  a  special  committee  of 
five,  with  Titian  J.  Coffee,  of  Indiana  County,  chair 
man,  to  take  the  subject  into  consideration.  After  due 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  95 

deliberation  the  committee  submitted  a  brief,  but  com 
prehensive  and  strong  report  written  by  the  chairman, 
Mr.  Coffee,  and  accompanied  by  a  bill  prepared  in  an 
emergency  by  Dr.  Burrowes  at  the  request  of  the  Deputy 
Superintendent,  which  is  now  our  State  normal  school 
law,  which  had  been  submitted  to  Mr.  Curtin  and  meet 
ing  his  approval  in  the  main,  was  handed  by  him  to  the 
committee  with  his  endorsement.  The  bill  was  placed 
on  the  files  of  the  two  Houses,  and  after  a  time  came  up 
for  consideration  in  the  Senate  in  its  regular  order,  and 
so  convincing  was  the  committee's  report,  and  so  well 
had  the  ground  been  prepared,  that  the  bill  passed  the 
Senate  without  a  dissenting  vote.  What  the  result  in  the 
House  would  be  was  uncertain.  It  so  happened  that  it 
could  not  be  called  up  for  consideration  until  the  last 
day  of  the  session  on  which  bills  could  be  considered, 
and  there  were  a  number  of  important  bills  in  which 
leading  members  were  interested  that  were  before  it. 
Mr.  Curtin  in  consultation  with  the  Speaker  and  Com 
mittee  on  Education,  and  other  friends  of  the  cause  in 
the  House,  arranged  to  have  the  normal  school  bill 
taken  up  on  motion  out  of  its  order,  and  had,  as  he  be 
lieved,  secured  votes  enough  to  sustain  the  motion. 
Going  over  to  the  House  with  Mr.  Curtin  to  witness  the 
proceedings  I  found  he  was  not  sanguine  of  success,  but 
thought  if  nothing  occurred  to  break  his  lines  or  stam 
pede  his  forces,  the  bill  might  succeed  in  getting  through. 
Every  supposed  danger  had  been  carefully  guarded 
against  so  far  as  possible,  except  one.  The  leader  of 
the  House,  Mr.  Foster,  a  liberally  educated  gentleman 
of  great  influence,  and  a  good  common  school  man  in  a 
general  way,  had  an  important  bill  of  his  own  on  the 
calendar,  and  was  not  likely  to  yield  precedence  to  the 


96  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

normal  school  bill  without  a  struggle^  in  which  case 
the  odds  would  be  heavily  against  us.  Although  politi 
cally  opposed,  Mr.  Curtiu  and  Mr.  Foster  were  warm 
personal  friends,  and  Curtin  took  it  upon  himself  to 
hold  Mr.  Foster  in  check  if  possible  until  the  required 
forms  of  legislation  could  be  gone  through  with.  When 
the  time  came  for  action  Mr.  Curtin  and  Mr.  Foster  were 
standing  in  the  aisle  near  Mr.  Foster's  desk  engaged  in 
earnest  conversation.  The  motion  to  take  up  the 
normal  school  bill  was  instantly  challenged  by  a  call 
for  the  ayes  and  nays,  but  being  carried,  the  clerk, 
Captain  Jacob  Ziegler,  who  was  in  the  secret,  proceeded 
to  the  second  reading  of  the  bill,  which  being  a  long 
one  took  some  time,  although  rapidly  done.  Mr.  Foster 
became  very  restive  before  it  was  completed,  and  turned 
to  the  Speaker  twice  to  move  its  indefinite  postpone 
ment,  but  Mr.  Curtin,  with  courteous  insistence,  per 
suaded  him  to  let  the  reading  go  on,  as  the  bill  would 
be  through  in  a  very  few  minutes.  The  House  was  very 
still  during  the  reading,  and  many  curious  eyes  were  turned 
toward  those  two  distinguished  gentlemen  conversing  so 
earnestly,  but  very  few  understood  what  that  colloquy 
meant.  They  had  before  them  the  remarkable  spectacle 
of  the  premier  of  an  administration  standing  on  the 
floor  of  an  opposition  House  holding  the  opposition 
leader  under  moral  duress  against  his  will  whilst  passing 
a  bill  over  his  head — a  piece  of  diplomatic  audacity, 
skill  and  success  without  a  parallel  in  parliamentary 
history  that  I  ever  heard  of.  The  reading  completed,  a 
motion  was  made  to  change  a  district,  but  after  a 
moment's  whispered  explanation  was  kindly  withdrawn, 
and  the  bill  went  through  the  third  reading,  and — we 
were  out  of  the  woods.  The  bill  had  to  get  through 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  97 

that  afternoon  or  not  at  all.  Its  fate  depended  upon 
Mr.  Curtin's  ability  to  control  Mr.  Foster,  whose  influ 
ence  over  the  House,  if  exerted,  would  be  vastly  stronger 
than  his  own.  If  the  bill  had  not  passed  at  that  session 
it  would  not  have  been  passed  to  this  day,  because  by 
the  next  session  combinations  would  have  been  made 
amongst  the  higher  institutions  of  learning  and  some 
potential  friends  of  education  to  compass  its  defeat  or 
make  sweeping  changes  in  its  character  and  provisions, 
whether  for  the  better  or  not  cannot  here  be  discussed. 

Mr.  Curtin  rendered  another  conspicuous  service*  at 
that  session  in  organizing  a  movement  in  the  House  to 
increase  the  annual  State  appropriation  to  the  common 
schools  from  $230,000  to  $300,000  to  give  more  margin 
for  a  needed  increase  in  the  salaries  of  county  super 
intendents  at  the  second  election  in  May  of  that  year, 
and  to  prevent  an  open  revolt  on  the  part  of  oppressed 
taxpayers  against  the  school  law  of  1854,  many  of  whom 
had  been  paying  twenty-six  mills  upon  the  dollar  every 
year  for  three  successive  years  for  only  a  four-months' 
school  term.  It  was  carried  in  the  House,  and  Mr. 
Curtin  returned  to  his  office  very  much  relieved,  but 
greatly  surprised  and  disturbed  by  the  discovery,  on  the 
floor  of  the  House,  of  active  opposition  from  prominent 
educational  sources.  The  Senate  cut  down  the  amount 
to  $280,000,  and  that  amount  was  carried  by  a  ma 
jority  of  a  single  vote  after  one  of  the  hottest  debates 
ever  heard  in  the  Senate,  the  rich  eastern  counties 
voting  solidly  against  it,  except  Senator  James  J.  Lewis, 
of  Chester  County,  who,  seeing  the  peril  of  the  situa 
tion,  gave  the  casting  vote  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  thus 
saved  the  day.  If  the  bill  had  been  defeated,  the  county 
superintendency  could  not  have  been  maintained.  The 
7 


98  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

money  question  was  a  very  sensitive  neisve  to  touch  in 
those  days  as  for  many  years  before,  and,  even  in  1895, 
with  a  plethoric  State  treasury,  it  seems  to  be  as  diffi 
cult  as  ever  to  get  the  State  appropriation  applied  to 
educational  purposes  for  the  common  benefit  of  all  the 
people. 

In  his  second  annual  report  Mr.  Curtin  incidentally 
referred  to  the  field  work  devolved  upon  the  Deputy  by 
the  pressure  of  circumstances,  and  added,  "  In  this  con 
nection  it  is  but  just  to  say  that  all  the  important  labor 
of  the  Department  is  performed  by  the  Deputy  Super 
intendent  and  his  subordinates,  and  to  suggest  that  some 
reorganization  be  made  to  enlarge  the  powers  and  in 
crease  the  efficiency  of  the  Department.  The  under 
signed  would  be  insensible  to  the  dictates  of  gratiude 
and  justice  if  he  failed  to  testify  to  the  zeal  and  ability 
with  which  that  officer  has  fulfilled  all  the  important 
duties  of  his  trust." 

A  separate  school  department  was  a  cherished  idea 
with  the  friends  of  education  throughout  the  State,  and 
had  been  officially  and  earnestly  recommended  by  almost 
every  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  from  1838  to  1854, 
and  had  been  warmly  endorsed  by  the  State  Teachers' 
Association,  and  by  numerous  other  educational  meet 
ings.  There  had  also  been  a  growing  public  sentiment 
in  that  direction,  under  the  belief  that  the  magnitude 
and  complexity  of  our  common  school  interests  required 
and  justified  such  a  department.  A  bill  for  the  purpose 
was  introduced  in  the  House  by  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Education,  and  when  taken  up  in  its 
order  passed  both  Houses  without  calling  the  ayes  and 
nays.  The  Deputy's  name  was  sent  into  the  Senate  to 
fill  the  new  position,  and  was  unanimously  confirmed. 


FREE  SCHOOLS.  99 

Iii  preparing  this  sketch  only  salient  points  could  be 
touched  upon,  but  I  have  endeavored  in  good  faith  to 
give  Mr.  Curtin  the  credit  that  is  his  due  during  one  of 
the  most  disturbed  and  difficult  and  critical  periods  ever 
known  in  our  school  history.  Its  like  can  never  be  seen 
again. 

May  I  be  pardoned  one  further  remark.  There  seemed 
to  have  been  some  confusion  of  ideas  in  the  Legislature 
at  the  last  session  as  to  the  responsibility  for  any  mis 
management  of  the  public  schools,  and  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  investigate  the  subject.  The  problem  is  a 
very  simple  one.  Each  school  district  is  an  independent 
corporation,  and  the  school  directors  are  the  supreme 
authority  within  its  limits.  Hence  it  follows  that  as  are 
the  directors  so  are  the  schools.  Behind  this  is  another 
proposition — as  are  the  people  so  are  the  directors  who 
are  elected  by  their  votes.  In  the  ultimate  equation, 
public  opinion  is  behind  the  schools,  and  as  it  is  for 
or  against  them  or  indifferent,  so  will  be  the  schools. 


—i860. 


BY  A.  K.  M'CLURE. 


The  year  of  1860 
witnessed  the  great 
est  political  revolu 
tion  of  onr  national 
history.  During 
the  three-quarters 
of  a  century  of  our 
constitutional  gov 
ernment  there  had 
been  but  one  great 
political  revolution, 
when  in  1800 Jeffer 
son's  election  to  the 
Presidency  defeated 
the  elder  Adams 
and  hopelessly  over 
threw  the  Federal 
party  that  gradually  passed  out  of  existence.  For  sixty 
years  after  the  success  of  Jefferson,  what  was  originally 
known  as  Jeffersonian  Republicanism  and  afterward 
Jeffersonian  Democracy  ruled  the  government,  dictated 
its  policy,  and  maintained  it  through  all  the  various 
mutations  of  politics.  The  election  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  in  1824  was  not  a  revolution  but  an  accident, 
and  he  was  accepted  as  a  Jeffersonian  Republican  candi 
date.  In  1840  and  in  1848  the  Whigs  defeated  the 

(100) 


A.  K.  McCi.CRE. 


ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  101 

Democrats  by  the  election  of  Harrison  and  Taylor,  but 
neither  of  these  administrations  reversed  the  policy  of 
the  government  nor  made  their  impress  enduringly  upon 
our  free  institutions.  The  only  other  important  change 
in  the  policy  of  the  government  that  approached  the 
dignity  of  a  revolution,  was  the  overthrow  of  the 
national  bank  and  the  financial  policy  of  the  government 
under  Jackson  ;  but  as  the  United  States  bank  had  been 
sustained  by  the  party  that  supported  Jackson  the 
change  he  wrought  in  our  financial  system  could  not  be 
classed  among  our  revolutions.  Since  the  organization 
of  the  Republic  there  had  been  but  one  great  political 
revolution,  that  accomplished  by  Jefferson  in  1800,  until 
1860,  when  the  most  far-reaching  revolution  of  the 
history  of  any  government  of  modern  times  was  accom 
plished  by  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the 
presidency. 

The  leaders  in  the  great  revolution  of  1860  stand  out 
more  conspicuously  in  the  annals  of  the  Republic  to-day 
than  do  the  leaders  of  any  great  achievement  since  the 
inauguration  of  Washington.  It  was  not  a  sudden 
eruption  of  public  sentiment  that  gave  the  Republicans 
success  in  1860.  For  a  generation  before,  indeed  from 
the  passage  of  the  Missouri  compromise  in  1820,  the 
constant  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  was  gradually 
forcing  profound  convictions  on  the  minds  of  thoughtful 
and  earnest  men,  and  while  most  of  them  retained  their 
old  party  associations  until  1856,  the  growth  of  the 
anti-slavery  sentiment  was  steady,  rapid  and  aggressive. 
The  battle  over  the  admission  of  California,  over  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  the  later  conflicts  in 
Kansas  and  Nebraska,  resulting  in  civil  war  that  was 
waged  with  the  utmost  savagery,  did  much  to  quicken  the 


102  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  North  and  to  train  it  for 
organized  and  aggressive  action.  The  decision  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  Dred  Scott  case 
awakened  the  more  intelligent  people  of  the  country  to 
the  fact  that  slavery  had  gradually  advanced  its  power 
until  it  had  practically  made  freedom  sectional  and  bondage 
national.  Such  were  the  immediate  causes  which  led  to 
the  political  eruption  of  1856,  when  John  C.  Fremont, 
a  romantic  political  adventurer,  swept  the  Northern 
States  almost  in  their  entirety,  and  was  defeated  for  the 
presidency  only  by  the  failure  of  his  friends  to  carry  the 
Pennsylvania  State  election  in  October,  when  the  ma 
jority  was  little  more  than  3000  against  him.  Instead 
of  tempering  and  chastening  the  aggressive  spirit  of  the 
slavery  propaganda  by  the  appalling  uprising  of  the 
Northern  States  to  efface  party  lines  in  defence  of  national 
freedom,  the  Southern  leaders  seemed  more  exasperated 
and  goaded  to  more  aggressive  measures  and  more 
offensive  methods  to  assert  their  mastery.  The  period 
between  1856  and  1860  was  one  of  education,  North  and 
South,  and  the  sections  were  rapidly  crystallized  for 
the  great  struggle  and  the  mighty  revolution  of  1860. 

When  the  Republican  State  convention  met  at  Harris- 
burg  in  February,  1860,  to  nominate  a  candidate  for 
governor  and  for  supreme  judge,  the  ablest  men  of  the 
party  were  there  as  delegates,  and  they  were  representa 
tives  of  the  most  earnest  political  conviction  and  deter 
mined  political  effort.  They  were  not  traders  in  politics  ; 
they  were  battling  for  a  vital  principle  that  was  deeply 
seated  in  the  conscience  of  the  American  people.  There 
were  there,  as  in  all  parties,  those  who  look  to  the 
interests  of  the  spoilsmen,  but  they  were  unheard  or 
unheeded,  and  the  new  Republican  party  entered  upon 


ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  103 

its  great  battle  with  the  utmost  fidelity  to  its  cause  and 
absolute  self-reliance  in  its  ability  to  give  it  victory. 
Among  the  many  young  leaders  of  marked  ability  at 
that  time  Andrew  G.  Curtin  towered  conspicuously  over 
all.  He  had  every  quality  for  aggressive  leadership. 
Of  imposing  person,  impressive  manner,  capable  of 
forceful  logic  mingled  with  the  keenest  wit  and  sarcasm, 
and  unsurpassed  in  eloquence,  he  was  just  the  man  to 
lead  in  a  great  revolution.  The  conflicts  of  ambition 
which  are  legitimate  in  all  great  parties,  played  their 
part  to  hinder  his  nomination  for  governor.  Andrew  G. 
Curtin  and  Simon  Cameron  were  not  friends.  They  had 
a  desperate  factional  battle  for  the  United  States 
Senatorship  in  the  Legislature  five  years  before,  and  it 
left  wounds  which  were  yet  fresh  and  inspired  the 
bitterest  hostility.  Cameron  was  a  candidate  for  presi 
dent  in  the  same  convention  that  nominated  Curtin  for 
governor,  and  the  estrangement  between  them  largely 
commanded  the  sympathy  of  their  respective  friends. 
But  for  this  complication  the  nomination  of  Curtin  for 
governor  would  have  been  unanimous,  but  both  Curtin 
and  Cameron  fought  their  battles  to  the  end,  and  each 
won  on  the  direct  vote  of  the  convention,  showing  that 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  delegates  were  friendly  to 
both.  It  was  a  most  important  convention,  not  only  in 
its  duty  of  selecting  a  candidate  for  governor,  but  also 
in  defining  the  policy  and  declaring  the  principle  for  the 
new  party  that  was  soon  to  win  a  national  triumph  and 
rule  the  government  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The 
convention  sat  for  two  days,  and  its  deliberations  were 
of  the  gravest  character,  while  its  discussions  exhibited 
masterly  ability.  It  was  a  battle  of  giants  on  every 
issue  before  the  body,  but  underlying  all  the  factional 


104  ANDREW  C.  CURTIN. 

divisions  was  the  general  and  profound  Conviction  that 
Curtin  was  the  one  man  fitted  to  lead  the  party  in  the 
desperate  conflict  for  the  redemption  of  the  nation.  Two 
ballots  were  had  for  governor  as  follows  : 

FIRST  SECOND 

BALLOT.  BALLOT. 

A.  G.  Curtin,  of  Centre      56  74 

John  Covode,  of  Westmoreland  .        22  27 

David  Taggart,  of  Northumberland 16  16 

Thomas  M.  Howe,  of  Allegheny 13  10 

Levi  Kline,  of  Lebanon 12  7 

Townsend  Haines,  of  Chester 5  4 

George  W.  Scran  ton,  of  Luzerne 4 

Samuel  Calvin,  of  Blair 5  i 

As  sixty-seven  was  a  majority  of  the  convention,  Cur- 
tin's  nomination  was  effected  on  the  second  ballot,  and 
was  at  once  made  unanimous  with  great  enthusiasm  and 
without  a  dissenting  vote.  Thus  was  Andrew  G.  Curtin 
launched  into  one  of  the  most  desperate  and  memorable 
political  battles  of  our  national  history.  He  was  well 
known  to  the  people.  As  early  as  1844  he  was  on  the 
stump  following  the  tall  white  plume  of  Henry  Clay, 
and  in  1848  he  was  on  the  Whig  electoral  ticket,  stumped 
the  State  for  Taylor  and  cast  his  vote  for  him  in  the 
electoral  college.  In  1852  his  eloquence  was  heard  in 
almost  every  part  of  the  State  as  the  champion  of  Win- 
field  Scott  ;  and  in  1854  when  he  had  been  somewhat 
discussed  as  a  candidate  for  governor  himself,  he  volun 
tarily  retired  from  the  field  in  favor  of  James  Pollock, 
his  near  neighbor,  who  was  clearly  the  choice  of  the 
Whigs  of  that  day.  He  made  himself  felt  as  a  political 
leader  in  the  campaign  of  1854  when,  as  chairman  of  the 
Whig  State  Committee,  he  emerged  from  the  conflict 
with  40,000  majority  for  his  candidate  and  friend.  He 
was  called  to  the  head  of  the  Pollock  cabinet  in  1855 


ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  105 

with  the  universal  approval  of  his  party,  and  when  he 
appeared  as  a  candidate  to  lead  the  new  party  in  1860, 
his  old  friend  ex-Governor  Pollock  presided  over  the 
convention  and  announced  the  nomination  of  Curtin 
with  pride  and  enthusiasm.  When  Curtin  appeared 
before  the  convention  to  accept  the  high  trust  confided 
to  him,  he  aroused  it  to  the  highest  measure  of  enthu 
siasm  by  his  heroic  declaration  that  he  would  carry  the 
flag  of  his  cause  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  Delaware.  How 
faithfully  he  fulfilled  that  pledge  is  yet  remembered  by 
many  citizens  of  our  State. 

Looking  back  to  the  great  conflict  of  1860  and  noting 
Curtin's  32,000  majority  and  Lincoln's  more  than  60,000 
in  November,  it  would  seem  that  it  was  a  victory 
achieved  by  default,  but  those  who  remember  the  politi 
cal  situation  of  that  time  well  understand  how  desperate 
and  doubtful  was  the  struggle.  The  Republican  party 
had  not  yet  been  distinctly  organized  in  Pennsylvania. 
In  the  elections  of  1858-59,  the  opposition  to  the  De 
mocracy  had  carried  the  State  by  a  fusion  of  various 
elements  under  the  liberal  title  of  the  "  People's  Party." 
There  was  a  Republican  party,  an  American  party  and 
a  Whig  party,  and  neither  the  Americans  nor  the  Whigs 
were  prepared  to  surrender  their  old  affiliations  and  per 
mit  the  new  flag  of  Republicanism  to  be  hoisted  over 
them.  And  these  elements  were  not  homogeneous. 
They  agreed  only  in  the  preliminary  battles  of  1858-59 
to  defeat  the  Democracy,  but  when  it  became  necessary 
to  put  them  in  battle  line  under  one  flag,  with  one  pro 
claimed  faith,  there  was  discord  and  danger  of  disintegra 
tion.  The  most  delicate  political  leadership  was 
necessary,  and  only  the  devotion  of  these  various 
elements  to  Curtin's  strong  personality  and  matchless 


106  ANDREW  G.  CURT1N. 

ability  made  it  possible  to  combine  t^iein  and  assure 
a  victory.  Several  times  during  the  contest  the  com 
bination  was  on  the  point  of  utter  disruption,  and  it  was 
not  until  within  three  weeks  of  the  October  election  that 
those  who  had  the  most  intimate  knowledge  of  the  prog 
ress  of  the  campaign  felt  confident  of  victory. 

The  battle  in  Pennsylvania  in  1860  was  of  vastly 
more  than  State  importance.  It  was  in  fact  a  battle  for 
the  election  of  a  Republican  president  in  November. 
At  that  time  the  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana 
and  Iowa  elected  their  State  officers  in  October,  and  of 
these  four  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana  were  regarded  as 
the  key  to  the  presidential  contest.  If  Curtin  could  be 
elected  governor  of  Pennsylvania  and  Henry  S.  Lane 
governor  of  Indiana  in  October,  it  would  practically 
decide  the  defeat  of  the  Democrats  in  November,  and  as 
Pennsylvania  was  then  recognized  as  the  keystone  State 
in  national  contests,  the  struggle  in  this  State  was  prac 
tically  a  battle  for  the  election  or  defeat  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  for  the  presidency.  This  fact  centred  all  the 
efforts  of  both  parties  in  the  contest  for  governor  of  our 
State,  and  the  Democrats,  with  the  power  and  patronage 
of  the  national  administration,  logically  made  most 
exhaustive  efforts  to  disintegrate  the  various  elements 
which  were  supporting  Curtin,  knowing  that  the  success 
of  Curtin  in  October  hopelessly  defeated  them  in 
November.  The  Democrats  had  nominated  as  their 
candidate  against  Curtin,  Henry  D.  Foster,  of  West 
moreland,  a  man  of  the  highest  character  and  ability 
and  certainly  the  most  popular  Democrat  in  the  State. 
He  was  nominated  unanimously  with  the  greatest  enthu 
siasm  by  both  the  Breckinridge  and  Douglas  factions 
in  their  State  convention,  and  while  the  Democrats 


ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  107 

were  divided  on  the  presidency,  there  was  the  most 
cordial  unity  in  every  section  on  Foster.  The  contest 
was,  therefore,  one  of  the  greatest  interest  throughout 
the  entire  nation.  The  only  resources  possessed  by  the 
supporters  of  Curtin  were  the  honest  convictions  of  the 
people  of  Pennsylvania  and  their  enthusiastic  support  of 
their  faith.  The  era  of  money  in  politics  was  then  com 
paratively  unknown.  In  that  great  contest,  where  the 
voice  of  Pennsylvania  was  to  decide  the  verdict  of  the 
nation  a  month  later,  the  entire  expenditures  of  the 
Republican  State  Committee  did  not  exceed  $12,000. 
Not  only  the  chairman,  but  the  secretaries  and  all  con 
nected  with  the  State  organization,  gave  their  time  and 
their  labor  day  and  night  during  the  contest  without 
even  the  payment  of  their  expenses,  and  it  was  with  the 
utmost  difficulty  that  enough  money  could  be  raised  to 
pay  the  absolutely  necessary  cost  of  the  organization 
throughout  the  State. 

With  great  reluctance  I  accepted  the  call  of  Governor 
Pollock,  president  of  the  convention,  and  of  Curtin, 
candidate  of  the  party,  to  take  the  chairmanship  of  the 
State  Committee.  Several  men  of  marked  ability  had 
•sought  it  obviously  with  the  view  of  making  it  a  step 
ping  stone  to  political  promotion,  but  after  a  consider 
able  contest,  Pollock  and  Curtin  tendered  the  position  to 
the  writer  hereof  and  made  it  mandatory  that  the  offer 
should  be  accepted.  I  had  been  in  the  convention  as  a 
delegate  for  Curtin,  and  was  then  a  member  of  the 
Senate  and  ineligible  to  appointment  under  him,  so  that 
my  recognition  as  chairman  of  the  State  Committee 
refuted  the  possibility  of  official  favors  from  the  new 
administration.  The  work  of  creating  a  great  party 
out  of  varied  and  more  or  less  incongruous  elements  was 


1 08  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

a  task  such  as  has  not  fallen  upon  tha  manager  of  a 
State  contest  in  any  of  the  later  conflicts  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  but  in  that  day  devotion  to  political  conviction 
made  everything  possible,  and  when  men  were  called  to 
effort  and  sacrifice  there  was  no  hesitation  in  obedience. 
The  State  was  organized  for  the  first  time  in  its  history 
in  every  election  division  of  every  county,  and  two 
careful  canvasses  were  made  of  the  vote  of  every  pre 
cinct  between  the  first  of  August  and  the  middle  of 
September.  State  organization  thus  reached  into  the 
political  centre  of  every  township,  and  it  was  this 
systematic  organization  brought  into  direct  contact  with 
every  precinct,  that  crystallized  into  a  solid  organization 
the  great  Republican  party  of  Pennsylvania  ;  but  all 
organization  would  have  been  valueless,  or  rather 
vitalized  organization  would  have  been  impossible,  but 
for  the  master  leadership  of  the  Republican  candidate 
for  governor.  A  program  was  prepared  for  Curt  in  by 
which  he  was  enabled,  even  with  the  limited  transpor 
tation  facilities  of  that  time,  to  speak  once  or  oftener  in 
every  county  of  the  State.  It  was  with  him  perpetual 
battle.  When  he  addressed  the  thousands  of  people  at 
one  place,  he  knew  that  there  were  by  his  side  men 
waiting  to  take  him  immediately  to  another  locality  and 
often  he  did  not  know  where.  He  devoted  himself 
wholly  to  argument  and  intercourse  with  the  people  of 
the  State.  The  details  as  to  his  movements  were  ar 
ranged  with  the  most  complete  precision  so  that  he  did 
not  disappoint  a  single  audience  during  the  entire 
campaign.  His  able  opponent,  Mr.  Foster,  was  also  on 
the  stump,  but  with  all  his  ability  and  popularity  it 
became  more  and  more  evident  each  day  as  the  contest 
warmed  up  that  Curtin  was  gaining  in  the  race.  A 


ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  109 

proposition  was  made  at  one  time  for  them  to  meet  in 
joint  discussion,  but  it  was  abandoned  by  the  mutual 
consent  of  both,  and  it  was  abandoned  by  Foster  only 
because  he  could  not  safely  meet  Curtin  face  to  face 
because  of  his  entanglement  with  two  presidential  can 
didates.  He  would  have  been  forced  to  declare  for  one 
or  the  other  or  to  confess  his  lack  of  courage  to  do  so. 
But  for  that  complication  he  would  have  been  a  foeman 
fully  worthy  of  Curtin's  steel,  and  the  State  would 
probably  have  witnessed  the  greatest  political  joint  dis 
cussion  in  its  history. 

The  contest  in  Pennsylvania  naturally  brought  Curtin 
into  the  closest  relation  with  Lincoln.  Lincoln's 
anxiety  to  win  Pennsylvania  in  October  was  all-absorb 
ing  as  he  knew  that  Curtin's  election  meant  his  election 
in  November,  and  Curtin's  defeat  meant  his  defeat. 
Lincoln  not  only  corresponded  constantly  and  frequently 
with  both  Curtin  and  myself  during  the  campaign,  but 
on  two  different  occasions  he  sent  his  most  trusted 
friends  to  see  the  inner  operations  of  Republican  move 
ments,  and  report  to  him  whether  all  was  well.  David 
Davis  and  Leonard  Swett  spent  a  week  in  the  State  on 
such  a  mission,  and  when  they  returned  about  the 
middle  of  September,  they  brought  to  Lincoln  the  very 
gratifying  assurance  that  he  could  confidently  rely  upon 
Curtin's  triiiiiiphant  election  in  October.  It  was  only 
natural,  therefore,  that  Lincoln  and  Curtin  should  be 
bound  to  each  other  by  indissoluble  ties  when  both  had 
been  called  to  their  responsible  positions  and  compelled 
to  meet  the  gravest  issues  that  ever  confronted  any 
civilization  of  the  world.  They  started  hand  in  hand, 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  in  the  great  battle  for  the  revolu 
tionary  redemption  of  free  government,  and  they  were 


1 1  o  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

in  constant  accord  and  sympathy  until  tke  bullet  of  the 
assassin  made  Lincoln  the  martyr  of  American  history. 
There  had  never  been  in  the  history  of  Pennsylvania 
before  1860,  nor  has  there  ever  been  since,  nor  can  there 
be  in  the  future,  any  contest  comparable  to  the  great 
battle  of  1860,  because  of  the  strange  and  momentous 
issues  which  were  involved.  All  knew  that  the  issues 
were  of  unexampled  gravity,  but  none  believed  for  a 
moment  that  they  could  lead  to  the  bloodiest  war  of 
modern  times  between  sections  which  had,  for  three- 
quarters  of  a  century,  lived  in  unbroken  brotherhood. 
Curtin  won  his  election  by  over  32,000,  and  one  month 
later  Lincoln  carried  the  State  by  over  60,000.  It  was 
the  triumph  of  Curtin  in  October  of  1860  that  pro 
claimed  to  the  nation  and  the  world,  that  the  great 
Republic  of  the  earth  had  resolved  upon  revolution  to 
nationalize  freedom  and  sectionalize  human  bondage. 


CURT  IN   IN   1860. 


BY  WILLIAM  II.  KGLH. 

With  the  withdrawal  of  the  members  of  Congress  rep 
resenting  the  Southern  States  in  that  National  Legis 
lative  body,  and  all  ideas  of  compromise  having  been 
thrust  aside,  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  nation  were 
turned  toward  Pennsylvania  which  had  always  been 
considered  in  every  important  crisis  as  the  most  conser 
vative  of  the  States.  A  new  governor  was  to  be  inaug 
urated,  and  his  enunciation  of  the  principles  of  the 
dominant  party  and  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  people 
of  the  Keystone  State,  were  looked  forward  to  with  the 
greatest  of  interest.  At  last  they  came,  and  the  people 
were  not  disappointed.  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  January, 
1861,  after  having  sworn  faithfully  to  support  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  Constitution  of 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to  perform  his  duty 
with  fidelity,  Governor  Andrew  G.  Curtin  uttered  the 
following  remarkable  inaugural  : 

Fellow  citizens:  Having  been  entrusted  by  the  people  of  Penn 
sylvania  with  the  administration  of  the  Executive  Department  of 
the  government  for  the  next  three  years,  and  having  taken  a  solemn 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the 
Constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  I  avail  myself  of  your  presence  to 
express  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  people  of  the  State,  my 
gratitude  for  the  distinguished  honor  they  have,  in  their  partiality, 
conferred  upon  me. 

Deeply  impressed  with  its  responsibilities  and  duties,  I  enter  upon 
the  office  of  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  with  a  determination  to  fulfill 
them  all  faithfully  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability.  Questions  of  great 


1 1 4  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TLV. 

moment  intimately  connected  with  the  feelings  and  interests  of  the 
people  of  all  parts  of  the  nation,  now  agitate  the  public  mind ;  and 
some  of  them,  from  their  novelty  and  importance,  are  left  for  set 
tlement  in  the  uncertainty  of  the  future.  A  selfish  caution  might 
indicate  silence  as  the  safest  course  to  be  pursued  as  to  these  quest 
ions  by  one  just  entering  upon  the  responsibilities  of  high  official 
position ;  but  fidelity  to  the  high  trust  reposed  in  me  demands  espe 
cially  at  this  juncture,  that  I  yield  to  an  honored  custom  which 
requires  a  frank  declaration  of  the  principles  to  be  adopted  and  the 
policy  to  be  pursued  during  my  official  term. 

We  have  assumed,  as  the  great  fundamental  truth  of  our  political 
theory,  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government,  and  that  all  power 
emanates  from  the  people.  An  experience  of  seventy-one  years, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  has  demonstrated  to  all 
mankind  that  the  people  can  be  entrusted  with  their  own  political 
destinies;  and  the  deliberate  expression  of  their  will  should  furnish 
tlje  rule  of  conduct  to  their  representatives  in  official  station.  Thus 
appreciating  their  liberal  capacity  for  self-government,  and  alive  to 
the  importance  of  preserving,  pure  and  unsullied  as  it  came  from 
the  hands  of  the  Apostles  of  Liberty,  this  vital  principle,  I  pledge 
myself  to  stand  between  it  and  encroachments,  whether  instigated 
by  hatred  or  ambition,  by  fanaticism  or  folly. 

The  policy  that  should  regulate  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment  of  our  State  was  declared  by  its  foimders,  and  is  fully  estab 
lished  by  experience.  It  is  just  and  fraternal  in  its  aims,  liberal 
in  its  spirit,  and  patriotic  in  its  progress.  The  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  the  right  of  conscience  and  of  private  judgment  in 
civil  and  religious  faith,  are  the  high  .prerogatives  to  which  the 
American  citizen  is  born.  In  our  social  organization  the  rich  and 
the  poor,  the  high  and  the  low,  enjoy  these  equally,  and  the  con 
stitution  and  the  laws  in  harmony  therewith,  protect  the  rights  of 
all.  The  intelligence  of  the  people  is  one  of  the  main  pillars  of  the 
fabric  of  our  government,  and  the  highest  hopes  of  the  patriot  for 
its  safety  rest  on  enlightened  public  morality  and  virtue.  Our  sys 
tem  of  common  schools  will  ever  enlist  my  earnest  solicitude.  For 
its  growing  wants  the  most  ample  provision  should  be  made  by  the 
Legislature.  I  feel  that  I  need  not  urge  this  duty.  The  system  has 
been  gaining  in  strength  and  usefulness  for  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
until  it  has  silenced  opposition  by  its  beneficent  fruits.  It  has  at 
times  languished  for  want  of  just  appropriations,  from  changes  and 
amendments  of  the  law,  and,  perhaps,  from  inefficiency  in  its 
administration;  but  it  has  surmounted  every  difficulty  and  is  now 
regarded  by  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  of  every  political  faith  as 


HIS  FIRS T  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 1 5 

the  great  bulwark  of  safety  for  our  free  institutions.  The  manner 
in  which  this  subject  is  presented  to  the  Legislature  by  my  imme 
diate  predecessor,  in  his  annual  message,  fully  harmonizes  with 
public  sentiment;  and  his  recommendation  for  aid  to  the  Farmers' 
High  School  of  Pennsylvania  meets  my  most  cordial  approbation. 
Invited  to  the  rich  prairie  lands  of  the  West,  where  the  labor  of  the 
husbandman  is  simple  and  uniform,  when  population  has  filled  our 
valleys,  it  passes  away  from  our  highland  soils  where  scientific  cul 
ture  is  required  to  reward  labor  by  bringing  fruitfulness  and  plenty 
out  of  comparative  sterility.  While  individual  liberality  has  done 
much  for  an  institution  that  is  designed  to  educate  the  farmer  of 
the  State,  the  school  languishes  for  want  of  public  aid.  An  experi 
ence  of  ten  years  has  fully  demonstrated  that  the  institution  can  be 
made  self-sustaining,  and  it  requires  no  aid  from  the  State,  except 
for  the  completion  of  the  buildings  in  accordance  with  the  original 
design.  A  liberal  appropriation  for  that  purpose  would  be  honor 
able  to  the  Legislature,  and  a  just  recognition  of  a  system  of  public 
instruction  that  is  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  State  in  the 
development  of  our  wealth,  the  growth  of  our  population,  and  the 
prosperity  of  our  great  agricultural  interests. 

The  State  having  been  wisely  relieved  of  the  management  of  the 
public  improvements  by  their  sale,  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment  is  greatly  simplified,  its  resources  are  certain  and  well  under 
stood,  and  the  amount  of  the  public  debt  is  definitely  ascertained. 
A  rigid  economy  in  all  its  various  departments,  and  a  strict  ac 
countability  from  all  its  public  officers,  are  expected  by  our  people, 
and  they  shall  not  be  disappointed.  Now  that  the  debt  of  the  State 
is  in  course  of  steady  liquidation  by  the  ordinary  means  of  the 
Treasury,  all  unnecessary  expenditures  of  the  public  money  must  be 
firmly  resisted,  so  that  the  gradual  diminution  of  the  indebtedness 
shall  not  be  interrupted. 

To  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  people  and  the  power  of  the 
commonwealth  by  increasing  her  financial  resources,  by  a  liberal 
recognition  of  the  vast  interests  of  our  commerce,  by  husbanding 
our  means  and  diminishing  the  burdens  of  taxation  and  debt,  will 
be  the  highest  objects  of  my  ambition,  and  all  the  energy  of  my 
administration  will  be  directed  to  the  accomplishment  of  these  re 
sults. 

The  pardoning  power  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  delicate 
powers  conferred  upon  the  Chief  Magistrate  by  the  constitution, 
and  it  should  always  be  exercised  with  great  caution,  and  never,  ex 
cept  on  the  most  conclusive  evidence  that  it  is  due  to  the  condemned, 
and  that  the  public  security  will  not  be  prejudiced  by  the  act. 


1 1 6  ANDRE  W  G.    CUR  TIN. 

When  such  applications  are  presented  to  the  Executive  it  is  due  to 
society,  to  the  administration  of  justice,  and  to  all  interested,  that 
public  notice  should  be  given.  By  the  adoption  of  such  a  regula 
tion  imposition  will  be  prevented  and  just  efforts  will  be  strength 
ened. 

The  association  of  capital  and  labor,  under  acts  of  incorporation, 
where  the  purposes  to  be  accomplished  are  beyond  the  reach  of  indi 
vidual  enterprise,  has  long  been  the  policy  of  the  State,  and  has 
done  much  to  advance  the  prosperity  of  the  people.  Where  the 
means  of  the  citizens  are  moderate,  as  they  generally  are  in  a  new 
and  growing  country,  and  where  the  concentration  of  the  capital  of 
many  is  necessary  to  development  and  progress,  such  associations, 
wrhen  judiciously  restricted,  confer  large  benefits  on  the  State.  The 
vast  resources  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  variety  of  her  mechanical 
and  other  industrial  pursuits  invite  capital  and  enterprise  from 
abroad,  which,  on  every  sound  principle  of  political  economy, 
should  be  encouraged.  Much  of  the  time  of  the  "Legislature  is  con 
sumed  by  applications  for  special  chartered  privileges  which  might 
be  saved  by  the  enactment  of  general  laws  and  by  such  amendment 
to  our  general  mining  and  manufacturing  law  as  will  remove  need 
less  and  burdensome  restraints,  and  at  the  same  time  afford  ample 
protection  to  capital  and  labor,  and  to  the  community  at  large.  Our 
statute  books  are  full  of  acts  of  incorporation,  conferring  special 
privileges,  various  as  they  are  numerous,  dissimilar  in  their  grants 
of  power,  and  unequal  in  their  liabilities  and  restrictions.  Well 
considered  and  judicious  general  laws  to  meet  all  classes  of  corpora 
tions  would  remedy  the  evil,  economize  time  and  money,  relieve 
the  Legislature  from  the  constant  pressure  for  undue  privileges,  and 
be  just  and  equal  to  all  in  their  administration. 

The  veto  power  conferred  upon  the  Executive  was  given  with 
much  hesitation,  and  not  without  serious  apprehensions  as  to  its 
abuse,  by  the  framers  of  our  organic  law.  It  is,  in  my  judgment, 
to  be  used  with  the  greatest  caution,  and  only  when  legislation  is 
manifestly  inconsiderate,  or  of  more  than  doubtful  constitution 
ality.  The  legislators,  chosen  as  they  are,  directly  by  the  people, 
in  such  a  manner  that  a  fair  expression  of  their  views  of  the  true 
policy  of  the  government  can  always  be  had,  give  to  all  well-con 
sidered  measures  of  legislation  the  solemn  sanction  of  the  highest 
power  of  the  State,  and  it  should  not  be  arbitrarily  interfered  with. 
While  I  shall  shrink  from  no  duty  involved  by  the  sacred  trust  re 
posed  in  me  by  the  people  of  the  commonwealth,  I  would  have  all 
other  departments  of  the  government  appreciate  the  full  measure  of 
responsibility  that  devolves  upon  them. 


HIS  FfRST  ADM1NISTRA  TION.  1 1 7 

The  position  of  mutual  estrangement  in  which  the  different  sec 
tions  of  our  country  have  been  placed  by  the  precipitate  action  and 
violent  denunciation  of  heated  partisans,  the  apprehension  of  still 
more  serious  complications  of  our  political  affairs,  and  the  fearful 
uncertainty  of  the  future,  have  had  the  effect  of  weakening  com 
mercial  credit  and  partially  interrupting  trade,  and,  as  a  natural 
consequence,  deranging  our  exchanges  and  currency.  Yet  the  ele 
ments  of  general  prosperity  are  everywhere  diffused  amongst  us, 
and  nothing  is  wanting,  but  a  return  of  confidence,  to  enable  us  to 
reap  the  rich  rewards  of  our  diversified  industry  and  enterprise. 
Should  the  restitution  of  confidence  in  business  and  commercial  cir 
cles  be  long  delayed,  the  Legislature,  in  its  wisdom,  will,  I  doubt 
not,  meet  the  necessities  of  the  crisis  in  a  generous  and  partriotic 
spirit. 

Thus  far  our  system  of  government  has  fully  answered  the  expecta 
tions  of  its  founders,  and  has  demonstrated  the  capacity  of  the 
people  for  self-government.  The  country  has  advanced  in  wrealth, 
knowledge,  and  power,  and  secured  to  all  classes  of  its  citizens  the 
blessings  of  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness.  The  workings  of  our 
simple  and  natural  political  organizations  have  given  direction  and 
energy  to  individual  and  associated  enterprise,  maintained  public 
-order,  and  promoted  the  welfare  of  all  parts  of  our  vast  and  expand 
ing  country.  No  one  who  knows  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  and 
understands  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  her  people,  can  justly 
charge  us  with  hostility  to  our  brethren  of  other  States.  We  regard 
them  as  friends  and  fellow  countrymen,  in  whose  welfare  we  feel  a 
kindred  interest;  and  we  recognize,  in  their  broadest  extent,  all  our 
constitutional  obligations  to  them.  These  we  are  ready  and  willing 
to  observe  generously  and  fraternally  in  their  letter  and  spirit  with 
unswerving  fidelity. 

The  election  of  a  President  of  the  United  States,  according  to 
the  forms  of  the  constitution,  has  recently  been  made  a  pretext  for 
disturbing  the  peace-of  the  country  by  a  deliberate  attempt  to  wrest 
from  the  federal  government  the  powers  which  the  people  con 
ferred  on  it  when  they  adopted  the  constitution.  By  this  movement, 
the  question  whether  the  government  of  the  United  States  embodies 
the  prerogatives,  rights,  and  powers  of  sovereignty,  or  merely  repre 
sents,  for  specific  purposes,  a  multitude  of  independent  communities 
confederated  in  a  league  which  any  one  of  them  may  dissolve  at 
will,  is  now  placed  directly  before  the  American  people.  Unhappily 
this  question  is  not  presented  in  the  simple  form  of  political  dis 
cussion,  but  complicated  with  the  passions  and  jealousies  of  impend 
ing  or  actual  conflict. 


1 1 8  ANDRE  W  G.   CUR  TIN. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  rTor  in  any  of  his 
acts  or  declarations  before  or  since  his  election,  to  warrant  the 
apprehension  that  his  administration  will  be  unfriendly  to  the  local 
institutions  of  any  of  the  States.  No  sentiments  but  those  of  kind 
ness  and  conciliation  have  been  expressed  or  entertained  by  the 
constitutional  majority  which  elected  him  ;  and  nothing  has  occurred 
to  justify  the  excitement  which  seems  to  have  blinded  the  judg 
ment  of  a  part  of  the  people,  and  is  precipitating  them  into  revolu 
tion. 

The  supremacy  of  the  national  government  has  been  so  fully  ad 
mitted,  and  so  long  cherished  by  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
so  completely  has  the  conviction  of  its  nationality  and  sovereignty 
directed  their  political  action  that  they  are  surprised  at  the  per 
tinacity  with  which  a  portion  of  the  people  elsewhere  maintain  the 
opposite  view.  The  traditions  of  the  past,  the  recorded  teachings 
of  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic,  the  security  of  their  freedom  and 
prosperity,  and  their  hopes  for  the  future,  are  all  in  harmony  with 
an  unfaltering  allegiance  to  the  national  union,  the  maintenance  of 
the  constitution  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  They  have  faith 
fully  adhered  to  the  compromises  of  our  great  national  compact,  and 
willingly  recognized  the  peculiar  institutions  and  rights  of  property 
of  the  people  of  other  States.  Every  true  Pennsylvanian  admits 
that  his  first  civil  and  political  duty  is  to  the  general  government, 
and  he  frankly  acknowledges  his  obligation  to  protect  the  constitu 
tional  rights  of  all  who  live  under  its  authority  and  enjoy  its 
blessings. 

I  have  already  taken  occasion  to  state  publicly,  and  I  now  repeat, 
that  if  we  have  any  laws  upon  our  statute  books  which  infringe 
upon  the  rights  of  the  people  of  any  of  the  States,  or  contravene 
any  law  of  the  federal  government,  or  obstruct  its  execution,  they 
ought  to  be  repealed.  We  ought  not  to  hesitate  to  exhibit  to  other 
States  that  may  have  enacted  laws  interfering  with  the  rights  or 
obstructive  of  the  remedies  which  belong  constitutionally  to  all 
American  citizens,  an  example  of  magnanimity  and  of  implicit 
obedience  to  the  paramount  law,  and  by  a  prompt  repeal  of  every 
statute  that  may,  even  by  implication,  be  liable  to  reasonable 
objection,  do  our  part  to  remove  every  just  cause  of  dissatisfaction 
with  our  legislation. 

Pennsylvania  has  never  faltered  in  her  recognition  of  all  the  duties 
imposed  upon  her  by  the  national  compact,  and  she  will,  by  every 
act  consistent  with  her  devotion  to  the  interests  of  her  own  people, 
promote  fraternity  and  peace,  and  a  liberal  comity  between  the 
States.  Her  convictions  on  the  vital  questions  which  have  agitated 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 19 

the  public  mind  are  well  understood  at  home,  and  should  not  be 
misunderstood  abroad.  Her  verdicts  have  been  as  uniform  as  they 
have  been  decisive,  in  favor  of  the  dignity,  the  prosperity  and  the 
progress  of  her  free  industry,  and  support  of  the  principles  of 
liberty  on  which  the  government  is  founded,  and  menace  or  rebell 
ion  cannot  reverse  them.  They  have  passed  into  history  as  the 
deliberate  judgment  of  her  people,  expressed  in  a  peaceful,  fraternal, 
and  constitutional  manner;  and  when  they  shall  have  been  adminis 
tered  in  the  government,  as  soon  they  will  be,  the  madness  that 
now  rules  the  hour  will  subside,  as  their  patriotic,  faithful,  and 
national  aims  bring  ample  protection  and  peaceful  progress  to  all 
sections  of  the  Republic. 

In  the  grave  questions  which  now  agitate  the  country  no  State 
has  a  more  profound  concern  than  Pennsylvania.  Occupying  a 
geographical  position  between  the  North  and  the  South,  the  East 
and  the  West,  with  the  great  avenues  of  trade  and  travel  passing 
through  her  borders,  carrying  on  an  extensive  commerce  with  her 
neighbors,  in  the  vast  and  varied  productions  of  her  soil,  her  mines, 
and  her  manufacturing  industry,  and  bound  to  them  by  the  ties  of 
kindred  and  social  intercourse,  the  question  of  disunion  involves 
momentous  consequences  to  her  people.  The  second  of  the  thirty- 
three  States  in  population,  and  the  first  in  material  resources,  it  is 
due  both  to  ourselves  and  to  the  other  States  that  the  position  and 
sentiments  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  question  should  be  distinctly 
understood. 

All  the  elements  of  wealth  and  greatness  have  been  spread  over 
the  State  by  a  kind  Providence  with  profuse  liberality.  Our  tem 
perate  climate,  productive  soil,  and  inexhaustible  mineral  wrealth 
have  stimulated  the  industry  of  our  people  and  improved  the  skill 
of  our  mechanics.  To  develop,  enlarge,  and  protect  the  interests 
which  grow  out  of  pure  natural  advantages,  have  become  cardinal 
principles  of  political  economy  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  opinion 
everywhere  prevails  among  our  people  that  development,  progress, 
and  the  law  depend  on  educated  and  requited  labor ;  and  that  labor 
and  the  interests  sustained  by  it  should  be  adequately  protected 
against  foreign  competition.  The  people  of  Pennsylvania  have 
always  favored  that  policy  which  aims  to  elevate  and  foster  the  in 
dustry  of  the  country  in  the  collection  of  revenue  for  the  support  of 
the  general  government,  and,  whenever  they  have  had  the  oppor 
tunity  in  a  fair  election,  they  have  vindicated  that  policy  at  the 
ballot-box.  When  their  trade  was  prostrated  and  their  industry 
paralyzed  by  the  legislation  of  the  general  government,  which 
favored  adverse  interests,  they  waited  patiently  for  the  return  of 


120  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

another  opportunity  to  declare  the  public  will  yi  a  constitutional 
manner.  In  the  late  election  of  President  of  the  United  States  the 
principle  of  protection  was  one  of  the  prominent  issues.  With  the 
proceedings  of  Congress  at  its  last  session  fresh  in  their  memories, 
a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  enrolled  themselves 
in  organization,  which,  in  its  declaration  of  principles,  promised, 
if  successful,  to  be  faithful  to  their  suffering  interests  and  languish 
ing  industry.  Protection  to  labor  was  one  of  the  great  principles 
of  its  platform ;  it  was  inscribed  on  its  banners ;  it  was  advocated 
by  its  public  journals ;  and  throughout  the  canvass  it  was  a  leading 
text  of  the  orators  of  the  successful  party. 

This  is  a  propitious  moment  to  declare  that  while  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania  were  not  indifferent  to  other  vital  issues  of  the  can 
vass,  they  were  demanding  justice  for  themselves  in  the  recent 
election,  and  had  no  design  to  interfere  with  or  abridge  the  rights 
of  the  people  of  other  States.  The  growth  of  our  State  had  been 
retarded  by  the  abrogation  of  the  principle  of  protection  from  the 
revenue  laws  of  the  national  government;  bankruptcy  had  crushed 
the  energies  of  many  of  our  most  enterprising  citizens;  but  no 
voice  of  disloyalty  or  treason  was  heard,  nor  was  an  arm  raised  to 
offer  violence  to  the  sacred  fabric  of  our  national  union.  Conscious 
of  their  rights  and  their  power,  the  people  looked  to  the  ballot- 
box  alone  as  the  legal  remedy  for  existing  evils. 

In  the  present  unhappy  condition  of  the  country,  it  will  be  our 
duty  to  unite  with  the  people  of  the  States  which  remain  loyal  to 
the  Union,  in  any  just  and  honorable  measures  of  conciliation  and 
fraternal  kindness.  Let  us  invite  them  to  join  us  in  the  fulfillment 
of  all  our  obligations  under  the  federal  constitution  and  laws. 
Then  we  can  cordially  unite  with  them  in  claiming  like  obedience 
from  those  States  which  have  renounced  their  allegiance.  If  the 
loyal  States  are  just  and  moderate,  without  any  sacrifice  of  right  or 
self-respect,  the  threatened  danger  may  be  averted. 

Ours  is  a  national  government.  It  has  within  the  sphere  of  its 
action  all  the  attributes  of  sovereignty,  and  among  these  are  the 
right  and  duty  of  self-preservation.  It  is  based  upon  a  compact  to 
which  all  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  parties.  It  is  the 
result  of  mutual  concessions,  which  were  made  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  reciprocal  benefits.  It  acts  directly  on  the  people,  and  they 
owe  it  a  personal  allegiance.  No  part  of  the  people,  no  State  nor 
combination  of  States,  can  voluntarily  secede  from  the  Union,  nor 
absolve  themselves  from  their  obligations  to  it.  To  permit  a  State 
to  withdraw  at  pleasure  from  the  Union,  without  the  consent  of  the 
rest,  is  to  confess  that  our  government  is  a  failure.  Pennsylvania 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 2 1 

can  never  acquiesce  in  such  a  conspiracy,  nor  assent  to  a  doctrine 
which  involves  the  destruction  of  the  government.  If  the  govern 
ment  is  to  exist,  all  the  requirements  of  the  constitution  must  be 
obeyed ;  and  it  must  have  power  adequate  to  the  enforcement  of  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land  in  every  State.  It  is  the  first  duty  of  the 
national  authorities  to  stay  the  progress  of  anarchy  and  enforce  the 
laws,  and  Pennsylvania,  with  a  united  people,  will  give  them  an 
honest,  faithful,  and  active  support.  The  people  mean  to  preserve 
the  integiity  of  the  national  union  at  every  hazard. 

The  constitution,  which  was  originally  framed  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  thirteen  States  and  four  millions  of  people,  in  less  than 
three-quarters  of  a  century  has  embraced  thirty-three  States  and 
thirty  millions  of  inhabitants.  Our  territory  has  been  extended 
over  new  climates,  including  people  with  new  interests  and  wants, 
and  the  government  has  protected  them  all.  Everything  requisite 
to  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union  and  its  expanding  power  would  seem 
to  have  been  foreseen  and  provided  for  by  the  wisdom  and  sagacity 
of  the  framers  of  the  constitution. 

It  is  all  we  desire  or  hope  for,  and  all  that  our  fellow  countrymen 
who  complain,  can  reasonably  demand.  It  provides  that  amend 
ments  may  be  proposed  by  Congress ;  and,  whenever  the  necessity 
to  amend  shall  occur,  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  will  give  to  the 
amendments  which  Congress  may  propose,  the  careful  and  deliberate 
consideration  which  their  importance  may  demand.  Change  is  not 
always  progress,  and  a  people  who  have  lived  so  long  and  enjoyed 
so  much  prosperity,  who  have  so  many  sacred  memories  of  the  past, 
and  such  rich  legacies  to  transmit  to  the  future,  should  deliberate 
long  and  seriously  before  they  attempt  to  alter  any  of  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  the  great  charter  of  our  liberties. 

I  assume  the  duties  of  this  high  office  at  the  most  trying  period  of 
our  national  history.  The  public  mind  is  agitated  by  fears,  suspi 
cions,  and  jealousies.  Serious  apprehensions  of  the  future  pervade 
the  people.  A  preconcerted  and  organized  effort  has  been  made  to 
disturb  the  stability  of  government,  dissolve  the  union  of  the  States, 
and  mar  the  symmetry  and  order  of  the  noblest  political  structure 
ever  devised  and  enacted  by  human  wisdom.  It  shall  be  my  earnest 
endeavor  to  justify  the  confidence  which  you  have  reposed  in  me, 
and  to  deserve  your  approbation.  With  a  consciousness  of  the  recti 
tude  of  my  intentions,  with  no  resentments  to  cherish,  no  enmities 
to  avenge,  no  wish  but  the  public  good  to  gratify,  and  with  a  pro 
found  sense  of  the  solemnity  of  my  position,  I  humbly  invoke  the 
assistance  of  our  Heavenly  Father,  in  whom  alone  is  my  depend 
ence,  that  His  strength  may  sustain  and  His  wisdom  guide  me. 


1 2  2  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

With  His  ivine  aid  I  shall  apply  myself  faithfully  and  fearlessly 
to  my  responsible  duties,  and  abide  the  judgment  of  a  generous 
people. 

Invoking  the  blessing  of  the  God  of  our  fathers  upon  our  State 
and  nation,  it  shall  be  the  highest  object  of  my  ambition  to  con 
tribute  to  the  glory  of  the  commonwealth,  maintain  the  civil  and 
religious  privileges  of  the  people,  and  promote  the  union,  pros 
perity,  and  happiness  of  the  country. 

The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  was  in  hearty  accord 
with  the  suggestions  made  by  the  Governor.  Conser 
vative  in  a  great  degree,  he  was  firm  and  decided  as  to 
the  position  which  he  and  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
would  take  in  the  matter  of  secession.  Notwithstand 
ing  all  the  efforts  made  for  a  satisfactory  and  peaceful 
adjustment  of  the  controversy  by  the  conservative 
people  of  the  free  States,  the  leaders  of  rebellion  were 
determined  in  their  work  of  disrupting  the  Union. 
From  this  time  forward  all  eyes  were  turned  to  the  man 
who  was  to  take  the  helm  of  the  nation  and  guide  the 
good  old  ship  through  the  breakers  and  the  disastrous 
storm  which  threatened.  The  inauguration  of  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  was  but  six  weeks  off.  The  Pennsylvania 
Legislature,  strongly  imbued  with  a  sense  of  their  appre 
ciation  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  cordially  invited  him  to 
accept  the  hospitality  of  the  State,  on  his  journey  to  the 
federal  capital.  Mr.  Lincoln  accepted  this  mark  of 
respect  from  the  Governor  and  the  assembly  of  the 
State.  Governor  Curtin  welcomed  the  President-elect, 
in  language  as  firm  as  it  was  patriotic.  He  said  in  part : 

u  Sir,  this  day  by  act  of  our  Legislature,  we  unfurled 
from  the  dome  of  the  capitol  the  flag  of  our  country, 
carried  there  in  the  arms  of  men  who  defended  the 
country  when  defence  was  needed.  I  assure  you,  sir, 
there  is  no  star  or  stripe  erased,  and  on  its  azure  field 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  123 

there  blazon  forth  thirty-four  stars,  the  number  in  the 
bright  constellation  of  States  over  which  you  are  called 
by  the  people,  in  a  fair  election,  to  preside.  We  trust, 
sir,  that  in  the  discharge  of  your  high  office  you  may 
reconcile  the  unhappy  differences  now  existing,  as  they 
have  heretofore  been  reconciled.  But,  sir,  when  con 
ciliation  has  failed,  read  our  history,  study  our  traditions. 
Here  are  the  people  who  will  defend  you,  the  constitu 
tion,  the  laws  and  the  integrity  of  this  Union.  Our 
great  law-giver,  the  founder,  established  this  government 
of  a  free  people  in  deeds  of  peace.  We  are  a  peaceful, 
laborious  people.  We  believe  that  civilization,  progress 
and  Christianity  are  advanced  by  the  protection  of  free 
and  paid  labor." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  reply  has  passed  into  history,  and  the 
events  of  that  day  and  his  secret  passage  from  Harris- 
burg  to  Washington  City  through  the  night  which  fol 
lowed,  have  also  been  recorded. 

Events  continued  ominous,  until  at  last  the  assault 
upon  Fort  Sumter  opened  the  civil  war. 

Early  in  the  session  of  the  Legislature  a  project  was 
started  appropriating  a  large  sum  of  money  for  the  pur 
pose  of  arming  the  militia  of  the  State.  This  was 
quietly  held  in  abeyance  until  after  consultation  with 
President  Lincoln  on  the  eighth  of  April.  The  day 
following  Governor  Curtin  made  the  urgent  request  to 
the  Legislature  to  make  important  provision  for  arming 
and  equipping  the  militia.  u  We  cannot  be  insensible," 
says  the  Governor,  "  to  the  fact  that  serious  jealousies 
and  divisions  distract  the  public  mind,  and  that  any 
division  of  this  Union  endangers  the  peace  of  the  coun 
try,  if  not  the  safety  of  the  government  itself.  Military 
organizations  of  a  formidable  character  and  which  seem 


1 24  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

not  to  be  demanded  for  any  existing  exigency,  have 
been  formed  in  certain  of  the  States.  On  whatever 
pretext  these  extraordinary  military  preparations  have 
been  made  for  any  purpose  contemplating  the  resistance 
to  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  they  will  meet  with  no 
sympathy  and  encouragement  by  the  people  of  this 
commonwealth.  Pennsylvania  yields  to  110  State  in  her 
respect  for,  and  her  willingness  to  protect,  all  guaranteed 
constitutional  rights  independent  of  her  sister  States, 
nor  in  fidelity  to  the  constitution  and  the  Union,  whose 
unexampled  benefits  have  been  showered  upon  herself 
and  them. 

u  The  government  of  this  great  State  was  established 
by  its  illustrious  founder  in  days  of  peace.  Our  people 
have  been  trained  and  disciplined  in  those  acts  which 
led  to  the  promotion  of  their  own  moral  and  physical 
development,  and,  with  the  highest  regard  for  the  rights 
of  others  have  always  cultivated  pleasant  relations  with 
the  people  of  other  States,  devoted  to  the  constitution 
and  the  Union,  and  herself  recognizing  the  state  of  con 
cession  and  compromise  which  iinderlies  the  foundation 
of  the  government,  Pennsylvania  offers  no  encourage 
ment  and  takes  no  counsel  in  the  nature  of  menace. 
Her  desire  is  for  peace,  and  her  object  the  preservation 
of  the  rights  of  citizens,  the  free  sovereignty  of  the  States 
and  the  supremacy  of  law  and  order." 

Promptly  the  General  Assembly  acted  upon  the  matter 
and  passed  the  act  appropriating  the  sum  of  half  a  mill 
ion  dollars  to  carry  out  the  objects  of  the  law.  In  three 
days  that  important  war  measure  had  become  a  law.  In 
addition  thereto,  the  Legislature,  on  motion  of  a  Demo 
cratic  member  of  the  House,  offered  resolutions  which 
were  unanimously  adopted,  pledging  u  the  support  of 


HIS  FIRS  T  A  DMINIS  TRA  TION.  1 2  5 

this  commonwealth  to  any  amount  and  to  any  extent,  to 
the  government  of  the  United  States  to  enforce  its  laws, 
protect  its  property,  and  preserve  its  integrity." 

The  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  eighteenth  of  April, 
but  events  having  become  so  momentous,  the  Governor, 
two  days  afterward,  issued  his  proclamation  for  an 
extraordinary  session  of  the  Legislature  to  meet  on  the 
thirtieth  of  that  month.  In  his  message  to  the  Legisla 
ture  convened  in  extra  session,  the  Governor  after  quoting 
from  his  inaugural,  thus  refers  to  the  rebellious  move 
ments  of  the  Southern  States,  as  follows  : 

"  The  time  has  passed  for  temporizing  or  forbearing 
with  this  rebellion,  the  most  causeless  in  history.  The 
North  has  not  invaded,  nor  has  she  sought  to  invade  a 
single  guaranteed  right  of  the  South.  On  the  contrary, 
all  political  parties,  all  administrations,  have  fully  recog 
nized  the  binding  force  of  their  provisions  of  the  great 
compact  between  the  States,  and  regardless  of  our  views 
of  State  policy,  our  people  have  respected  them.  To 
predicate  a  rebellion  therefore  upon  any  alleged  wrong 
inflicted,  or  sought  to  be  inflicted,  upon  the  South,  is  to 
offer  falsehood  as  an  excuse  for  treason.  So  the  civilized 
world  and  history  judge  this  mad  effort  to  overthrow  the 
most  beneficent  structure  of  human  government  ever 
devised  by  man. 

"  The  leaders  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Cotton  States 
which  has  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  a  provisional 
organization,  assume  to  discharge  all  the  functions  of 
governmental  power,  have  mistaken  the  forbearance  of 
the  general  government,  and  have  insanely  looked  to  a 
united  South  and  a  divided  North  to  give  success  to  the 
movement  which  has  led  to  the  taking  up  of  arms,  the 
bombardment  of  our  forts,  the  plunder  ot  our  mints ; 


1 2  6  ANDRE  W  G.  CU 

have  invited  piracy  upon  our  commerce,  and  now  threaten 
the  national  capital.  This  must  now  be  met  with  force 
of  arms,  and  by  establishing  the  government  upon  a  firm 
basis  by  asserting  its  entire  supremacy  to  repossess  the 
forts  and  other  government  property  so  held,  to  insure 
personal  freedom  to  the  people.  The  people  of  the  loyal 
States  demand  as  with  one  voice,  and  will  contend  for 
as  with  one  heart,  and  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Penn 
sylvania's  sons  will  answer  the  call  to  arms  if  need  be, 
to  arrest  us  from  a  reign  of  anarchy  and  plunder,  and 
secure  for  themselves  and  their  children,  the  perpetuity 
of  this  government  and  its  beneficent  institutions." 

Entertaining  these  views  and  anticipating  that  more 
troops  would  be  required  than  the  number  originally 
called  for,  Governor  Curtin  had  continued  to  receive 
companies  until  he  had  raised  twenty-three  regiments 
in  Pennsylvania,  all  of  which  had  been  mustered  into 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  also  two  additional 
regiments  had  been  sent  forward  in  response  to  the 
demands  of  the  general  government ;  but  he  recom 
mended  the  immediate  arming  of  at  least  fifteen  regi 
ments  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  exclusive  of  those  already 
called  into  the  service  of  the  Union,  as  there  were  already 
ample  warnings  of  the  necessity  of  any  sudden  exigency 
that  might  arise.  In  conclusion,  he  placed  the  honor  of 
the  State  in  their  hands. 

The  brief  history  of  those  few  weeks  which  intervened 
between  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  and  the  convening  of 
the  Legislature,  furnished  striking  evidence  of  the 
loyalty  and  patriotism  of  Pennsylvania.  The  original 
call  of  the  President  for  sixteen  regiments  was  not  only 
responded  to  with  hearty  alacrity,  but,  as  just  stated, 
the  Governor  in  anticipation  of  a  further  requisition, 


HIS  FIRST  ADM1NISTRA  TION.  127 

continued  to  receive  companies  until  twenty-five  regi 
ments  of  infantry  and  two  of  cavalry  had  been  forwarded 
to  the  federal  capital,  and  the  Governor  did  not  exaggerate 
when  he  estimated  that  Pennsylvania  alone  could  fur 
nish  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  men  in  the  defence  of  the 
Union  and  the  constitution.  Besides  men  there  was  no 
lack  of  money.  The  banks  had  unlocked  their  vaults, 
and  had  volunteered  any  amount  of  money  for  the  honor 
of  the  State  and  the  defence  of  the  nation. 

The  General  Assembly  confined  itself  exclusively  to 
the  recommendations  and  suggestions  made  by  the 
executive.  Provision  was  made  for  arming  and  equip 
ping  the  troops,  raising  a  war  loan,  and  other  important 
measures.  That  body  acted  promptly  and  with  a  unan 
imity  never  known  of  in  legislation. 

The  organization  of  that  famous  body  of  men,  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps,  and  its  hasty  call  to  the 
front,  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Bull  Run  in  July, 
1 86 1,  have  already  been  referred  to.  At  this  period 
(August,  1861),  recruiting  officers  from  different  localities 
outside  of  the  State  were  raising  troops  in  Pennsylvania, 
to  be  credited  to  other  States.  The  correspondence 
between  the  Governor,  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  War  at  this  time  concerning  this  matter  is  of  very 
great  import.  Its  length,  however,  precludes  insertion 
in  this  biography.  It  finally  necessitated  Governor 
Curtin  to  issue  a  proclamation  prohibiting  all  persons 
from  raising  men  in  this  State  to  be  furnished  for  others, 
and  the  Governor's  firm  and  decided  protest  had  the 
effect  of  putting  a  stop  to  this  innovation  of  State 
rights. 

On  the  tenth  of  October,  1861,  the  Governor  telegraphed 
the  Secretary  of  War  that  eighty  regiments  had  gone  to 


128  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

the   front,  or  were  then  going   forward,  ^vhich  was  an 
excess  over  all  requisitions. 

About  this  period,  Governor  Curtin  appointed  a  com 
mission  for  the  protection  of  the  interests  of  the  vol 
unteer  soldier,  so  as  to  afford  him  every  facility  for 
remitting  a  portion,  or  the  whole,  of  his  pay  to  his 
family  or  such  other  persons  in  whose  support  and  com 
fort  he  was  interested.  This  was  to  protect  him  from 
any  imposition  from  speculators  who  infested  Washing 
ton  City  and  the  neighborhood  of  camps  for  the  purpose 
of  robbing  the  soldiers  when  they  failed  to  rob  the 
government.  This,  to  many,  may  seem  to  be  of  little 
account,  but  few  have  any  idea  of  the  good  effect  it  had 
and  how  much  it  was  appreciated  by  the  men  at  the 
front.  A  circular  was  issued  by  the  commissioners 
addressed  to  Pennsylvanians,  and  the  Governor  in  the 
name  of  the  commonwealth  approved  of  the  plain  and 
practical  plan  which  they  had  adopted  in  the  perform 
ance  of  their  patriotic  mission  to  the  Pennsylvania  vol 
unteers  on  the  line  of  the  Potomac. 

Of  the  events  that  followed  during  the  year,  whether 
in  the  field  or  at  home,  it  is  not  our  province  to  allude 
in  general  terms,  reserving  for  Governor  Curtin  in  his 
annual  message  to  the  Legislature  of  1862,  to  summarize 
the  work  of  the  first  year  of  the  rebellion. 

At  that  period  the  Governor  stated  that  there  were  in 
active  service  93,577  men  ;  preparing  for  service,  16,038  ; 
making  a  total  of  Pennsylvania's  contribution  to  the 
civil  war  of  109,615,  exclusive  of  20,175  three-months 
men  then  disbanded.  In  conclusion,  after  reviewing 
the  financial  affairs  of  the  commonwealth,  requisitions 
made  upon  the  State  for  the  war,  as  well  as  the  payment 
of  a  direct  tax,  he  closes  his  message  in  these  words : 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.  129 

"  Pennsylvania  has  made  great  efforts  to  support  the 
government,  she  has  given  more,  and  better  clothed,  and 
better  equipped  men  than  any  other  State,  and  has  thus 
far  exceeded  her  quota  of  the  military  levies.  The  sons 
of  our  best  citizens,  young  men  of  education  and  means, 
fill  the  ranks  of  her  volunteer  regiments.  Their  gallant 
conduct,  whenever  an  opportunity  has  been  afforded  to 
them,  has  done  honor  to  the  commonwealth.  The  uni 
versal  movement  among  our  people  signifies  that  they 
are  loyal  to  the  government  established  by  their  fathers 
and  are  determined  to  quell  the  present  insurrection  and 
preserve  the  Union,  and  that  they  will  not  tolerate  any 
plan  for  either  the  dissolution  or  reconstruction  of  it." 

The  message  of  Governor  Curtin  was  a4  model  in  pro 
portion,  statement,  detail  and  sentiment.  It  was  divested 
of  all  rhetoric,  exaggerations  and  gasconade.  It  was 
simple,  terse  and  explicit.  Its  figures  were  indisputable, 
its  facts  part  of  the  history  of  the  times,  and  its  senti 
ment  of  that  imposing  character  that  at  once  impresses 
the  reader  with  the  sublimity  of  their  presence  and  the 
moral  force  of  their  power. 

At  this  juncture  of  affairs,  Governor  Curtin  was  not 
unmindful  of  the  men  who  had  left  the  State  and  were 
in  the  service  of  the  nation,  but  at  once  devoted  him 
self  to  the  laudable  purpose  of  promoting  by  every  pos 
sible  means,  the  comfort,  discipline,  and  the  efficiency 
of  the  volunteer  soldiers  from  Pennsylvania.  In  Feb 
ruary,  1862,  he  left  the  State  for  the  federal  capital  to 
consult  with  the  departments  there,  and  also  to  visit 
the  various  camps,  that  he  might  be  able  personally  to 
inspect  the  troops,  ascertain  their  sanitary  condition, 
and  with  all  the  means  in  his  power  to  contribute  to 
their  just  and  honorable  wants, 
9 


130  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

After  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson,  the  Governor 
issued  an  order  on  the  nineteenth  of  February,  directing 
all  military  organizations,  on  the  twenty-second  of  Feb 
ruary  following,  being  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of 
the  "  Father  of  his  Country,"  to  celebrate  the  success  of 
our  arms  and  the  loyalty  and  the  bravery  of  our  soldiers 
and  sailors. 

During  the  early  spring  of  1862,  the  ceremonies 
attending  the  presentation  of  the  flags  by  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  the  different  regiments  in  the  front, 
and  those  departing  for  the  field,  were  considered  the 
most  imposing  events  that  transpired  in  connection  with 
the  patriotic  army  which  Pennsylvania  had  given  to  the 
Union.  Eloquent,  patriotic,  full  of  meaning  and  sublime 
in  diction,  no  more  appreciative  addresses  were  ever 
made  to  the  citizen-soldiery  of  any  country.  The  labors 
of  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States  at  that  time  differed 
somewhat  from  the  stirring  and  exciting  character  which 
distinguished  their  efforts  the  year  prior.  Then  they 
were  energetic  in  summoning  men  to  enrollment,  equip 
ping  companies  and  organizing  regiments  ;  now  the 
patriotic  work  was  in  maintaining  these  organizations 
That  labor  was  far  the  most  onerous  and  harassing. 
The  people  of  Pennsylvania  neither  then  nor  at  this  not 
great  distance  of  time  can  scarcely  form  an  idea  of  the 
labor  and  thought  which  pressed  on  the  humblest  man 
in  the  department  of  the  State  capital,  nor  can  they 
fairly  estimate  the  immense  labor  which  devolved  upon 
Governor  Curtin.  He  had  at  this  period  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  soldiers  in  his  personal  care — he  was 
daily  charged  with  their  health.  Frequently  appealed 
to  on  the  subject  of  their  discipline  and  to  arbitrate 
upon  their  claims  of  promotion  in  line  and  by  merit, 


HIS  FIA'ST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 3 1 

was  one  of  the  least  labors  and  responsibilities  forced 
upon  him  at  that  time.  He  had  actually  the  sick  to 
succor,  the  wounded  to  heal,  and  the  dead  to  bury,  and 
so  it  continued  until  the  war  of  the  rebellion  closed. 
In  the  discharge  of  that  duty  he  was  no  less  successful 
than  he  was  when  he  hurried  his  legions  across  the 
Susquehanna,  and  inarched  them  so  enthusiastically  to 
the  defence  of  the  national  capital.  The  other  execu 
tives  of  the  loyal  States  deserved  the  most  substantial 
honors  of  their  respective  States  and  people,  but  first 
among  them  all  as  the  champion  of  the  right  and  the 
emulator  of  the  merciful  and  humane,  stood  Governor 
Andrew  Gregg  Curtin,  and  Pennsylvania  remembered 
him  and  will  continue  to  do  so  while  she  remembers  her 
struggles  and  triumphs  for  the  Union. 

Early  measures  were  taken  to  insure  the  prompt 
removal  within  the  State  of  every  man  unfit  for  active 
duty.  The  result  was  that  hospitals  were  erected  and 
fitted  up  in  all  quarters  of  the  commonwealth,  and  in 
them  the  wounded  or  sick  soldier  received  every  atten 
tion  that  it  was  possible  to  give. 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  1862,  the  President  again 
made  a  requisition,  calling  on  Governor  Curtin  for 
additional  regiments.  At  this  period  there  was  threat 
ened  danger  of  an  invasion  of  the  State,  by  a  portion  of 
the  rebel  army,  and  the  excitement  throughout  the 
commonwealth  was  intense.  The  response  to  the  call 
for  more  troops  was  hearty,  but  the  excitement  was  soon 
allayed  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President  counter 
manding  the  order  for  the  enlistment  of  three-months 
volunteers.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  call  for 
troops  was  first  received  manifested  itself  by  direction 
of  the  Governor,  in  the  immediate  organization  of  the 


132  ANDREW  G.  CUKTIN. 

• 

entire  militia  force  of  the  commonwealth.  The  people 
assembled  at  every  recruiting  station  ;  they  formed  them 
selves  into  companies,  battalions,  and  regiments,  burning 
with  a  desire  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field  and  drive 
the  rebels  back  into  Virginia.  The  sublimity  of  the 
scene  was  only  equaled  when,  a  few  months  later,  an 
opportunity  was  again  offered  by  which  the  people 
proved  themselves  worthy  of  their  country  and  of  their 
State. 

On  the  fourth  of  July  the  President  issued  a  procla 
mation  followed  by  that  of  the  executive  of  the  State, 
asking  for  more  men  to  assist  in  suppressing  the  rebellion. 
This  was  due  to  the  fact  that  our  regiments  in  the  field 
were  to  be  recruited  to  their  original  strength,  while  in 
addition  new  regiments  were  to  be  formed.  Pennsylva 
nia  had  hitherto  done  her  duty  to  the  country  ;  yet, 
again  her  freemen  were  called  upon  in  her  defence,  that 
the  blood  of  her  sons  now  fallen  might  not  have  been 
shed  in  vain,  and  that  there  might  be  handed  down  to  pos 
terity  the  blessing  of  union  and  civil  and  political  liberty 
which  was  derived  from  the  fathers  of  the  republic. 
u  Our  noble  commonwealth,"  said  the  Governor,  "  has 
never  faltered,  and  must  stand  firm  now  when  her  honor 
and  everything  that  is  dear  to  her  are  at  stake."  A  few 
days  later  the  President  again  made  a  requisition  in  case 
of  great  emergency  for  twenty-one  new  regiments. 
These  were  designated  as  the  nine-months  men.  u  The 
present  emergency,"  said  the  Governor,  "  is  well  under 
stood.  No  patriot  will  pause  now  to  investigate  its 
causes  ;  we  must  look  to  the  future.  Everything  that  is 
dear  to  us  is  at  stake.  I  look  with  confidence  to  the 
freemen  of  Pennsylvania  ;  you  have  to  save  your  firesides 
and  your  homes.  I  call  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the 


HIS  FIRST  A DMINISTRA  TION.  1 33 

counties,  its  boroughs  and  townships  throughout  our 
borders  to  meet  and  take  active  measures  for  furnishing 
the  quota  of  the  State." 

On  the  seventh  of  July,  1862,  another  call  was  made 
by  the  President  for  three  hundred  thousand  volunteers. 
Pennsylvania  had  already  supplied  nearly  one  hundred 
and  ten  thousand  men,  yet  her  people  promptly  bestirred 
themselves  to  respond  to  this  new  requirement.  Al 
though  it  was  believed  that  no  bounties  would  be 
necessary  to  induce  the  men  of  Pennsylvania  to  enter 
the  service  of  their  country  on  such  an  occasion,  yet  as 
some  of  the  neighboring  States  offered  large  bounties,  it 
was  thought  not  right  to  expose  its  citizens  to  the  temp 
tations  thus  afforded  to  them  to  enlist  in  regiments  of 
other  States.  There  being  no  appropriation  for  the 
payment  of  bounties,  Governor  Curtin  could  not,  of 
course,  direct  them  to  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury,  and 
it  was  evident  to  call  the  Legislature  together  and  wait 
for  the  negotiation  of  any  loan  which  might  be  author 
ized  for  the  purpose,  would  be  attended  by  injurious 
delay.  Under  these  circumstances  he  confidently  ap 
pealed  by  proclamation  to  a  people  who  had  never 
faltered  in  the  performance  of  any  duty  of  patriotism, 
calling  on  them  to  raise  in  their  several  counties,  the 
sums  necessary  to  insure  their  proportion  of  the  quota 
of  the  State.  This  appeal  was  effectually  answered. 
Public  meetings  were  held,  and  liberal  amounts  sub 
scribed  by  individuals.  In  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
besides  a  very  large  fund  thus  raised,  the  municipal 
authorities  contributed  heavily  from  the  common  treas 
ury,  and  in  several  counties  the  county  commissioners, 
generally  under  the  guarantee  of  a  few  of  their  eminent 
citizens,  devoted  county  funds  to  the  same  purpose. 


134  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

Subsequently,  in  his  message  to  the  assembly  the 
Governor  recommended  that  these  proceedings  be  legal 
ized,  and  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  the  Legislature 
the  question  of  what  legislation  would  be  just  and 
proper  on  the  whole  subject  that  the  burden  of  this 
patriotic  effort  might  fall  equally  on  all  classes  of  people 
throughout  the  State. 

In  not  summoning  the  Legislature  at  this  crisis  of 
affairs,  the  Governor  paid  a  compliment  to  the  public 
spirit  of  the  people  and  a  confidence  which  was  not 
misplaced.  In  obedience  to  the  proclamation,  the  quota 
was  rapidly  filled  and,  to  the  honor  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad  Company,  then  the  great  corporation  of  the 
State,  $50,000  was  contributed,  to  be  applied  to  the 
payment  of  the  bounty  to  soldiers  enlisting  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  government,  and  although  not  employed  for 
that  purpose,  we  will  soon  see  to  what  great  benefaction 
it  led. 

In  all  sections  of  the  State  great  war  meetings  were 
held.  At  many  of  these  Governor  Curtiii  was  the 
prominent  figure.  At  Pittsburg  he  made  one  of  his 
most  patriotic  addresses.  In  concluding  his  magnificent 
oration  there,  the  Governor  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Since  the  beginning  of  this  rebellion,  these  traitors, 
whose  souls  are  blistered  with  perjury,  have  kept  their 
emissaries  in  foreign  lands  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
foreign  intervention  in  this  great  struggle.  When  one 
of  your  commodores  captured  two  of  their  hired  agents 
they  were  surrendered  to  a  haughty  power.  Now,  if  any 
foreign  nation  desires  to  intervene  it  is  too  late.  The 
indignation  of  this  country  is  thoroughly  aroused,  and 
if  either  England  or  France,  or  both,  desire  a  contest 
with  us,  they  will  find  the  energy,  the  courage,  and  the 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISJ^RA  TION.  1 35 

stubborn  will  of  our  people  prepared  for  them.  Let  the 
English  lion  show  his  teeth  now.  Our  sea-coast  is  well 
protected  with  iron  ships,  and  we  are  ready  and  can 
suppress  this  insurrection,  and  punish  foreign  insolence 
besides.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  soldiers  have 
already  gone  forth  to  do  battle  for  you,  thousands  of 
them  have  died  for  you,  and  thousands  more  are  ready 
when  it  is  necessary.  What  have  you  done  for  them? 
They  have  sacrificed  all  for  you  ;  what  have  you  sacri 
ficed  for  them  ?  Have  you  done  anything  to  support 
those  legions  ?  Have  you  made  any  effort  to  add  to 
their  comfort  or  to  provide  for  those  they  have  left 
behind  ?  This  is  a  subject  which  requires  your  serious 
consideration.  You  are  at  home  and  feel  none  of  the 
deprivations  which  they  suffer.  You  are  surrounded 
with  plenty,  and  ought  you  not  to  have  in  mind  those 
brave  men  who  bare  their  breasts  to  the  bayonet  of 
the  enemy,  and  generously  contribute  something  from 
your  store  in  their  behalf?  This  is  not  the  time 
to  hold  back.  Hanging  tremblingly  in  the  balance  is 
death  to  the  Republic  or  the  suppression  of  the  rebell 
ion.  In  the  one  case  all  these  States  will  be  divided 
into  small  nations,  and  will  become  insignificant  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world.  In  the  other,  we  will  prove  this  the 
strongest  government  ever  conceived  by  the  mind  of 
man,  and  our  children  and  our  children's  children,  for 
generations  to  come,  will  enjoy  all  the  blessings  which 
our  fathers  bequeathed  to  us." 

This  address  like  others  had  its  effect  on  the  enthu 
siasm  and  patriotism  of  the  people.  At  that  meeting 
over  30,000  people  were  assembled  determined  that  there 
should  be  no  drafting,  as  freemen  always  volunteer. 
Large  sums  of  money  were  liberally  contributed,  and  as 


I36  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

in  other  portions  of  the  commonweal tli  regiments  were 
speedily  organized  and  the  quota  of  Pennsylvania  filled. 
By  the  twentieth  of  the  same  month  (August)  Pennsyl 
vania  had  more  men  in  the  field  as  her  quota  of  the  last 
call  of  the  President  for  300,000  men,  than  New  York 
and  all  the  Eastern  States  combined. 

Following  the  completion  of  this  quota,  came  orders 
from  the  War  Department,  calling  for  300,000  additional 
men  by  enrollment  and  draft.  In  the  details  of  the 
draft  and  the  preparations  therefor,  a  work  at  once 
fraught  with  care  and  labor  and  importance,  Governor 
Curtin  was  kindly  aided  by  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure. 
The  organization  of  the  forces  required  great  care  and 
attention,  much  depending  upon  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  accomplished  and  sent  into  the  field,  as  to 
whether  it  would  be  of  the  service  designed  when 
the  War  Department  made  an  order  for  a  draft.  The 
material  for  an  immense  force  was  found  to  exist  in 
every  locality  of  the  State  and  these  localities  were  to 
be  credited  with  the  troops  already  contributed  with  the 
distinctive  difference  that  the  number  enlisted  in  the 
regular  service  could  not  be  credited  as  an  off-set  to 
what  might  be  required  in  the  draft.  To  attend  to  such 
of  the  details  as  would  have  fallen  upon  the  Executive, 
Colonel  McClure  patriotically  volunteered  to  assist,  and 
it  isn  a  historic  fact  that  he  discharged  the  duties  faith 
fully. 

Early  in  September  following,  the  rebel  army  crossed 
the  Potomac  into  Maryland,  with  the  design  of  invading 
Pennsylvania.  On  the  fourth  of  that  month  Governor 
Curtin  called  upon  the  people  by  proclamation  to 
organize  into  companies  and  hold  themselves  in  readi 
ness  to  be  ordered  into  actual  service  for  the  defence  of 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 37 

the  State  ;  and  on  the  eleventh  of  that  month,  under 
authority  of  the  President,  lie  issued  orders  for 
50,000  volunteer  militia,  to  rendezvous  at  Harrisburg. 
This  call  was  promptly  responded  to,  and  a  large  body 
was  sent  forward  to  the  Cumberland  Valley  and  its 
vicinity.  The  first  part  of  this  force,  consisting  of  one 
regiment  and  eight  companies  of  infantry,  moved  from 
Harrisburg  on  the  night  of  the  twelfth  of  September, 
and  were  followed  by  other  regiments  as  rapidly  as  they 
could  be  organized  and  transportation  provided. 

The  command  of  the  whole  force  was  undertaken  by 
Brigadier  General  John  F.  Reynolds,  who  left  his  corps 
in  the  Arm}'  of  the  Potomac  at  the  urgent  request  of  the 
Governor,  and  hurried  to  the  defence  of  his  native  State, 
for  which  he  is  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  common 
wealth.  Fifteen  thousand  of  the  volunteer  militia  were 
pushed  forward  to  Hagerstown  and  Boonsboro,  in  the 
State  of  Maryland  ;  ten  thousand  were  posted  in  the 
vicinity  of  Greencastle  and  Chambersburg ;  and  about 
twenty-five  thousand  were  at  Harrisburg,  on  their  way 
to  Harrisburg,  or  in  readiness  and  waiting  for  trans 
portation  to  proceed  thither.  One  regiment,  at  the 
request  of  General  Halleck,  was  sent  to  protect  Du 
Pout's  powder  mills  in  the  State  of  Delaware.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  of  September  the  Volunteer  Militia 
were  discharged  from  service,  having  by  their  spirited 
demonstration  greatly  aided  in  preventing  the  intended 
invasion  of  this  State  by  the  rebels,  and  in  compelling 
their  sudden  evacuation  of  the  portion  of  Maryland 
which  they  had  polluted.  It  may  be  here  stated  that 
the  Governor  in  his  call  recommended  that  in  order  to 
have  further  opportunity  for  drilling,  all  places  of  busi 
ness  be  closed  daily  at  three  p.  m.,  so  that  persons 


138  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

employed  therein  might  after  that  hour  be  at  liberty  to 
attend  to  their  military  duties.  Within  three  days  later, 
from  the  political  centre  of  the  commonwealth  to  its 
remotest  border,  from  the  Delaware  to  Lake  Erie,  from 
the  Allegheny  to  the  Susquehanna,  a  mighty  and 
unanimous  response  was  made  to  the  appeal  of  the 
gallant  and  intrepid  chief  magistrate.  At  that  moment 
there  were  100,000  men  ready  to  march  at  a  day's  notice 
to  repel  invasion  or  support  their  brethren  in  the  field. 
In  one  week's  time  the  largest  part  of  these  men  were 
better  drilled  than  any  of  the  armies  with  which 
Washington  fought  the  battles  of  the  Revolution.  Six 
days  later  the  Governor  called  for  troops  for  an  emer 
gency,  and  it  is  wonderful  with  \vhat  alacrity  organiza 
tions  were  effected,  and  twenty-five  regiments  were  sent 
to  the  borders  of  the  State  for  its  protection,  but  the 
disastrous  defeat  of  the  rebel  army  at  Antietam 
shortened  their  term  of  service. 

Allusion  has  already  been  made  concerning  the  con 
ference  of  the  War  Governors  at  Altoona,  in  September, 
1862.  Their  address  to  the  President,  written  by  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  and  Governor  Andrew,  is  so  frequently 
referred  to  and  so  little  known,  that  we  here  give  it  in 
detail : 

THE  ALTOONA  ADDRESS. 

After  nearly  one  year  and  a  half  spent  in  the  contest  with  an 
armed  and  gigantic  rebellion  against  the  national  government  of 
the  United  States,  the  duty  and  purpose  of  the  loyal  States  and  peo 
ple  continue,  and  must  always  remain,  as  they  were  at  its  origin ; 
namely,  to  restore  and  perpetuate  the  authority  of  this  government 
and  the  life  of  the  nation,  no  matter  what  consequences  are  involved 
in  our  fidelity.  Nevertheless,  this  work  of  restoring  the  republic, 
preserving  the  institutions  of  democratic  origin,  and  justifying  the 
hopes  and  toils  of  our  fathers,  shall  not  fail  to  be  performed  ;  and 
we  pledge,  without  hesitation,  to  the  President  of  the  United  States 


HIS  FIRS  T  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 39 

the  most  loyal  and  cordial  support  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  in  the 
exercise  of  the  functions  of  his  great  office. 

We  recognize  in  him,  the  chief  executive  magistrate  of  the 
nation,  the  conimander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United 
States,  their  responsible  and  constitutional  head,  whose  rightful 
authority  and  power,  as  well  as  the  constitutional  powers  of  Con 
gress,  must  be  vigorously  and  religiously  guarded  and  preserved,  as 
the  condition  on  which  all  of  our  form  of  government  and  the  con 
stitutional  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  themselves  can  be  saved 
from  the  wreck  of  anarchy,  or  from  the  rule  of  despotism. 

In  submission  to  the  laws  which  may  have  been  or  which  may  be 
duly  enacted,  and  to  the  lawful  orders  of  the  President,  co-operat 
ing  always  in  our  own  spheres  in  the  national  government,  we  mean 
to  continue  in  the  most  vigorous  exercise  of  all  our  lawful  and 
proper  powers,  contending  against  treason,  rebellion,  and  the  pub 
lic  enemies,  and  whether  in  public  life  or  private  station,  support 
ing  the  arms  of  the  Union  until  its  cause  shall  conquer;  until  final 
victory  shall  perch  upon  our  standard,  or  the  rebel  foe  shall  yield 
a  dutiful,  rightful  and  unconditional  submission ;  and  impressed  in 
the  conviction  that  an  army  of  reserves  ought,  until  the  war  shall  end, 
to  be  constantly  kept  on  foot,  to  be  raised,  armed,  equipped  and  trained 
at  home,  and  ready  for  emergencies,  we  respectfully  ask  the  Presi 
dent  to  call  for  such  a  force  of  volunteers  for  one  year's  service  of 
not  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  in  the  aggregate,  the  quota  of 
each  State  to  be  raised  after  it  shall  have  filled  its  quota  of  the 
requisitions  already  made,  both  for  volunteers  and  militia. 

We  believe  that  this  would  be  a  measure  of  military  prudence, 
while  it  would  greatly  promote  the  military  education  of  the  people. 
We  hail  in  the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  encouraged  hope  the  proclama 
tion  of  the  President,  issued  on  the  twenty-second  instant,  declar 
ing  emancipated  from  their  bondage  all  persons  held  to  service  or 
labor  as  slaves  in  the  rebel  States  whose  rebellion  shall  last  until  the 
first  day  of  January  next  ensuing. 

The  right  of  any  persons  to  retain  authority  to  compel  any  por 
tion  of  the  subjects  of  the  national  government  to  rebel  against  it, 
or  to  maintain  its  enemies,  implies  in  those  who  are  allowed  posses 
sion  of  such  authority  the  right  to  rebel  themselves,  and,  therefore, 
the  right  to  establish  martial  law  or  military  government  in  a  State 
or  territory  in  rebellion,  implies  the  right  and  the  duty  of  the  gov 
ernment  to  liberate  the  minds  of  all  men  living  therein,  by  appropri 
ate  proclamations  and  assurances  of  protection,  in  order  that  all  who 
are  capable,  intellectually  and  morally,  of  loyalty  and  obedience,  may 
not  be  forced  into  treason,  the  willing  tools  of  rebellious  traitors. 


*40  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

• 

To  have  continued  indefinitely  the  most  efficient  cause,  support 
and  stay  of  the  rebellion,  would  have  been  in  our  judgment  unjust 
to  the  loyal  people  whose  treasure  and  lives  are  made  a  willing 
sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  patriotism  ;  would  have  discriminated  against 
the  wife  who  is  compelled  to  surrender  her  husband ;  against  the 
parent  who  is  to  surrender  his  child  to  the  hardships  of  the  camp 
and  the  perils  of  battle.  If  the  rebel  masters  were  permitted  to  re 
tain  their  slaves  it  would  have  been  a  final  decision  against  humanity, 
justice,  the  rights  and  dignity  of  the  government,  and  against  a 
sound  and  wise  national  policy. 

The  decision  of  the  President  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  rebellion 
will  lend  new  vigor  to  the  efforts,  and  new  life  and  hope  to  the 
hearts  of  the  people. 

Cordially  tendering  to  the  President  our  respectful  assurances  of 
personal  and  official  confidence,  we  trust  and  believe  that  the  policy 
now  inaugurated  will  be  crowned  with  success,  will  give  speedy  and 
triumphant  victories  over  our  enemies,  and  secure  to  the  nation  and 
this  people  the  blessing  and  favor  of  Almighty  God.  We  believe 
that  the  blood  of  the  heroes  who  have  already  fallen,  and  those 
who  may  yet  give  their  lives  to  their  country,  will  not  have  been 
shed  in  vain. 

The  splendid  valor  of  our  soldiers,  their  patient  endurance,  their 
manly  patriotism,  and  their  devotion  to  duty,  demand  from  us  and 
from  all  their  countrymen  the  homage  of  the  sincerest  gratitude, 
and  the  pledge  of  our  constant  reinforcement  and  support.  A  just 
regard  for  these  brave  men,  whom  we  have  contributed  to  place  in 
the  field,  and  for  the  importance  of  the  duties  which  may  lawfully 
pertain  to  us  hereafter,  has  called  us  into  friendly  conference.  And 
now  presenting  to  our  national  magistrate  the  conclusions  of  our 
deliberations,  we  devote  ourselves  to  our  country's  service,  and  we 
will  surround  the  President  in  our  constant  support,  trusting  that 
the  fidelity  and  zeal  of  the  loyal  States  and  people  will  always  assure 
him  that  he  will  be  constantly  maintained  in  pursuing  with  vigor 
this  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  national  life  and  the  hopes  of 
humanity. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Legislature  of  1863,  the  Gov 
ernor  rehearsed  in  full  the  service  of  the  State  in  the  war, 
the  healthy  condition  of  its  finances  with  other  matters, 
and  made  various  recommendations,  one  of  which  re 
lated  to  the  offer  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  141 

of  $50,000  being  accepted  and  applied  toward  the  edu 
cation  and  support  of  the  soldiers'  orphans.  In  conclu 
sion,  the  Governor  said  :  "I  cannot  close  this  message 
without  speaking  of  the  unbroken  loyalty  and  spirit  of 
the  freemen  of  Pennsylvania.  They  feel  that  on  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  and  the  suppression  of  the 
most  causeless  and  wicked  rebellion  which  history  re 
cords,  depend  the  honor,  the  interests  and  the  whole 
future  welfare  of  the  commonwealth.  They  will  never 
tolerate  schemes  for  destroying  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  or  for  forming  separate  confederacies,  or 
any  other  schemes  for  creating  general  confusion  and 
ruin,  and  aiding  and  comforting  the  traitors  who  are  in 
arms  against  their  country. 

u  This  State  has  furnished  more  men  for  the  defence 
of  our  institutions,  and  has  lost  more  by  the  casualties 
of  war,  than  any  other  State.  She  has  given  her  blood 
and  treasure  freely,  and  is  ready  to  give  as  much  more 
of  both  as  may  be  needful.  Her  people  intend  that  by 
the  blessing  of  God  this  rebellion  shall  be  suppressed, 
and  will  not  be  turned  from  their  settled  purpose  by  the 
wiles  of  masked  enemies  or  the  vacillations  of  feeble 
friends.  On  the  contrary,  they  will — as  is  their  right — 
insist  that  competent  integrity,  earnestness,  intellect  and 
vigor  shall  be  employed  in  the  public  service  to  preserve 
the  government  and  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  country." 

The  recommendations  of  Governor  Curtin  were  fully 
approved  of  by  the  Legislature,  and  at  the  close  of  the 
session,  he  sent  a  message  to  that  body,  which  is  here 
with  given  : 

Gentlemen :  In  taking  leave  of  you  at  the  close  of  the  session  I 
think  it  proper,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  go  beyond  the 
usual  formalities. 


142  AX  DREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

The  partiality  of  my  fellow  citizens  placed  me  in  the  office  which 
I  now  hold  at  a  period  of  great  public  distraction,  which  soon  cul 
minated  in  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion  which  is  still  raging. 
The  country  had  so  long  slumbered  in  unbroken  tranquillity  that  \ve 
had,  in  this  State,  almost  forgotten  the  possibility  of  any  violation 
of  our  domestic  peace.  Even  our  militia  laws  had  been  suffered  to 
fall  into  disuse,  and  were  reduced  to  a  merely  permissive  organiza 
tion  of  a  few  un if onned  volunteer  companies  in  various  parts  of  the 
State.  The  whole  mind  of  our  people  was  directed  to  peaceful  and 
industrial  pursuits.  Conscious,  themselves,  of  no  intention  to  injure 
the  rights  or  interests  of  others,  or  in  any  way  to  violate  the  con 
stitution  under  which  we  had  thriven,  they  were  unable  to  realize 
the  designs  of  wicked  and  abandoned  men,  even  after  they  had 
been  publicly  and  boastingly  proclaimed. 

Although  for  many  months  war  had  been  actually  levied  against 
the  United  States  in  South  Carolina  and  elsewhere,  it  is  a  fact  that 
the  people  of  this  commonwealth  were  first  startled  into  a  sense 
of  the  common  danger  by  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter. 
The  Legislature  was  then  in  session,  and  immediately  made  such  pro 
vision  as  was  at  the  moment  deemed  necessary ;  but,  shortly  after 
its  adjournment,  events  having  rapidly  advanced,  and  the  capital  of 
the  country  being  in  apparent  danger,  I  deemed  it  necessary  to  con 
vene  it  again  early  in  May,  1861,  to  adopt  measures  for  placing  the 
State  on  a  footing  adequate  to  the  emergency.  This  was  promptly 
and  cheerfully  done.  Five  hundred  thousand  dollars  had  been  ap 
propriated  at  the  regular  session  for  military  purposes,  and  to  that 
sum  was  added  the  authority  to  borrow  three  millions  of  dollars. 
This  loan,  notwithstanding  the  depressed  condition  of  the  finances 
of  the  country  and  the  alarm  and  distrust  then  prevailing,  was 
promptly  taken  by  our  own  citizens  at  par;  and,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  Executive,  laws  were  passed  for  organizing  our  military 
forces,  and  especially  for  immediately  raising  and  supporting  at 
the  expense  of  the  State  a  body  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  called  the 
Reserve  Corps,  to  be  ready  for  immediate  service  when  required. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  had  called  out  75,000 
thousand  militia  to  serve  for  three  months,  of  which  the  quota  of 
Pennsylvaia  was  immediately  furnished. 

The  Reserve  Corps  was  raised,  equipped  and  disciplined  by  the 
State,  and  contributed  largely  under  Providence  in  saving  Washing 
ton  after  the  first  disaster  at  Bull  Run  ;  and  from  that  time  we  con 
tinued  to  add  regiment  after  regiment,  as  the  service  of  the  country 
required. 

From  the  first    movement  to  the   present  hour,  the   loyalty  and 


HIS  filKST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  143 

indomitable  spirit  of  the  freemen  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  ex 
hibited  in  every  way  and  upon  every  occasion ;  they  have  flocked  to 
the  standard  of  their  country  in  her  hour  of  peril,  and  have  borne  it 
victoriously  on  battlefields  from  Maryland,  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
to  the  far  South  and  Southwest;  they  have  never  faltered  for  a 
moment.  It  has  been  my  pride  to  occupy  a  position  which  enabled 
me  to  become  familiar  with  all  their  patriotism  and  self-devotion, 
and  to  guide  their  efforts.  Posterity  will  do  them  full  justice. 

Every  requisition  of  the  general  government  has  been  promptly 
fulfilled,  all  legislation  in  support  of  the  cause  has  been  enacted 
without  delay,  and  Pennsylvania  is  entitled  to  be  named  first 
amongst  the  States  that  have  been  throughout  unflinching  in  their 
determination  to  subdue  the  sacrilegious  wretches  who  are  endeavor 
ing  to  destroy  the  last  temple  of  liberty. 

The  State  has  not  been  insensible  to  the  sacrifices  which  her  sons 
have  made;  no  effort  has  been  spared  by  her  authorities  to  secure 
their  comfort  and  welfare.  Under  legislative  provisions  to  that 
effect,  her  sick  and  wounded  have  been  followed  and  cared  for  and, 
when  practicable,  brought  home  to  be  nursed  by  their  friends,  and 
the  bodies  of  the  slain,  when  possible,  have  been  returned  for  burial 
-in  the  soil  of  the  State.  The  contributions  of  her  citizens  in  sup 
plies  of  luxuries  and  comforts  for  all  her  volunteers  have  been  al 
most  boundless,  and  nothing  has  been  omitted  that  could  encourage 
and  stimulate  them  in  the  performance  of  their  holy  duty.  They 
have  felt  upon  every  march  and  in  every  camp,  however  desolate 
their  immediate  surroundings,  that  the  eyes  and  hearts  of  the  loved 
ones  at  home  were  upon  and  with  them.  The  result  is.  that  Penn 
sylvania  is  actually  in  a  position  on  which  it  is  my  duty  to  con 
gratulate  you,  as  her  representative. 

Notwithstanding  the  immense  drain  of  her  population,  her 
industry  is  thriving  at  home,  and  so  far  as  it  may  not  be  hurt  by 
causes  over  which  she  has  no  control,  must  continue  to  prosper;  her 
finances  were  never  in  a  more  healthy  condition,  her  people  were 
never  in  better  heart. 

That  the  labors,  anxieties,  and  responsibilities  of  her  Executive 
have  been  great  and  harassing,  I  need  not  say.  I  have  given  to 
them  my  nights  and  days,  with,  I  trust,  a  single  eye  to  the  public 
welfare.  I  claim  no  special  merit  in  this.  I  would  have  been 
unworthy  to  be  called  a  man  had  I  done  otherwise.  If  I  am  proud 
of  the  result,  it  is  that  I  am  proud  of  the  people  who  have  effected  it. 

To  be  called  a  freeman  of  Pennsylvania  is,  henceforth,  to  have  a 
title  of  honor  wherever  loyalty,  patriotism,  and  the  martial  virtues 
are  cherished.  It  is  to  be  observed,  moreover,  that  the  labors 


T44  ANDREW  C.  CVKTF\r. 

• 

which  I  have  necessarily  undergone  have  already  impaired  my 
health.  I  should  have  serious  cause  to  apprehend  that  a  much 
longer  continuance  of  them  might  so  break  it  down  as  to  render 
me  unable  to  fulfill  the  duties  of  my  position. 

It  is  to  be  added  that,  as  the  approaching  season  will  probably 
be  the  most  eventful  period  in  the  history  of  the  country,  I  will  be 
able  with  more  effect  to  discharge  my  duties  if  I  avoid  being  made 
the  centre  of  an  active  political  struggle.  Under  these  circumstances 
it  has  pleased  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  te  ne  a 

high  position  at  the  expiration  of  my  present  term  of  office,  and  I 
have  not  felt  myself  at  liberty  to  do  otherwise  than  accept  thL 
offer.  As  I  shall,  for  all  these  reasons,  retire  from  office  at  the  close 
of  my  present  term,  I  have  thought  this  a  not  inappropriate  mode 
of  announcing  that  fact. 

In  taking  leave  of  you,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  that  as 
governor  of  the  commonwealth,  I  have  given,  as  was  my  duty, 
and  shall  continue  to  give,  an  active  and  earnest  support  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  in  its  efforts  to  suppress  the  exist 
ing  rebellion.  As  a  private  citizen  I  shall  continue  heartily  to  up 
hold  the  President  and  his  administration  as  the  only  means  by 
which  that  result  can  be  attained,  or,  in  other  words,  the  country 
can  be  saved.  I  give  this  as  my  deliberate  opinion,  and  shall 
openly,  candidly,  and  zealously  act  in  accordance  with  it. 

Of  the  warm-hearted  friends  to  whom  I  owe  so  much,  and  of  the 
people  of  the  commonwealth  who,  regardless  of  party,  have  never 
tired  of  cheering  my  toils  and  anxieties  by  tokens  of  their  generous 
confidence  and  approval,  I  cannot  speak  with  composure.  I  can  do 
no  more  than  express  to  them  the  deepest,  truest,  and  most  heart 
felt  gratitude. 

Hoping  that  you  may  safely  return  to  your  homes  and  your 
families  after  your  public  labors,  and  with  best  wishes  for  your 
individual  welfare  and  happiness,  I  now  bid  you  farewell. 

This  seemingly  "  farewell  address  "  was  received  not 
only  throughout  the  State  but  through  the  loyal  North 
with  sincere  regrets.  Governor  Curtin's  work  had  not 
yet  been  finished.  The  rebellion  continued  and  the 
people  of  the  commonwealth  demanded  that  he  remain 
in  the  service,  determined  that  they  would  nominate 
him  and  elect  him  whether  he  were  willing  or  not. 
Never  had  the  cares  of  State  fallen  as  heavy  upon  any 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  145 

man  as  tliose  on  Governor  Curtin,  but  the  loyal  people 
had  confidence  in  him  and  demanded  his  re-election. 
Nominate  him  they  did  ;  yet  owing  to  his  ill-health  as 
well  as  the  urgent  demands  made  upon  him  in  his  offi 
cial  life,  he  reluctantly  accepted  it.  He  made  a  canvass 
of  such  brilliancy  and  success  that  the  old  defenders 
remember  it  with  appreciative  veneration.  During  the 
summer  of  1863  came  on  the  threatened  invasion  of 
Pennsylvania,  which  culminated  in  that  decisive  battle 
of  the  war — Gettysburg.  Governor  Curtin  at  once  took 
active  measures  to  carry  forward  troops,  and  in  several 
sections  of  the  State  made  personal  appeals  to  the  peo 
ple.  In  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  after  stating  that  he 
would  not  magnify  the  dangers  nor  anticipate  the  defeat 
of  the  Union  army,  he  said  :  "  If  Meade  is  successful 
the  tide  of  war  will  turn  for  this  great  and  beneficent 
government ;  if  General  Meade  is  defeated,  it  will  turn 
upon  us  ;  and  my  fellow  citizens,  while  a  man  of  Penn 
sylvania  is  absent  from  his  home  and  deprived  of  his 
property,  ^ou  have  no  right  to  sleep  until  he  is  restored 
with  all  his  rights.  And  it  is  pleasant  for  me  to  an- 
notince  tli at  the  call  has  been  responded  to  by  the  peo 
ple  of  Pennsylvania  all  over  the  State,  in  a  manner 
which  is  beyond  my  official  expectation.  From  the 
valleys  and  the  mountains,  and  from  the  public  works 
the  true  and  loyal  Pennsylvanians  are  on  their  way  to 
the  different  rendezvous,  and  will  soon  be  on  their  way 
to  protect  you.  I  ask  for  7800  men  from  Philadelphia 
to  fill  up  the  army  of  60,000  Pennsylvanians.  How 
soon  am  I  to  get  them  ?  Do  not  measure  the  time  by 
hours  or  days.  Let  us  not  forget  as  Pennsylvanians  that 
in  this  great  struggle  the  rebels  have  struck  at  this 
State,  because  she  is  loyal  to  the  national  government.' 

10 


146  ANDRFAV  G.  CUR  TIN. 

While  there  is  one  sentence  of  the  constitution  remain 
ing  and  one  attribute  of  power,  I  will  stand  by  you  as  your 
governor  and  will  expect  the  same  of  you.  They  destroy 
the  property  of  our  people,  turn  our  citizens  fugitive 
from  their  homes,  because  they  strike  at  our  national 
government.  Let  Pennsylvania  stand  up  for  our 
nationality  and  the  great  cause  in  which  twenty  millions 
are  interested  with  them.  Let  us  show  that  we  are  true 
to  our  honor  and  protect  ourselves.  Five  counties  of 
our  State  are  invaded  and  in  the  hands  of  rebels,  five 
counties  are  overrun,  and  the  soil  of  Pennsylvania  is 
poisoned  by  the  tread  of  rebel  hordes.  My  God  !  Can 
Pennsylvanians  sleep  when  Pennsylvanians  are  driven 
from  their  homes  ?  Let  us  not  sleep  until  not  a  rebel 
tread  shall  poison  the  soil  of  Pennsylvania." 

On  the  fifteenth  of  June  Governor  Curtin  issued  an 
appeal  to  all  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  adjuring  them 
that  all  who  loved  liberty  and  were  mindful  of  the  his 
tory  and  traditions  of  their  Revolutionary  fathers,  and 
who  felt  that  it  was  a  sacred  duty  to  create  and  maintain 
the  free  institutions  of  the  country,  who  hated  treason 
and  who  were  willing  to  defend  their  homes  and  their 
firesides,  to  rise  in  their  might  and  rush  to  the  rescue  of 
their  country.  He  then,  therefore,  called  upon  all  the 
people  of  Pennsylvania  capable  of  bearing  arms  to  enroll 
themselves  in  military  organizations  and  encouraged  all 
others  to  give  aid  and  assistance  to  the  efforts  which 
were  then  being  put  forth  for  the  protection  of  the  State 
and  the  salvation  of  our  common  country. 

The  events  which  followed,  culminating  in  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  form  a  most  important  chapter  in  that 
momentous  era  in  the  history  of  our  country, — the  War 
of  the  Rebellion. 


HfS  1<IRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  147 

Owing  to  the  great  opposition  in  enforcing  the  draft 
in  certain  sections  of  Pennsylvania,  the  United  States 
Government,  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  was  deter 
mined  to  use  the  militia  called  into  service.  To  this  the 
Governor  rightly  objected,  and  urgently  requested  that 
they  be  immediately  discharged  and  returned  to  their 
homes.  The  authorities  at  Washington  gave  Governor 
Curtin  no  satisfaction,  and  as  the  President  had  declared 
that  all  necessity  for  such  military  service  had  passed, 
the  Governor  wrote  to  General  Couch,  commander  of  the 
department  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  which  he  stated  that 
the  military  forces  called  from  the  body  of  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  placed  under  his  command,  were  des 
ignated  to  resist  an  invasion  of  the  State,  that  they  were 
mustered  into  service  for  that  emergency,  and  as  the 
emergency  had  passed,  they  were,  therefore,  expected  to 
be  returned  to  their  homes.  The  militia  were  not 
enlisted  for  any  other  purpose  and  had  a  right  to  their 
discharge  if  they  demanded  it.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  equipped  and  subsisted  them  while  in 
the  service,  but  declined  to  pay  the  men,  and  there  being 
no  fund  for  that  purpose  in  Pennsylvania,  and  as  the 
Legislature  was  not  in  session,  the  Governor  procured 
funds  from  the  banks  of  the  commonwealth  to  pay  the 
militia  while  in  the  service  to  which  they  were  called, 
but  he  declined  to  use  the  money  thus  advanced  to  pay 
them  for  any  other  service.  The  result  was  that  the 
emergency  troops  were  immediately  sent  to  their  homes. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  by  direc 
tion  of  the  Governor,  a  commission  was  appointed  to 
secure  a  proper  burial  ground  for  the  dead  heroes,  many 
of  whom  were  then  only  partially  buried  on  that  field  of 
battle.  Assuming  the  responsibility,  Governor  Curtin 


148  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

secured  by  contract  the  purchase  of  a  lot  on  Cemetery 
Hill,  and  the  dead  were  removed  thither.  Under  date 
of  thirteenth  of  August,  he  caused  to  be  sent  forth  a 
circular  letter  to  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  con 
veying  a  plan  proposed  for  carrying  out  the  project  and 
soliciting  their  co-operation.  His  suggestions  were  as 
follows :  The  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  purchase  the 
ground,  about  twelve  acres  on  the  battlefield,  near  the 
present  Gettysburg  Cemetery,  and  take  the  title  in  fee 
and  the  ground  to  be  devoted  in  perpetuity  to  the  object. 
.  .  .  All  the  bodies  of  the  soldiers  who  fell  in  defence 
of  the  Union  to  be  taken  up  from  the  battlefield  with 
out  unnecessary  delay  and  deposited  in  the  cemetery, 
those  that  can  be  designated  by  name  to  be  marked  by 
a  small  headstone  with  a  number  upon  it,  and  the 
others  in  a  common  grave  to  be  marked  by  some  appro 
priate  stone.  A  record  to  be  kept  of  the  names  indicated 
by  the  numbers  on  the  stone.  The  dead  of  each  State 
where  known,  to  be  buried  by  themselves  in  a  particular 
lot  set  aside  for  the  State,  the  whole  expense  of  this  to 
be  carried  to  a  common  account.  .  .  .  The  ground 
to  be  enclosed  by  a  well  built  stone  wall,  from  stone 
found  on  or  near  the  premises,  also  a  keeper's  "house  to 
be  erected  on  the  lot,  at  a  cost  of  about  $2000,  and  the 
grounds  to  be  tastefully  laid  out  and  adorned  with  trees 
and  shrubbery,  all  this  expense  to  be  carried  to  the  com 
mon  account.  ...  A  suitable  monument  to  be 
erected  on  the  ground  at  the  common  expense,  at  a  cost 
not  exceeding  $10,000,  or,  if  it  shall  cost  more,  only  that 
sum  shall  be  charged  to  the  common  expense.  .  . 
All  the  foregoing  expenses  stated  to  be  charged  are  to 
be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  having  soldiers 
to  be  buried  in  the  cemetery — the  States  of  Maine,  New 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  1 49 

Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Minnesota, 
Wisconsin  and  Michigan,  each  State  to  be  assessed  ac 
cording  to  its  population  as  indicated  by  the  number  of 
its  representatives  in  Congress.  .  .  .  After  the 
original  outlay,  all  the  ground  to  be  kept  in  order  and 
the  house  and  fences  in  repair  by  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania.  .  .  .  It  is  expressly  stipulated  that  the 
whole  expense  chargeable  to  the  common  account  shall 
not  exceed  $35,000.  .  .  .  Each  State  may,  if  it 
please,  appoint  an  agent  who  will  act  with  David  Wills, 
agent  of  Pennsylvania,  and  other  State  agents,  in  car 
rying  out  the  foregoing  plan. 

The  foregoing  was  the  first  movement — originating 
solely  with  Governor  Curtin — for  the  establishment  and 
preservation  of  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg. 

In  his  annual  message  to  the  Legislature  in  January, 
1864,  after  referring  to  the  financial  condition,  not  only 
of  the  government  but  of  the  commonwealth,  he  calls 
the  prompt  attention  of  the  Legislature  to  the  siibject 
of  the  relief  of  the  poor  orphans  of  our  soldiers  who 
have  given,  or  shall  give,  their  lives  to  their  country 
during  the  crisis.  "  In  my  opinion,"  said  the  Governor, 
"  their  maintenance  and  education  should  be  provided 
for  by  the  State.  Failing  other  natural  friends  of 
ability  to  provide  for  them,  they  should  be  honorably 
received  and  fostered  as  children  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  $50,000  heretofore  given  by  the  Pennsylvania  Rail 
road  Company,  referred  to  in  my  last  annual  message,  is 
still  unappropriated,  and  I  recommend  that  this  sum, 
with  such  other  means  as  the  Legislature  may  think  fit, 
be  applied  to  this  end,  in  such  manner  as  may  be  thought 


150  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

most  expedient  and  effective.  In  anticipation  of  the 
adoption  of  a  more  perfect  system,  I  recommend  that 
provision  be  made  for  securing  the  admission  of  such 
children  into  existing  educational  establishments,  to  be 
there  clothed,  nurtured  and  instructed  at  the  public 
expense.  I  make  this  recommendation  earnestly,  feel 
ing  assured  that  in  doing  so,  I  represent  the  wishes  of 
the  patriotic,  the  benevolent  and  the  good  of  the  State." 
The  Legislature  at  this  time  took  definite  action  in  re 
gard  to  the  matter,  and  on  the  sixth  of  May,  1864,  the 
State  provided  for  their  education  by  law. 

The  heart  of  Governor  Curtin  was  as  great  as  the  peo 
ple  whom  he  represented,  and  when  the  loyal  people  of 
East  Tennessee  were  represented  to  be  in  a  most  de 
plorable  condition,  he  appealed  with  irresistible  force 
alike  to  the  sympathies  and  the  sense  of  justice  of  the 
citizens.  "  Their  whole  country,"  said  he,  "  has  been 
laid  waste  by  the  contending  armies  of  the  government 
and  the  rebels.  Four  times  large  armies  have  passed 
over  that  district,  destroying  or  carrying  off  all  that  had 
been  gathered  for  the  approaching  winter,  and  now  the 
women  and  children  are  left  in  a  state  of  destitution. 
Representations  made  by  sundry  gentlemen  of  the  high 
est  respectability  from  that  State,  are  of  the  most  heart 
rending  character.  Starvation,  actual  and  present, 
now  exists.  Can  we,  in  the  midst  of  affluent  abundance, 
for  a  moment  hesitate  as  to  what  our  action  shall  be 
toward  the  people  whose  only  crime  has  been  their  loyalty 
and  devotion  to  the  government  ?  Even  if  a  portion 
of  our  charity  should  reach  the  starving  families  of  those 
in  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  better  it  should  than 
that  these  devoted,  self-sacrificing  people  who  have  so 
unhesitatingly  adhered  to  the  government  be  left  to 


HIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  151 

suffer.  Whenever  pestilence  and  famine  distressed  the 
people  of  any  portion  of  our  country,  we  have  always 
been  foremost  in  relieving  them,  and  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania  have  extended  their  open-handed  benevo 
lence  and  broad  charity  to  the  starving  people  of  foreign 
countries.  Shall  it  be  said  that  the  appeals  of  these 
people  for  bread  fell  upon  the  heart  of  Pennsylvania  in 
vain,  and  that  we  who  have  so  recently  given  thanks  for 
our  abundance  have  no  relief  for  them  in  their  extremi 
ties?  I  commend  the  subject  through  you  to  the  people 
of  the  State,  as  worthy  the  immediate  attention  and 
active  exertions  of  the  charitable  and  the  liberal."  Re 
lief  was  at  once  given  to  the  loyal  people  of  that  section 
of  the  Union. 

In  concluding  his  annual  address,  Governor  Curtin 
referred  to  the  military  genius  of  General  Meade  and 
the  promptness  and  self-sacrificing  gallantry  of  General 
Reynolds,  to  whom  under  divine  Providence  we  were 
indebted  for  success  on  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg, 
and  that  as  sons  of  our  own  Pennsylvania  we  were 
proud  to  claim  Generals  Meade  and  Reynolds,  and  while 
the  first  then  lived  to  enjoy  the  most  precious  of  all 
rewards,  the  grateful  appreciation  of  his  countrymen, 
the  gallant  Reynolds  fell  in  the  very  front  of  the  battle, 
and  we  can  only  pay  homage  to  his  memory.  Whatever 
honors  have  been  at  any  time  devised  to  commemorate 
the  virtues  of  a  patriot,  of  a  true,  fearless,  loyal  citizen 
and  soldier,  he  has  abundantly  deserved,  and  although 
his  surviving  companions  in  arms  claimed  the  right  of 
themselves  erecting  a  monument  to  him  on  the  field  on 
which  he  fell,  and  it  would  not  be  well  to  interfere 
with  their  pious  intentions,  yet  he  hoped  that  the  Legis 
lature  would  place  upon  the  records  of  the  State  some 


152  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

appropriate  testimony  of  the  public  gratitude  to  him  and 
his  surviving  commander. 

"  It  would  be  unjust  to  omit  referring  again  to  the 
loyal  spirit  of  our  people,  which  has  been  evinced  in 
every  mode  since  this  war  commenced.  Not  only  have 
they  sent  277,409  men  for  the  general  and  special 
service  of  the  government,  and  supported  with  cheerful 
ness  the  burdens  of  taxation,  but  our  storehouses  and 
depots  have  literally  overflowed  with  comforts  and 
necessaries,  spontaneously  contributed  by  them,  under 
the  active  care  of  thousands  of  our  women  (faithful 
unto  death),  for  the  sick  and  wounded  and  prisoners,  as 
well  as  for  our  armies  in  the  field.  Their  patriotic 
benevolence  seems  to  be  inexhaustible.  To  every  new 
call  the  response  becomes  more  and  more  liberal.  When 
intelligence  was  received  of  the  barbarian  starvation  of 
our  prisoners  at  Richmond,  the  garners  of  our  whole 
State  were  instantly  thrown  open,  and  before  any  similar 
movement  had  been  made  elsewhere,  I  was  already 
employed  on  behalf  of  our  people  in  efforts  to  secure  the 
admission  through  the  rebel  lines  of  the  abundant  sup 
plies  provided  for  the  relief  of  our  suffering  brethren. 
Those  of  our  citizens  who  ha  e  fallen  into  the  habit  of 
disparaging  our  great  commonwealth,  and  the  unsur 
passed  efforts  of  her  people,  should  blush  when  they 
look  on  this  picture. 

"  That  this  unnatural  rebellion  may  be  speedily  and 
effectually  crushed,  we  lie — all — under  the  obligation  of 
the  one  paramount  duty — that  of  vigorously  supporting 
our  government  in  its  measures  to  that  end.  To  the  full 
extent  of  my  official  and  individual  ability  it  shall  be 
supported,  and  I  rely  heartily  on  your  co-operation.  I 


HIS  FfA'ST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  153 

am  ready  for  all  proper  measures  to  strengthen  its  arm- 
to  encourage  its  upholders — to  stimulate  by  public 
liberality,  to  themselves  and  their  families,  the  men  who 
give  to  it  their  personal  service — in  every  mode  to 
invigorate  its  action.  We  are  fighting  the  great  battle 
of  God — of  truth — of  right — of  liberty.  The  Almighty 
has  no  attribute  that  can  favor  our  savage  and  degenerate 
enemies.  No  people  can  submit  to  territorial  dismem 
berment  without  becoming  contemptible  in  its  own  eyes 
and  in  those  of  the  world.  But  it  is  not  only  against 
territorial  dismemberment  that  we  are  struggling,  but 
against  the  destruction  of  the  very  groundwork  of  our 
whole  political  system.  The  ultimate  question  truly  at 
issue  is  the  possibility  of  the  permanent  existence  of  a 
powerful  republic.  That  is  the  question  to  be  now 
solved,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God,  we  mean  that  it  shall 
not  be  our  fault  if  it  be  not  solved  favorably. 

"  We  have  during  the  past  year,  made  mighty  strides 
toward  such  a  solution,  and  to  all  human  appearance  we 
approach  its  completion.  But  whatever  reverses  may 
happen — whatever  blood  and  treasure  may  still  be 
required — whatever  sacrifices  may  be  necessary — there 
will  remain  the  inexorable  determination  of  our  people 
to  fight  out  this  thing  to  the  end — to  preserve  and 
perpetuate  this  Union.  They  have  sworn  that  not  one 
star  shall  be  reft  from  the  constellation,  nor  its  clustered 
brightness  be  dimmed  by  treason  and  savagery,  and  they 
will  keep  their  oath." 

Thus  ended  Governor  Curtin's  first  administration, 
certainly  the  most  memorable  and  trying  of  any  admin 
istration  not  only  in  the  history  of  our  own  State,  but 
in  the  history  of  any  State  of  the  Union.  He  had  to 


154  AND RE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

meet  the  grave  problems  connected  with  the  inauguration 
of  a  civil  war  that  proved  to  be  the  most  sanguinary 
of  modern  history,  and  the  records  of  his  administration 
which  are  best  remembered  relate  exclusively  to  his 
heroic  achievements  for  the  advancement  of  the  Union 
cause,  for  the  supply  of  troops  to  fill  the  shattered  ranks 
of  our  soldiers,  and  for  the  care  of  the  sick,  the 
wounded  and  the  dead.  But  the  administration  of  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  was  as  conspicuous  for  its  success  in  the 
development  of  a  beneficent,  progressive  and  patriotic 
State  policy  as  it  was  in  maintaining  the  war  that  gave 
him  the  enduring  title  of  the  great  War  Governor.  He 
had  to  deal  with  the  grave  problem  of  State  credit  that 
was  almost  wholly  shattered  by  the  advent  of  war. 
When  the  first  loan  of  $3,000,000  was  advertised  in  the 
early  part  of  1861,  although  a  six  per  cent  gold  loan, 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  it  could  be  handled 
upon  the  market  at  par.  Notwithstanding  the  unex 
ampled  drain  of  expenditure  for  both  State  government 
and  people,  Curtin  retired  from  his  office  after  six  years 
of  service,  with  the  credit  of  the  State  better  estab 
lished  than  ever  it  had  been  in  all  its  past  history. 

One  of  his  great  civil  achievements  was  the  unshack 
ling  of  our  internal  commerce  by  the  removal  of  the 
illiberal  tax  upon  tonnage  that  was  imposed  upon  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad,  the  only  great  artery  of  trade 
this  State  had  to  reach  the  commerce  of  the  West  and 
bring  it  to  the  great  commercial  emporiums  of  our 
State.  New  York,  Baltimore  and  Boston  all  had  great 
trunk  railways  without  tax  upon  their  tonnage,  while 
Pennsylvania  was  taxed  three  mills  per  ton  per  mile, 
thus  driving  the  whole  commerce  of  the  West  into 


ffIS  FIRST  ADMINISTRA  TION.  155 

other  marts  of  trade  and  depriving  the  city  of  Philadel 
phia  of  all  commercial  advantages  beyond  the  limits  of 
onr  State.  It  was  a  stubborn  struggle  to  liberalize 
Pennsylvania  to  the  enlarged  ideas  necessary  to  develop 
commercial  relations  with  the  great  centres  of  com 
merce  in  the  West,  and  it  was  won  only  by  Curtin's 
heroic  efforts  to  elevate  the  State  out  of  the  narrow 
channels  in  which  we  were  floundering.  He  also 
gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  school  system  and  planted 
it  on  the  broad  foundation  that  has  given  us  our 
present  munificent  structure,  and  the  great  charities 
of  Pennsylvania  had  their  first  inspiration  from  the 
liberal  and  generous  policy  that  characterized  his  admin 
istration  from  beginning  to  end.  He  was  in  constant 
touch  with  the  people,  and  ever  respected  their  wants 
when  it  was  possible  to  do  so  consistently  with  a  pro 
gressive  policy,  and  even  when  he  braved  the  strongest 
prejudices  the  people  trusted  and  followed  him. 

But  for  the  fact  that  his  heroic  achievements  con 
nected  with  the  war  entirely  overshadow  the  beneficence 
of  his  civil  administration,  he  would  stand  out  in  the 
history  of  our  Pennsylvania  executives  as  surpassing 
all  his  predecessors  in  substantial  benefits  to  the  whole 
people  of  the  commonwealth.  He  ended  his  first  term 
with  his  health  broken  to  an  extent  that  his  life  was 
despaired  of.  Having  gone  through  the  severe  exac 
tions  of  a  campaign  for  re-election  that  he  earnestly 
sought  to  avoid  because  of  his  physical  infirmities,  and 
having  won  his  re-election  after  a  struggle  of  unex 
ampled  earnestness,  he  was  so  broken  in  health  that  he 
was  compelled  to  seek  rest  in  a  sunnier  clime  soon  after 
his  second  inauguration,  and  his  farewell  message  to  the 


156  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

Legislature  at  the  end  of  his  first  term  was  regarded  by 
many,  and  probably  by  himself,  as  his  last  important 
official  act.  Fortunately  his  health  was  restored,  and  he 
was  spared  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  not  only  to 
finish  the  second  term  to  which  they  had  chosen  him, 
but  to  wear  the  honors  of  a  Foreign  Minister  and  Rep 
resentative  in  Congress  after  his  retirement. 


RE- 


-ELECTED 

BY   WAYNE   MAC   VEAGH. 


1&63. 


Among  the  most 
grateful  recollec 
tions  of  my  life  are 
the  memories  of  my 
relations  to  Andrew 
G.  Cnrtin  during 
his  two  administra 
tions  as  governor, 
covering  the  most 
trying  period  of  our 
national  and  State 
history.  To  the 
utmost  of  my 
humble  abilities  I 
aided  in  his  election 
in  1860,  and  in  his 
re-election  in  1863, 
when  at  his  personal  request  I  accepted  the  responsible 
position  of  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Commit 
tee,  and  during  his  entire  public  career  our  close  personal 
friendship  was  unbroken.  The  great  battle  for  his 
re-election  as  governor  in  1863  stands  out  single  in  the 
contests  of  our  State,  not  only  because  of  the  strong 
personality  exhibited  in  both  the  candidates  for  gover 
nor,  but  in  the  gravity  of  the  issue  that  seemed  to  be 
involved  in  the  struggle.  It  was  a  campaign  unlike  all 

(159) 


WAYNE  MAC  VEAGH. 


160  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 
other  campaigns.     The  contest  of  1860,  while  inspired 

by  the  profoundest  convictions,  became  a  panorama  of 
wide-awakes  and  a  flood-tide  of  enthusiasm  that  swept 
everything  before  it,  but  the  contest  of  1863  was  one  °f 
the  soberest,  most  earnest  and  most  intense  ever  known 
in  Pennsylvania  or  in  any  other  State  of  the  Union, 
v  Gettysburg  had  just  been  fought ;  Vicksburg  had  sur 
rendered,  but  we  had  yet  nearly  two  years  of  desperate 
war  through  which  to  pass  with  steadily  increasing 
sacrifices  and  monstrous  strain  upon  the  resources  of  the 
nation.  Had  Pennsylvania  defeated  Curtin  in  1863  the 
Union  cause  would  have  been  deeply  wounded,  and  it 
was  this  conviction  that  silenced  the  cheers  of  the  great 
campaign  by  the  profound  and  sober  sentiment  of  the 
people. 

I  was  in  a  position  to  know  how  profoundly  Governor 
Curtin  appreciated  the  issue  and  his  convictions  took  the 
most  tangible  shape.  To  a  number  of  his  friends  before 
either  party  had  made  nominations  for  governor  in  1863, 
he  proposed  and  earnestly  urged  that  a  union  of  -the  two 
great  parties  of  the  State  should  be  made  on  General 
William  B.  Franklin,  a  Democrat  and  gallant  soldier,  for 
the  office  of  governor.  He  believed  that  it  was  possible 
thus  to  unify  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  under  such  a 
leadership,  and  thus  present  an  unbroken  front  in  favor 
of  the  prosecution  of  the  war  until  rebellion  should  be 
overthrown.  It  was  not  the  fault  of  Governor  Curtin 
that  this  great  achievement  failed.  He  and  trusted 
friends  conferred  with  prominent  Democrats  on  the 
subject,  and  some  of  the  leading  Democrats  heartily 
sympathized  with  the  movement,  but  when  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  met  at  Harrisburg  on  the  seventeenth 
of  June,  it  was  found  to  be  impossible  to  concentrate 


RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  161 

the  Democrats  on  Franklin.  On  the  first  ballot  in  that 
convention  he  received  but  four  votes,  and  on  the  ninth 
ballot  George  W.  Woodward,  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  was  nominated  by  a  vote  of  seventy-five  to  fifty- 
three  for  Heister  Clymer,  and  five  for  Nimrod  Strickland. 
The  Republican  Convention  was  not  held  until  nearly 
two  months  later  when  it  was  assembled  on  the  fifth  of 
August  at  Pittsburg.  Governor  Curtin  was  grievously 
disappointed  at  the  failure  to  harmonize  the  loyal  senti 
ment  of  the  State  of  all  parties  in  support  of  a  gallant 
soldier  for  governor  on  the  distinct  issue  of  sustaining 
the  war.  He  was  broken  in  health,  and  to  force  him 
into  another  State  campaign  was  believed  by  those  who 
knew  him  best  to  make  him  offer  up  the  sacrifice  of  his 
life  to  patriotic  duty.  I  saw  him  frequently  during  these 
trying  times,  and  can  testify  how  sincerely  desirous  he 
was,  not  only  to  retire  from  the  responsible  position  that 
had  so  greatly  impaired  his  physical  powers,  but  to 
avoid  an  issue  that  might  even  appear  to  endanger  the 
loyal  cause.  He  felt  utterly  unequal  to  the  task  of 
entering  on  another  campaign,  and  his  devoted  family 
mingled  tears  with  their  pleadings  that  he  should  be 
permitted  to  escape  the  fearful  sacrifice.  As  is  common 
in  all  parties,  Governor  Curtin  had  opponents  within  his 
own  political  circles.  In  Pittsburg,  where  the  conven 
tion  was  held,  and  one  of  the  great  loyal  centres  of  the 
State,  there  was  bitter  hostility  to  Governor  Curtin 
growing  out  of  a  long,  desperate  and  demoralizing 
contest  over  the  repudiation  of  railroad  obligations,  but 
all  who  understood  the  situation  appreciated  the  fact 
that  only  the  intense  loyal  sentiment  of  the  country 
could  save  the  State,  and  that  under  no  leader  could  it 

command   such   strength   as   under    Curtin,       He    was 
ii 


1 62  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

finally  forced  to  yield  to  the  imperious*  demand  of  the 
party  and  accept  a  second  contest  for  governor.  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  appreciating  Curtin's  services  and  sacri 
fices,  tendered  him  a  first-class  mission  at  the  close  of 
his  gubernatorial  term  if  he  should  choose  to  accept  it, 
and  at  one  time  he  publicly  announced  his  acceptance  of 
it  and  necessarily  his  retirement  from  the  gubernatorial 
contest.  This  announcement  was  followed  by  a  number 
of  the  leading  counties  of  the  State  within  a  week  or  ten 
days  thereafter,  positively  declaring  in  favor  of  Curtin's 
nomination,  and  for  several  weeks  before  the  meeting  of 
the  convention  it  was  evident  that  the  Republicans  must 
either  nominate  Curtin  or  practically  surrender  the 
battle.  Curtin  was  nominated  on  the  first  ballot  by  the 
following  vote:  Curtin  90,  Henry  D.  Moore  18,  James 
P.  Penny  14,  Benjamin  Harris  Brewster  3  and  J.  K. 
Moorehead  i.  As  soon  as  the  ballot  was  announced  the 
nomination  was  made  unanimous  with  the  wildest 
enthusiasm. 

I  have  been  in  a  number  of  conventions  as  delegate, 
but  I  never  witnessed  the  same  earnest,  sober  conviction 
of  duty  rise  above  all  mere  personal  or  political  con 
siderations  as  was  exhibited  in  the  convention  that 
renominated  Curtin  in  1863,  and  I  was  profoundly  im 
pressed  by  the  responsibility  of  my  position  when  our 
great  loyal  leader  assigned  to  me  the  task  of  directing 
the  campaign  as  chairman  of  the  State  committee. 
There  were  not  less  than  75,000  Pennsylvania  soldiers 
in  the  Union  army,  and  under  our  Pennsylvania  laws 
they  were  then  disfranchised  unless  they  could  be 
furloughed  home  to  vote  in  their  respective  election 
precincts.  •  The  Legislature  had  already  passed  an 
amendment  to  the  constitution  permitting  soldiers  to 


RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  163 

vote  ill  the  field,  but  it  required  to  be  passed  without 
amendment  by  two  consecutive  legislatures,  and  then 
submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people  before  it  could  be 
incorporated  in  the  fundamental  law.  This  was  done 
by  the  Legislature  elected  in  the  fall  of  1863  when  it 
met  in  January  of  1864,  and  the  special  election  held 
in  August,  1864,  approved  the  proposed  amendment. 
The  soldiers  in  the  field  were  thus  enabled  to  vote  for 
president  in  the  fall  of  1864.  The  State  election  of 
1863,  however,  occurred  on  the  second  Tuesday  of 
October,  when  active  army  operations  were  in  progress, 
and  it  was  impossible  to  expect  any  considerable  propor 
tion  of  the  Pennsylvania  voters  to  be  furloughed  to 
vote  in  their  home  precincts.  It  was  known  that  not 
only  the  Republican  soldiers  but  largely  the  Democratic 
soldiers  as  well,  were  in  sincere  sympathy  with  Governor 
Curtin  because  of  his  tireless  devotion  to  their  interests 
under  all  circumstances.  His  care  for  them  wras  unflag 
ging  ;  it  was  visible  not  only  in  the  field  but  in  the 
camp,  in  the  hospital  and  everywhere  that  offered  a 
temple  for  the  ministrations  of  humanity,  but  this  great 
army  of  loyal  voters  was  practically  voiceless  as  voters, 
and  it  was  this  that  made  the  friends  of  Curtin  tremble 
as  the\'  awaited  the  final  judgment  of  the  State.  In  my 
position  as  chairman  of  the  State  committee  I  had  ample 
opportunity  to  know  the  inner  workings  and  movements 
of  that  desperate  struggle,  and  it  is  worthy  of  record  in 
history  that  the  cause  of  Curtin  was  gained  by  the  mute 
eloquence  of  disfranchised  soldiers  whose  appeals  came 
from  camp,  hospital  and  field  to  fathers,  brothers  and 
friends  at  home.  There  were  few  if  any  open  declarations 
made  by  those  who  voted  for  the  absent  soldiers,  but 
underlying  the.  matchless  ability  exhibited  on  the  stump, 


164  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 
and  the  well-directed  efforts  for  organization  made  on 

both  sides,  was  the  deep-seated  conviction  of  people  who 
had  sons  and  brothers  in  the  army  that  the  election  of 
Curtin  was  a  patriotic  duty,  and  that  one  cause  gave  him 
the  victory. 

Governor  Curtin  was  opposed  in  the  contest  of  1863 
by  the  ablest  Democrat  in  the  State,  the  late  Chief  Jus 
tice  George  W.  Woodward,  who  was  then  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  He  had  worn  judicial  honors  for  many 
years  and  as  all  conceded  had  worn  them  most  worthily. 
To  show  his  position  in  his  party  it  is  only  necessary  to 
state  that  he  was  nominated  for  United  States  Senator 
as  early  as  1845  an(3  by  a  Democratic  Legislature,  but  was 
defeated  by  a  Democratic  defection  joining  the  Whigs 
to  elect  General  Cameron  on  the  tariff  issue.  He  was  a 
man  of  the  highest  character  and  certainly  second  to 
none  in  intellectual  force.  He  brought  into  the  contest 
therefore  all  the  pride  of  his  Democratic  followers,  and 
commanded  the  highest  respect  of  his  political  foes. 
He  did  not  enter  into  the  campaign  as  a  speaker  because 
of  his  appreciation  of  the  dignity  of  his  judicial  office, 
but  the  force  of  his  great  personality  and  clean  record 
was  felt  in  the  struggle  at  every  stage.  Governor  Curtin 
was  so  broken  in  his  physical  powers  that  he  was 
unable  to  repeat  his  great  campaign  of  1860,  but  even 
when  he  had  to  speak  at  the  risk  of  sacrificing  life  for 
his  cause,  he  wras  heard  time  and  again  during  the  con 
test  and  his  sober  and  eloquent  appeals  in  behalf  of  his 
cause  made  the  most  profound  impression  upon  citizens 
of  every  faith.  With  all  of  the  complete  machinery 
and  exhaustive  efforts  of  the  party  organization  of  the 
State  it  was  impossible  to  forecast  the  re-election  of 
Curtin  with  any  degree  of  confidence  until  the  vote  was 


RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  165 

polled,  and  it  was  not  until  election  night,  when  in 
creased  Republican  majorities  were  reported  from  every 
section  of  the  State,  that  his  loyal  supporters  were 
assured  of  their  triumph.  The  State  had  voted  Demo 
cratic  in  1862,  and  the  election  of  1861,  when  no  State 
ticket  was  to  be  chosen,  gave  the  advantage  to  the 
Democrats.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
campaign  of  1863,  with  the  large  soldier  vote  disfran 
chised,  was  regarded  as  doubtful  by  the  supporters  of 
Curtin  until  the  judgment  of  the  people  was  recorded 
that  gave  him  over  15,000  majority. 

I  have  said  that  Curtin  had  opponents  within  his 
party,  as  is  common  with  all  men  who  achieve  distinc 
tion,  but  it  should  be  here  recorded,  that  when  his 
nomination  was  made  in  the  Pittsburg  convention,  all 
personal  and  factional  animosity  speedily  perished.  In 
the  political  divisions  of  that  day  Senator  Cameron  was 
known  as  the  leader  of  those  who  wTere  opposed  to  Gov 
ernor  Curtin,  and  Governor  Curtin  was  known  as  the 
leader  of  those  who  were  opposed  to  Senator  Cameron, 
but  when  Curtin's  nomination  was  declared  by  the  party, 
Senator  Cameron  came  to  the  front  and  presided  at  an 
immense  mass  meeting  in  his  own  town  of  Harrisburg, 
and  after  appealing  to  all  loyal  men  to  support  Curtin's 
re-election,  he  presented  General  Butler,  who  made  the 
speech  of  the  evening.  So  grave  was  the  issue  that  all 
estrangements  within  the  party  were  at  once  effaced, 
and  common  cause  was  made  by  the  entire  Republican 
forces  of  the  State  to  win  the  victory.  However  men 
had  differed  before,  or  however  they  might  differ  there 
after,  all  felt  that  the  campaign  of  1863  was  one  in 
which  patriotism  was  paramount  to  all  individual  con 
siderations  or  interests.  It  was  the  one  conflict  of  our 


1 66  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

State  in  which  there  was  but  one  issue,  and  that  issue 
made  all  State  questions  pale  into  utter  insignincance- 
the  issue  of  sustaining  the  cause  that  had  just  won 
Gettysburg  and  Vicksburg,  and  prosecuting  the  war 
with  unabated  vigor  until  the  Union  should  be  fully 
restored  and  its  authority  respected  in  every  section  of 
the  country. 


A.  r,.  CURTIN,i840. 


BY   WILLIAM    H.    EGLE. 

The  second  inauguration  of  Andrew  G.  Curtin  as  gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania,  took  place  on  Tuesday,  January 
19,  1864,  and  was  attended  with  all  the  ceremony  and 
pageantry  befitting  the  installation  in  office  of  the 
executive  of  the  commonwealth.  The  entire  front  of 
the  portico  of  the  capitol  was  occupied  with  an  immense 
platform,  the  whole  being  designated  for  the  heads  of 
departments,  the  members  of  both  branches  of  the 
Legislature  and  invited  guests.  The  platform  was 
handsomely  decorated  with  evergreens,  while  waving 
above  the  stand  were  the  battle  flags  of  the  different 
Pennsylvania  regiments,  recently  deposited  among  the 
archives  of  the  State.  These  sacred  emblems  of  the 
valor  of  the  sons  of  Pennsylvania  attracted  much  atten 
tion  and  were  saluted  by  the  military  as  they  filed  in 
front  of  the  stand.  The  flags  all  bore  evidence  that 
they  had  once  floated  over  other  scenes  than  that  which 
they  now  adorned,  the  most  of  them  being  tattered  and 
torn,  the  marks  of  the  bloody  conflicts  through  which 
they  were  borne.  One  of  the  most  interesting  features 
of  the  platform,  however,  was  the  original  Declaration 
of  Independence  table,  then  in  the  possession  of  the 
State,  and  now  sacredly  deposited  in  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia.  After  the  certificate  of  election  was  read 
and  the  oath  of  office  administered,  the  Governor  deliv 
ered  his  inaugural  address  : 

(169) 


1 70  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

Called  by  the  partiality  of  my  fellow  citizens  to  the  office  of 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  for  another  term,  I  appear  before  you  to 
solemnly  renew  the  prescribed  obligation  to  support  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  and  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  to  discharge  the  responsible  trust  confided  to  me  with 

fidelity. 

When  first  summoned  before  you,  three  years  ago,  to  assume  the 
sacred  duties  of  the  executive  office,  the  long  gathering  clouds  of 
civil  war  were  about  to  break  upon  our  devoted  country.  For  years 
treason  had  been  gathering  in  might;  had  been  appropriating  to  its 
fiendish  lust  more  and  more  bountifully  of  the  nation's  honors;  had 
grown  steadily  bolder  in  its  assumption  of  power  until  it  had  won 
the  tolerance,  if  not  the  sanction,  of  a  formidable  element  of  popu 
lar  strength,  even  in  the  confessedly  loyal  States.  The  election  of 
a  president  'in  1860,  in  strict  conformity  with  the  constitution  and 
the  laws,  though  not  the  cause,  was  deemed  the  fit  occasion  for  an 
organized  attempt  to  overthrow  the  whole  fabric  of  our  free  institu 
tions,  and  plunge  a  nation  of  thirty  millions  of  people  into  hope 
less  anarchy.  The  grave  offence  charged  against  the  President-elect 
seemed  alone  to  consist  in  his  avowed  fidelity  to  the  government 
and  his  determined  purpose  to  fulfill  his  solemn  covenant  to  main 
tain  inviolate  the  union  of  the  States.  When  inaugurated,  he  found 
States  in  open  rebellion,  disclaiming  allegiance  to  the  government, 
fraudulently  appropriating  its  property,  and  insolently  contemning 
its  authority. 

Treason  was  struggling  for  supremacy  in  every  department  of 
administrative  power.  In  the  Cabinet  it  feloniously  disarmed  us; 
our  arsenals  were  robbed  to  enable  the  armies  of  crime  to  drench  a 
continent  in  fraternal  blood;  our  coasts  were  left  comparatively 
defenceless,  to  fall  an  easy  prey  to  traitors ;  our  navy  was  scattered 
upon  distant  seas  to  render  the  Republic  helpless  for  its  own  pro 
tection  ;  officers,  educated,  commissioned,  and  sworn  to  defend  the 
government  against  any  foe,  became  deserters,  defiled  heaven  in 
shameless  perjury,  and  with  fratricidal  hands  drew  their  swords 
against  the  country  of  their  allegiance,  and  when  treason  had  thus 
completed  its  preparations,  wanton,  wicked  war  was  forced  upon  our 
loyal  people. 

Never  was  war  so  causeless.  The  North  had  sought  no  sectional 
triumph,  invaded  no  rights,  inflicted  no  wrongs  upon  the  South. 
It  aimed  to  preserve  the  Republic,  not  to  destroy  it,  and  even  when 
rebellion  presented  the  sword  as  the  arbiter,  we  exhausted  every 
effort  consistent  with  the  existence  of  our  government  to  avert  the 
bloody  drama  of  the  last  three  years.  The  insolent  alternative 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  1 7 1 

presented  by  treason  of  fatal  dismemberment  or  internecine  war,  was 
met  by  generous  efforts  to  avert  the  storm  of  death  which  threatened 
to  fall;  but  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  spurned  peace  unless  they 
could  glut  their  infernal  ambition  over  the  ruins  of  the  noblest  and 
freest  government  ever  devised  by  man. 

Three  years  of  bloody,  wasting  war,  and  the  horrible  sacrifice  of 
a  quarter  of  a  million  lives  attest  the  desperation  of  their  purpose 
to  overthrow  our  liberties.  Mourning  and  sorrow  spread  over  the 
entire  nation,  and  defeat  and  desolation  are  the  terrible  trophies 
won  by  the  traitor's  hand.  Our  people  have  been  sorely  tried  by 
disasters,  but  in  the  midst  of  the  deepest  gloom  they  have  stood 
with  unfaltering  devotion  to  the  great  cause  of  our  common 
country.  Relying  upon  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  right  they 
have  proved  themselves  equal  to  the  stern  duty,  and  worthy  of  their 
rich  inheritance  of  freedom.  Their  fidelity  has  been  well  rewarded. 
In  God's  own  good  time  He  has  asserted  His  own  avenging  power; 
and  as  this  war  is  now  persisted  in  by  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion, 
it  has  become  evident  that  slavery  and  treason,  the  fountain  and 
stream  of  discord  and  death,  must  soon  share  a  common  grave. 

In  this  great  struggle  for  our  honored  nationality  Pennsylvania 
has  won  immortal  fame.  Despite  the  teachings  of  the  faithless  and 
the  hesitation  of  the  timid,  she  has  promptly  and  generously  met 
every  demand  made  upon  her,  whether  to  repel  invasion  or  to  fight 
the  battles  of  the  Union,  whenever  and  wherever  her  people  were 
demanded.  Upon  every  field  made  historic  and  sacred  by  the  valor 
of  our  troops  some  of  the  martial  youth  of  Pennsylvania  have  fallen. 
There  is  scarce  a  hospital  that  has  not  been  visited  by  our  kind 
offices  to  the  sick  and  wounded;  there  is  not  a  department  in  which 
brave  men  do  not  answer  with  pride  to  the  name  of  our  noble  State, 
and  while  history  endures,  loyal  hearts  will  turn  with  feelings  of 
national  pride  to  Gettysburg,  where  the  common  deliverance  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  Union  will  stand  recorded  in  the  unsur 
passed  glory  of  that  bloody  field. 

I  need  hardly  renew  my  pledge,  that  during  the  term  of  office  on 
which  I  am  about  to  enter,  I  will  give  my  whole  moral  and  official 
power  to  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  and  in  aiding  the  national 
government  in  every  effort  to  secure  early  and  complete  success  over 
our  malignant  foes. 

For  the  preservation  of  our  national  life,  all  things  should  be 
subordinated.  It  is  the  first,  highest,  noblest  duty  of  the  citizen ; 
it  is  his  protection  in  person,  property,  and  all  civil  and  religious 
privileges;  and  for  its  perpetuity  in  form  and  power  he  owes  all  his 
efforts,  his  influence,  his  means,  and  his  life.  To  compromise  with 


172  ANDREW  G.    CUR  TIN. 

• 

treason   would  be  but  to  give  it    renewed  existence,   and    enable  it 
again  to  plunge  us  into  another  causeless  war. 

In  the  destruction  of  the  military  power  of  the  rebellion,  is  alone 
the  hope  of  peace,  for  while  armed  rebels  march  over  the  soil  of  any 
State  no  real  freedom  can  prevail,  and  no  governmental  authority 
consistent  with  the  genius  of  our  free  institutions  can  properly 
operate. 

The  people  of  every  State  are  entitled  under  the  constitution  to 
the  protection  of  the  government,  and  to  give  that  protection  fully 
and  fairly,  rebellion  must  be  disarmed  and  trodden  in  the  dust. 
By  these  means,  and  these  alone,  can  we  have  enduring  union, 
prosperity  and  peace.  As  in  the  past,  I  will  in  the  future,  in  faith 
ful  obedience  to  the  oath  I  have  taken,  spare  no  means,  withhold 
no  power  which  can  strengthen  the  government  in  this  conflict.  To 
the  measures  of  the  citizens  chosen  to  administer  the  national 
government  adopted  to  promote  our  great  cause  I  will  give  my  cor 
dial  approval  and  earnest  co-operation.  It  is  the  cause  of  constitu 
tional  liberty  and  law. 

Powers  which  are  essential  to  our  common  safety  should  now  be 
wisely  and  fearlessly  administered,  and  that  executive  will  be  faith 
less,  and  held  guilty  before  the  world,  who  should  fail  to  wield  the 
might  of  the  government  for  its  own  preservation. 

The  details  of  my  views  on  the  measures  which  I  recommend  are 
contained  in  my  recent  annual  message  and  need  not  here  be 
repeated. 

I  beg  to  return  to  the  generous  people  of  my  native  State  my 
hearty  thanks  for  their  unfaltering  support  and  continued  confi 
dence.  They  have  sustained  me  amid  many  trying  hours  of  official 
embarrassment.  Among  all  these  people  to  none  am  I  more  indebted 
than  to  the  soldiers  of  Pennsylvania,  and  I  here  pledge  to  those 
brave  men  my  untiring  exertions  in  their  behalf,  and  my  most 
anxious  efforts  for  their  future  welfare,  and  I  commend  here,  as  I 
have  frequently  done  before,  those  dependent  upon  them,  to  the  fos 
tering  care  of  the  State. 

I  cannot  close  this  address  without  an  earnest  prayer  to  the  Most 
High  that  He  will  preserve,  protect,  and  guard  our  beloved  country, 
guiding  with  divine  power  and  wisdom  our  government,  State  and 
national ;  and  I  appeal  to  my  fellow  citizens,  here  and  elsewhere, 
in  our  existing  embarrassments  to  lay  aside  all  partisan  feelings, 
and  unite  in  a  hearty  and  earnest  effort  to  support  the  common  cause 
which  involves  the  welfare  of  us  all. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  I  pray 
you,  in  God's  name,  let  us,  in  this  era  in  the  history  of  the  world 


HIS  SECOXD    TERM.  173 

set  an  example  of  unity  and  concord  in  the  support  of  all  measures 
for  the  preservation  of  this  great  republic.  * 

Immediately  after  the  close  of  the  ceremonies  of  the 
inaugural,  Governor  Curtin,  accompanied  by  the  speak 
ers  and  members  of  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature, 
proceeded  to  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
where  a  committee  from  the  State  of  New  Jersey  dele 
gated  to  bear  to  Pennsylvania,  and  present  to  its  gov 
ernor,  a  testimonial  of  the  sense  entertained  by  the 
citizens  of  that  State,  of  his  patriotism  and  energy  in 
the  cause  of  our  common  country.  This  consisted  of 
the  complete  works  of  John  James  Audubon,  on  the 
"Birds  and  Quadrupeds  of  America."  This  series  of 
magnificent  folio  volumes  bore  upon  the  outside  of  the 
cover  the  inscription  :  "  From  the  Loyal  Citizens  of  Ne\v 
Jersey  to  His  Excellency,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  the  Loyal 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania."  The  Governor  was  touched 
by  this  token  of  kind  regard  of  the  people  of  New  Jer 
sey,  and  his  remarks  in  reply  to  the  presentation  speech 
of  Mr.  Dayton  were  as  brilliant  as  they  were  sincere  and 
heartfelt. 

During  the  military  campaign  in  the  summer  of  1864, 
the  agents  of  the  State  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and 
of  the  West  made  valuable  reports  to  the  Governor  of 
the  commonwealth,  and  at  once  measures  were  taken  to 
make  arrangements  for  the  removal  of  the  sick  and 
wounded  of  Pennsylvania  to  their  own  homes  within 
the  State.  It  was  well  known  that  in  the  military 
hospitals  restoration,  in  many  instances,  had  become  a 
matter  of  chance,  in  which  evervtlrino:  was  against  the 

-^  o  o 

recovery  of  the  soldiers.  The  heat  of  the  buildings, 
absence  of  all  except  purely  professional  care,  and  see 
ing  and  hearing  the  sufferings  of  others,  rendered  the 


174  ^  XDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

sufferings  of  the  wounded  the  more  excruciating  and 
terrible,  and  Governor  Curtin  believed  that  many  a 
valuable  life  could  be  saved  if  pure  air  and  light,  clean 
liness  and  affection  were  bestowed  upon  the  suffering 
hero,  and  he,  therefore,  urged  the  Secretary  of  War  and 
the  Surgeon  General  of  the  United  States  to  allow  that 
the  men  of  Pennsylvania  be  removed  to  their  State. 
His  appeals  were  so  urgent  that  the  heads  of  these 
departments  at  Washington  could  no  longer  resist,  and 
thousands  of  the  true  hearts,  the  sick  and  wounded, 
were  sent  to  their  homes, — the  vast  majority  to  recover, 
although  some  to  die. 

In  the  early  part  of  July  the  rebels  invaded  Maryland, 
and  it  was  feared  that  Pennsylvania  was  again  the  object 
of  their  attack.  In  response  to  a  call  of  the  President 
on  the  fifth,  the  Governor  issued  a  proclamation,  request 
ing  12,000  volunteers  to  serve  for  one  hundred  days  in 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Washington  City  and  its 
vicinity.  On  the  day  prior,  he  had  asked  for  the  same 
number  to  come  forward  without  delay  and  thus  aid 
their  heroic  brethren  in  the  great  army  of  the  republic. 
The  commissioners  of  the  different  counties  of  the  com 
monwealth  offered  suitable  bounties,  and  in  a  very  brief 
time  the  complement  of  troops  called  for  by  the  Execu 
tive  was  raised  and  sent  forward.  Following  these  calls, 
the  President  on  the  eighteenth  of  July  issued  a  procla 
mation  directing  a  draft  for  500,000  men,  before  those 
for  24,000  men  had  been  filled.  The  quota  of  Pennsyl 
vania  under  this  call  was  fixed  at  70,000  men,  and  as  is 
stated  in  the  President's  proclamation,  it  was  chiefly  to 
supply  the  alleged  deficiency  in  former  calls.  Governor 
Curtin  was  surprised  at  the  amount  of  this  large  defi 
ciency,  and  could  only  account  for  the  difference  between 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  175 

the  number  of  men  furnished  by  the  State  and  the 
deficiency  alleged  existing  in  the  assignment  of  that 
quota  referred  to,  by  the  assumption  that  the  men  never 
reached  the  army,  although  enlisted  and  mustered  after 
the  payment  of  bounties  by  the  localities  to  which  they 
were  supposed  to  be  credited.  The  correspondence 
between  the  Executive,  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
President  of  the  United  States  has  been  heretofore 
referred  to.  It  is  a  matter  of  history  that  Governor 
Curtin  was  in  the  right.  At  once  he  issued  his  procla 
mation  calling  upon  the  loyal  people  of  the  State  to 
volunteer,  as  more  men  were  required  to  aid  the  gallant 
soldiers  in  the  field  in  crushing  the  unholy  rebellion, 
while  every  consideration  of  patriotism  and  of  regard  for 
their  brethren  who  were  then  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
obliged  him  to  spare  no  effort  to  raise  the  necessary 
forces. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  July  a  rebel  guerrilla  band  entered 
Chambersburg  and  after  demanding  an  exorbitant  sum  of 
money,  which  it  was  not  within  the  power  of  the  people 
at  that  moment  to  pay,  set  fire  to  the  principal  buildings 
in  the  town.  No  time  was  given  to  remove  the  women, 
children,  the  sick,  or  even  the  dead.  The  most  valu 
able  portion  of  the  town  was  in  a  few  hours  a  heap  of 
smouldering  ruins.  The  enemy  retreated  southward, 
pursued  by  a  detachment  of  cavalry,  which  failed  to 
arrest  the  fugitives.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  a  few  regi 
ments  of  men  organized  under  the  late  call  for  one  hun 
dred  days,  had  been  ordered  to  Washington,  instead  of 
being  placed  upon  the  borders  of  the  commonwealth 
for  its  safety  and  protection,  none  whatever  was  given 
to  Chambersburg.  At  this  time  Governor  Curtin  was 
at  Bedford,  taking  a  brief  respite  from  the  cares  of  office 


17  6  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

and  his  stupendous  labors  in  behalf  of  the  soldiery  of  the 
commonwealth.  This  fact  had  become  known  to  the 
rebel  leaders,  and,  it  was  supposed  that  while  a  portion 
of  their  cavalry  would  engage  the  attention  of  the 
Union  troops  in  the  Cumberland  Valley,  that  no  obstacle 
would  be  placed  in  their  way  by  having  one  of  their 
boldest  leaders,  General  Imboden,  make  a  sudden  dash 
on  Bedford  and  seize  the  person  of  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  and  other  distinguished  persons  who  were 
with  him,  taking  them  prisoners  to  Richmond,  and  then 
make  their  demands.  Fortunately  Governor  Curtin  was 
informed  of  their  intentions  and  hastened  away  from  the 
borders  of  the  State,  to  the  capital. 

On  the  first  day  of  August  the  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation  stating  that  an  extraordinary  occasion 
required  that  prompt  legislative  action  be  had  to  make 
the  military  power  of  the  State  immediately  available 
for  vState  and  national  defence,  and  therefore  convened 
the  General  Assembly  on  the  ninth  day  of  that  month. 
The  Legislature  having  assembled  the  Governor  issued  a 
message,  from  which  we  extract  the  following  as  the 
most  important  portions  thereof: 

Gentlemen:  I  have  called  you  together  in  advance  of  your  ad 
journed  session  for  the  purpose  of  taking  some  action  for  the  defence 
of  the  State.  From  the  commencement  of  the  present  rebellion 
Pennsylvania  has  done  her  whole  duty  to  the  government.  Lying  as 
her  southern  counties  do,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  border,  and 
thus  exposed  to  sudden  invasion,  a  selfish  policy  would  have  led 
her  to  retain  a  sufficient  part  of  her  military  force  for  her  own 
defence.  In  so  doing,  she  would  have  failed  in  her  duty  to  the 
whole  country.  Not  only  would  her  men  have  been  withheld  from 
the  field  of  general  operations,  but  the  loans  and  taxation  which 
would  have  become  necessary,  would  have  to  a  large  extent  dimin 
ished  the  ability  of  her  people  to  comply  with  the  pecuniary  demands 
of  the  United  States.  She  would  also  have  necessarily  interfered 
with  and  hampered  all  the  military  actions  of  the  government,  and 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  177 

made  herself,  to  some  extent,  responsible  for  any  failures  and  short 
comings  that  may  have  occurred.  In  pursuance  of  the  policy  thus 
deliberately  adopted,  this  State  has  steadily  devoted  her  men  to  the 
general  service.  From  the  beginning  she  has  always  been  among 
the  first  to  respond  to  the  calls  of  the  United  States,  as  is  shown  by 
her  history,  from  the  three-months  men  and  the  Reserve  Corps  to 
the  present  moment.  Thus  faithfully  fulfilling  all  her  own  obliga 
tions,  she  has  a  right  to  be  defended  by  the  national  force  as  part 
of  a  common  country;  any  other  view  would  be  absurd  and  unjust. 
She,  of  course,  cannot  complain  when  she  suffers  by  the  necessary 
contingencies  of  war.  The  reflections  that  have  in  too  many  quarters 
been  made  upon  the  people  of  her  southern  counties  are  most  un 
founded.  They  were  invaded  in  1862,  when  a  Union  army,  much 
superior  to  any  force  of  the  rebels  (and  on  which  they  had  of  course 
a  right  to  rely),  was  lying  in  their  immediate  vicinity  and  north  of 
the  Potomac.  They  were  again  invaded  in  1863,  after  the  defeat  of 
the  Union  forces  under  Milroy  at  Winchester,  and  they  have  again 
suffered  in  1864,  after  the  defeat  of  the  Union  forces  under  Crook 
arid  Aver  ill.  How  could  an  agricultural  people  in  an  open  country 
be  expected  to  rise  suddenly  and  beat  back  hostile  forces  which  had 
defeated  organized  veteran  armies  of  the  government?  It  is  of 
course  expected  that  the  inhabitants  of  an  invaded  country  will  do 
what  is  in  their  power  to  resist  the  invaders,  and  the  facts  herein 
after  stated  will  show,  I  think,  that  the  people  of  these  counties 
have  not  failed  in  this  duty. 

If  Pennsylvania,  by  reason  of  her  geographical  position,  has  re 
quired  to  be  defended  by  the  national  force,  it  has  only  been  against 
the  common  enemy.  It  has  never  been  necessary  to  weaken  the 
army  in  the  field  by  sending  heavy  detachments  of  veterans  to  save 
her  cities  from  being  devastated  by  small  bands  of  ruffians  composed 
of  their  own  inhabitants.  Nor  have  her  people  been  disposed  to 
sneer  at  the  great  masses  of  law-abiding  citizens  in  any  other  State 
who  have  required  such  protection.  Yet,  when  a  brutal  enemy, 
pursuing  a  defeated  body  of  Union  forces,  crosses  your  border  and 
burns  a  defenceless  town,  this  horrid  barbarity,  instead  of  firing 
the  hearts  of  all  the  people  of  our  common  country,  is  actually, 
in  some  quarters,  made  the  occasion  of  mocks  and  gibes  at  the  un 
fortunate  sufferers,  thousands  of  whom  have  been  rendered  homeless; 
and  these  heartless  scoffs  proceed  from  the  very  men  who,  when  the 
State  authorities,  foreseeing  the  danger,  were  taking  precautionary 
measures,  ridiculed  the  idea  of  there  being  any  danger,  sneered  at 
the  exertions  of  the  authorities  to  prepare  for  meeting  it,  and  suc 
ceeded,  to  some  extent,  in  thwarting  their  efforts  to  raise  forces. 
12 


1 78  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN, 

• 

These  men  are  themselves  morally  responsible  for  the  calamity  over 
which  they  now  chuckle  and  rub  their  hands.  It  might  have  been 
hoped— nay,  we  had  a  right  to  expect— that  the  people  of  the  loyal 
States  engaged  in  a  common  effort  to  preserve  their  government 
and  all  that  is  dear  to  freemen  would  have  forgotten,  at  least  for  the 
time,  their  wretched  local  jealousies,  and  sympathized  with  all  their 
loyal  fellow  citizens,  wherever  resident  within  the  borders  of  our 
common  country.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  original  source 
of  the  present  rebellion  was  in  such  jealousies  encouraged  for  wicked 
purposes  by  unscrupulous  politicians.  The  men  who,  for  any  pur 
pose,  now  continue  to  encourage  them  ought  to  be  held  as  public 
enemies;  enemies  of  our  Union  and  our  peace;  and  should  be 
treated  as  such.  Common  feelings,  common  sympathies  are  the 
necessary  foundations  of  a  common  free  government.  I  am  proud 
to  say  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  feel  every  blow  at  any  of 
her  sister  States  as  an  assault  upon  themselves,  and  give  to  them  all 
that  hearty  goodwill,  the  expression  of  which  is  sometimes  more 
important,  under  the  infliction  of  calamity,  than  mere  material  aid. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  refer  to  the  approach  of  the  rebel  army  up  the 
Shenandoah  Valley  on  the  third  day  of  July  last,  to  the  defeat  of 
General  Wallace  on  the  Monocacy,  their  approach  to  and  threaten 
ing  of  the  federal  capital,  or  to  their  destruction  of  property  and 
pillage  of  the  counties  of  Maryland  lying  on  our  border.  These 
events  have  passed  into  history,  and  the  responsibilities  will  be 
settled  by  the  judgment  of  the  people.  At  that  time  a  call  was 
made  upon  Pennsylvania  for  volunteers  to  be  mustered  into  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States,  and  to  serve  for  one  hundred  days  in  the 
States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  and  at  Washington  and  its 
vicinity.  Notwithstanding  the  embarrassments  which  complicated 
the  orders  for  their  organization  and  muster,  six  regiments  were  en 
listed  and  organized,  and  a  battalion  of  six  companies.  The  regi 
ments  were  withdrawn  from  the  State,  the  last  leaving  the  twenty- 
ninth  day  of  July.  I  desired  that  at  least  part  of  this  force  should  be 
confined  in  their  service  to  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland, 
and  made  such  an  application  to  the  War  Department.  As  the  proposi 
tion  did  not  meet  their  approbation  it  was  rejected,  and  the  general 
order  changed  to  include  the  States  named,  and  Washington  and  its 
vicinity.  No  part  of  the  rebel  army  at  that  time  had  come  within 
the  State.  The  people  of  the  border  counties  were  warned  and 
removed  their  stock,  and  at  Chambersburg  and  York  were  organized 
and  armed  for  their  own  protection. 

I  was  not  officially  informed  of  the  movements  of  the  federal 
armies  and,  of  course,  not  of  the  strategy  of  their  commanders; 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  179 

but  it  was  stated  in  the  newspapers  that  the  rebel  army  was  closely 
pursued  after  it  had  crossed  the  Potomac,  and  was  retiring  up  the 
valley  of  the  Shenandoah.  Repeated  successes  of  our  troops  were 
also  announced,  and  the  people  of  this  State  had  just  cause  to  be 
lieve  that  quite  a  sufficient  federal  force  had  been  thrown  forward 
for  its  protection  upon  the  line  of  the  Potomac.  On  Friday,  the 
twenty-ninth  of  July,  the  rebel  brigades  of  Johnson  and  McCausland, 
consisting  of  from  two  thousand  five  hundred  to  three  thousand 
mounted  men  with  six  guns,  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Clear  Spring 
Ford. 

They  commenced  crossing  at  ten  o'clock  a.  m. ,  and  marched 
directly  on  Mercersburg.  There  were  but  forty-five  men  picketed 
in  that  direction  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  McClean,  U. 
S.  A.,  and  as  the  enemy  succeeded  in  cutting  the  telegraph  com 
munications,  which  from  that  point  had  to  pass  west  by  way  of 
Bedford,  no  information  could  be  sent  to  General  Couch  by  tele 
graph,  who  was  then  at  Chambersburg.  The  head  of  this  column 
reached  Chambersburg  at  three  o'clock,  a.  m. ,  on  Saturday,  the 
thirtieth. 

The  rebel  brigades  of  Vaughn  and  Jackson,  numbering  about 
three  thousand  mounted  men,  crossed  the  Potomac  at  about  the 
same  time  at  or  near  Williamsport ;  part  of  the  command  advanced 
on  Hagerstown,  the  main  body  moved  on  the  road  leading  from 
Williamsport  to  Greencastle.  Another  rebel  column  of  infantry 
and  artillery  crossed  the  Potomac  simultaneously  at  Shepherdstown 
and  moved  toward  Leitersburg.  General  Averill,  who  commanded 
a  force  reduced  to  about  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  was  at 
Hagerstown,  and  being  threatened  in  front  by  Vaughn  and  Jackson, 
on  his  right  by  McCausland  and  Johnson,  who  also  threatened  his 
rear,  and  on  his  left  by  the  column  which  crossed  at  Shepherdstown, 
he  therefore  fell  back  upon  Greencastle. 

General  Averill,  it  is  understood,  was  under  the  orders  of  General 
Hunter,  but  was  kept  as  fully  advised  by  General  Couch  as  was 
possible,  of  the  enemy's  movements  on  his  righC  and  to  his  rear. 
General  Couch  was  in  Chambersburg,  where  his  entire  force  con 
sisted  of  sixty  infantry  and  forty-five  cavalry,  and  a  section  of  a 
battery  of  artillery,  in  all  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  The 
six  companies  of  men,  enlisted  for  one  hundred  days  remaining  in 
the  State,  and  two  companies  of  cavalry  had,  under  orders  from 
Washington  (as  lam  unofficially  advised),  joined  General  Averill. 
The  town  of  Chambersburg  was  held  until  daylight  by  the  small  force 
under  General  Couch,  during  which  time  the  government  stores  and 
train  were  saved.  Two  batteries  were  then  planted  by  the  enemy 


i8o  ANDKKW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

* 

commanding  the  town,  and  it  was  invested  by  the  whole  command 
of  Johnson  and  McCausland.  At  seven  o'clock  a.  m. ,  six  companies 
of  dismounted  men,  commanded  by  Sweeney,  entered  the  town, 
followed  by  mounted  men  under  Gilniore.  The  main  force  was  in 
line  of  battle.  A  demand  was  made  for  $100,000  in  gold, or  $500,000 
in  government  funds,  as  ransom,  and  a  number  of  citizens  were 
arrested  and  held  as  hostages  for  its  payment.  No  offer  of  money 
was  made  by  the  citizens  of  the  town,  and  even  if  they  had  any 
intention  of  paying  a  ransom  no  time  was  allowed,  as  the  rebels 
commenced  immediately  to  burn  and  pillage  the  town,  disregarding 
the  appeals  of  women  and  children,  the  aged  and  infirm,  and  even 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  not  protected  from  their  brutality.  It 
would  have  been  vain  for  all  the  citizens  of  the  town,  if  armed,  to 
have  attempted,  in  connection  with  General  Couch's  small  force,  to 
defend  it.  General  Couch  withdrew  his  command,  and  did  not  him 
self  leave  until  the  enemy  were  actually  in  the  town.  General 
Averill's  command  being  within  nine  miles  of  Chambersburg,  it 
was  hoped  would  arrive  in  time  to  save  the  town,  and  efforts  were 
made  to  communicate  with  him  during  the  night.  In  the  mean 
time  the  small  force  of  General  Couch  held  the  enemy  at  bay. 
General  Averill  marched  on  Chambersburg,  but  did  not  arrive  until 
after  the  town  was  burned  and  the  enemy"  had  retired.  He  pursued 
and  overtook  them  at  McConnellsburg,  in  Fulton  County,  in  time 
to  save  that  place  from  pillage  and  destruction.  He  promptly  en 
gaged  and  defeated  them,  driving  them  to  Hancock  and  across  the 
Potomac. 

I  commend  the  houseless  and  ruined  people  of  Chambersburg  to 
the  liberal  benevolence  of  the  Legislature,  and  suggest  that  a  suit 
able  appropriation  be  made  for  their  relief.  Similar  charity  has 
been  heretofore  exercised  in  the  case  of  an  accidental  and  destruc 
tive  fire  at  Pittsburg,  and  I  cannot  doubt  the  disposition  of  the 
Legislature  on  the  present  occasion. 

On  the  fifth  day  of  this  month  a  large  rebel  army  was  in  Mary 
land  and  at  various  points  on  the  Potomac  as  far  west  as  New 
Creek ;  and  as  there  was  no  adequate  force  within  the  State, 
I  deemed  it  my  duty  on  that  day  to  call  for  30,000  volunteer 
militia  for  domestic  protection.  They  will  be  armed,  transported 
and  supplied  by  the  United  States,  but,  as  no  provision  is  made  for 
their  payment,  it  will  be  necessary,  should  you  approve  my  action, 
to  make  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose. 

The  Legislature  at  once  passed  an  act  for  the  organiza 
tion  and  regulation  of  the  militia  of  the  commonwealth, 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  181 

and  also  one  to  regulate  elections  by  soldiers  in  actual 
military  service.  These  were  promptly  signed  by  the 
Governor  and  the  extraordinary  session  of  the  Legislature 
was  adjourned. 

On  the  second  of  August,  1864,  several  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania  were  adopted  by  a 
majority  of  the  qualified  voters  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  most  important  of  these  amendments  was  the  one 
which  gave  to  the  soldier  the  right  of  the  elective  fran 
chise.  This  special  amendment  became  a  question 
between  the  two  great  parties  of  the  State,  and  never 
has  there  been  a  contest  more  bitterly  canvassed  than 
the  one  which  decided  the  result.  The  friends  of  the  sol 
dier  and  of  the  Union  had  the  satisfaction  as  the  result, 
that  there  was  a  94,000  majority  for  the  amendment. 
The  issue  involved  in  the  question  of  extending  this  right 
to  the  soldier  was  the  same  as  that  embraced  in  the 
questions  making  up  the  issue  in  the  Presidential  canvass 
of  that  year,  and,  hence,  the  terrible  opposition  that  was 
manifested  by  the  Democratic  party  of  that  time  ;  for, 
without  the  vote  of  the  soldier,  it  was  a  fact  that  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  could  not  have  been  elected.  At  once 
measures  were  taken  to  perfect  the  system  by  which  the 
soldiers  in  the  field  might  have  secured  to  them  the 
privileges  of  the  franchise,  and  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania  sent  agents  to  all  the  regiments  in  the 
front  confiding  to  them  certain  duties  so  that  the  sol 
dier  should  have  the  full  exercise  of  his  voice,  by  the 
ballot,  in  the  control  of  the  government. 

The  Legislature  of  1865  passed  two  important  meas 
ures,  the  success  of  which  the  Executive  had  much  at 
heart.  These  were  the  general  bounty  bill,  to  volunteers 
or  those  drafted  into  the  military  service,  and  the  act  for 


1 82  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

the  continuance  of  the  care  of  the  orphan  children  of 
Pennsylvania's  dead  heroes.  The  latter  was  a  sacred 
pledge,  but  the  former  was  a  wise  and  judicious  enact 
ment.  Pennsylvania's  quota  in  the  war  was  rapidly  filled. 

Always  solicitous  of  the  care  of  the  soldier,  it  was 
through  Governor  Curtin  that  the  national  authorities 
perfected  arrangements  by  which  supplies  for  volunteers 
then  prisoners  in  the  South  could  be  forwarded.  The  Gov 
ernor  announced  this  fact  to  the  people  through  the  Leg 
islature  by  a  special  message,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of 
January,  1865,  the  State  promising  to  defray  all  expenses 
of  transportation  to  the  places  designated.  The  pris 
oners,  it  was  then  well  known,  were  in  want  of  food, 
clothing  and  in  fact  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  while 
the  United  States  Government  would  forward  clothing, 
it  depended  entirely  upon  the  friends  of  the  prisoners  in 
the  loyal  States  to  send  other  supplies  which  were  abso 
lutely  needed  by  the  men  almost  on  the  verge  of  starva 
tion.  "  Our  generous  loyal  men  and  women,"  said 
Governor  Curtin,  "  have  never  failed  to  respond  to  such 
an  appeal,  and  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  urge  upon  them 
the  necessity  of  prompt  action  on  this  occasion,  if  they 
have  the  knowledge  that  supplies  can  be  sent  to  their 
destitute  relatives  and  friends.  The  destitution  and 
suffering  to  which  our  soldiers  have  been  reduced  by 
the  barbarity  of  our  savage  enemies  cannot  be  adequately 
described.  We  should  avail  ourselves  of  the  opportunity 
now  at  last  afforded  to  relieve  them." 

This  appeal  of  the  Governor's  was  printed  and  freely 
circulated  throughout  the  commonwealth,  and  it  had  the 
desired  effect.  The  liberality  of  the  people,  as  hereto 
fore  in  all  charitable  and  philanthropic  efforts  was 
simply  wonderful. 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  183 

On  the  third  of  February  the  Governor  sent  to  the 
General  Assembly  a  message  enclosing  a  communica 
tion  which  he  had  forwarded  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  January  preceding. 
At  that  time  the  Governor's  letter  remained  unanswered, 
and  we  have  no  knowledge  that  it  was  ever  replied  to. 
As  a  State  paper  involving  a  discussion  of  the  conscrip 
tion  laws,  the  examination  of  a  practical  question  and 
the  plain  statement  of  facts,  it  is  certainly  unrivaled  and 
it  elicited  the  favorable  and  cordial  comments  of  every  lead 
ing  journalist  throughout  the  State  under  whose  exam 
ination  it  had  then  passed.  With  such  an  appeal  before 
him,  and  with  facts  and  arguments  as  irresistible  as  those 
adduced  in  this  letter,  President  Lincoln  could  offer  no 
favorable  excuse  in  delaying  a  reform  of  the  evils  com 
plained  of  and  so  perfectly  exposed.  It  is  a  well-known 
fact  however,  that,  in  the  history  of  the  rebellion  at 
that  period,  there  was  one  man  who  had  supreme  con 
trol  over  his  actions,  and  that  man  was  Secretary 
Stanton.  This  letter  is  of  such  importance,  forming  a 
part  of  the  history  of  the  rebellion,  that  it  is  herewith 
given  in  full : 

Sir:  The  act  of  the  third  of  March,  1863,  commonly  called  the 
Enrollment  Act,  provided  (Section  4)  that  for  the  purposes  of  the 
act  each  Congressional  district  of  the  respective  States  should  form 
a  district,  and  (Section  n)  that  all  persons  enrolled  should  be  sub 
ject  to  be  called  into  the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  continue  in  service  during  the  present  rebellion,  not,  however, 
exceeding  the  term  of  three  years,  and,  further  (Section  12),  that 
in  assigning  to  the  districts  the  number  of  men  to  be  furnished 
therefrom,  the  President  should  take  into  consideration  the  number 
of  volunteers  and  militia  by  and  from  the  several  States  in  which 
said  districts  were  situated,  and  the  period  of  their  service  since 
the  commencement  of  the  rebellion,  and  should  so  make  said  as 
signments  as  to  equalize  the  numbers  among  the  districts  of  the 
several  States,  considering  and  allowing  for  the  numbers  already 
furnished  as  aforesaid  and  the  time  of  their  service. 


1 84  ANDRE  W  G.   CUR  TIN, 

• 

The  time  of  actual  service,  which  by  this  act  you  were  directed  to 
consider  and  allow  for,  could  not,  without  impracticable  labor,  or 
indeed,  at  all,  be  fixed  with  exactitude  for  each  district,  but  it 
could  easily  have  been  so  approximated  by  averages,  that  little  if 
any  practical  injustice  would  have  been  done.  The  commencement 
of  the  third  year  of  the  war  was  close  at  hand  at  the  time  of  the 
passage  of  the  act.  It  would  not  have  been  difficult  to  ascertain,  of 
looo  men  enlisted  for  three  years,  what  was  the  average  num 
ber  that  remained  actually  in  the  service  at  the  end  of  the  first 
and  second  years  respectively,  and  thus  the  act  could  have  been 
substantially  complied  with.  For  instance,  suppose  it  to  have 
been  found  that  of  1000  men  enlisted  for  three  years,  there 
remained  in  the  service  an  average  of  forty  per  cent  at  the  close  of 
the  first  year,  and  twenty  per  cent  at  the  close  of  the  second  year. 
The  result  would  have  been,  under  the  provisions  of  the  act,  that 
1600  one-year  men  would  have  been  taken  as  the  equivalent  of 
looo  three-year  men. 

Unfortunately  the  heads  of  bureaus,  to  whom  the  matter  seems  to 
have  been  entrusted,  began  by  falling  into  a  strange  misconstruc 
tion  of  the  act.  They  did,  in  effect,  strike  from  the  twelfth  section 
the  phrases  "period  of  their  service"  ancj  "time  of  their  service," 
and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  phrase,  "term  of  their  enlistment," 
and  then  proceeded  to  apportion  credits  by  multiplying  the  number 
of  men  furnished  from  a  district  by  the  number  of  years  for  which 
they  were  enlisted.  Calculations  made  on  this  basis  were  of  course 
most  extravagant,  and  the  people  everywhere  felt  that  somehow  in 
justice  was  being  done.  In  the  attempt  to  soften  this,  numerous 
and  contradictory  orders  have  been  issued  from  the  provost  marshal 
general's  office,  and  long  essays  by  himself  and  others  have  been  in 
vain  published  to  explain  and  justify  their  action. 

In  fact,  as  soon  as  they  got  beyond  the  morally  certain  limit  of 
the  actual  service  of  the  man,  their  calculation  has  no  longer  a 
practicable  basis.  Its  principle,  carried  to  a  legitimate  extreme, 
would  justify  the  enlistment  of  one  man  for  50,000  years,  and 
crediting  him  as  the  whole  quota  of  the  State,  with  a  small  excess. 
Surely  every  reasonable  man  can  say  for  himself  whether  he  has 
found  that  getting  one  pair  of  boots  for  three  years  is  practically 
equivalent  to  getting  three  pairs  of  boots  for  one  year. 

The  visionary  character  of  the  system  on  which  they  have  pro 
ceeded  cannot  be  better  illustrated  than  by  the  result  at  which  they 
have  arrived  on  the  present  occasion.  The  quota  of  Pennsylvania 
on  the  last  call  was  announced  to  be  61,700;  her  quota  to  make  up 
deficiencies  under  that  call  was  announced  to  be  66,999  men.  On 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  185 

the  twenty-fourth  instant  it  was  announced  that  the  quota  of  the 
western  district  had,  on  revision,  been  fixed  at  22,543,  which  would 
make  that  of  the  whole  State  about  44,000;  and  late  on  the  same 
day  it  was  further  announced  that  the  quota  of  the  western  district 
was  25,512,  and  that  of  the  whole  State  49,583;  all  of  the  changes 
being  caused  by  no  intervening  circumstances  that  I  am  aware  of. 
In  fact  our  quota  on  the  last  call  was  filled,  and  there  can  be  no  de 
ficiency  to  be  now  supplied. 

Their  plan  is  unjust  to  the  districts  and  to  the  government.  It 
wholly  ignores  the  losses  of  men  by  desertion,  sickness,  death  and 
casualties.  The  losses  from  most  of  these  causes  are  greater  dur 
ing  the  first  year  of  service  than  afterward.  A  towrn  which  has 
furnished  3000  men  for  one  year  has  probably  lost  three-fifths  of 
them  from  these  causes  before  the  expiration  of  the  term.  Another 
equal  town  which  has  furnished  1000  men  for  three  years  may, 
before  the  expiration  of  that  term,  have  lost  seventeen -twentieths  of 
them.  The  first  town  will  have  thus  given  1600  men  to  the  country; 
the  second  but  850.  There  is  no  equality  in  this.  The  exhaustion 
of  the  industrial  population  of  the  two  towns  is  in  very  unequal 
proportions.  As  to  the  government — the  government  has  in  the  first 
case  the  actual  service,  during  the  whole  year,  of  1400  men;  in  the 
second  case  the  actual  service  of  say  400  men  during  the  whole  first 
year,  of  probably  not  more  than  200  men  during  the  whole  second 
year,  and  say  150111611  at  most  during  the  whole  third  year.  Besides, 
the  amount  of  service  that  may  be  required  promptly  is  to  be  con 
sidered,  and  not  merely  the  agreed  term  of  sen-ice.  At  the  late 
storm  of  Fort  Fisher,  one  at  least,  of  the  Pennsylvania  one-year 
regiments  was  engaged,  and  behaved  most  gallantly.  Who  will  say 
that  if  one-third  of  its  number  had  been  enlisted  for  three  years 
it  would  on  that  account  have  been  able  to  perform  as  much  service 
as  the  whole  number  did  in  that  unsurpassed  exploit? 

But  there  is  even  more  serious  error  than  has  been  above  exposed. 
The  clause  of  the  act  of  third  of  March,  1863,  under  which  your 
officers  profess  to  be  acting,  has  not  been  in  force  since  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  February,  1864. 

Whether  induced  thereto  by  the  strangeness  of  the  system  which 
had  been  adopted  under  it,  or  for  whatever  reasons,  Congress  thought 
fit  to  pass  the  act  of  twenty-fourth  February,  1864,  entitled  "An 
act  to  amend  the  act  of  March  3,  1863,"  which  provides  (Section  2) 
that  the  quota  of  each  ward  of  a  city,  town,  etc. ,  shall  be  as  nearly 
as  possible  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  men  resident  therein 
liable  to  render  military  sen-ice,  taking  into  account,  as  far  as  practi 
cable,  the  number  which  had  been  previously  furnished  therefrom. 


186  ANDREW  G.  CURTTN. 

Thus  the  former  act  was  amended  by  giving  credits  not  to  dis 
tricts,  but  to  smaller  localities,  and  by  omitting  the  provision  for 
considering  and  allowing  for  the  time  of  service  in  estimating 
credits;  they  were  directed  in  future  to  be  given  as  far  as  practi 
cable  on  the  basis  of  the  number  of  men  previously  furnished,  with 
out  reference  to  the  time  of  service. 

And  this  was  followed  up  by  the  act  of  fourth  July,  1864,  passed 
at  the  same  session,  which  provides  (Section  i  )  that  the  President 
may,  at  his  discretion,  call  for  any  number  of  volunteers  for  the 
respective  terms  of  one,  two  and  three  years,  with  bounties  regu 
lated  according  to  their  term  of  enlistment,  and  (Section  2)  that  in 
case  the  quota  of  any  town,  etc.,  shall  not  be  filled  within  the  space 
of  sixty  days  after  such  call,  then  the  President  shall  immediately 
order  a  draft  for  one  year  to  fill  such  quota. 

These  are  the  clauses  which  now  regulate  the  subject.  It  is  not 
for  me  or  you,  sir,  to  discuss  the  question  of  their  propriety.  They 
are  to  be  obeyed. 

It  would  be  easy  to  show  that  they  form  a  reasonable  and  intelli 
gible  system.  Formerly  when  calls  were  made  of  men  for  military 
service,  they  were  made  by  requisitions  on  the  governors  of  the 
respective  States,  who  then  proceeded  to  draft  the  required  number 
to  fill  the  quota  of  the  State.  In  this  draft  men  from  any  State  or 
locality,  who  had  voluntarily  entered  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  by  enlisting  in  the  army  or  otherwise,  were  not  taken  into 
account.  No  credits  were  given  for  them  on  the  quota  any  more 
than  men  who  had  of  their  own  accord  engaged  themselves  in  any 
other  lawful  employment.  The  system,  however,  of  raising  very 
large  bodies  of  men  as  volunteers,  under  the  act  of  Congress  of  1861, 
had  drawn  upon  the  military  population  of  the  respective  States  and 
localities  very  heavily,  and  not  quite  equably,  and  therefore,  when 
the  enrollment  act  of  1863  was  passed,  it  was  thought  best  to  provide 
for  equalizing  the  exhaustion  by  allowing  credits  to  localities  for 
the  volunteers  furnished  by  them.  But  the  government  had  accepted 
volunteers  for  various  terms  of  service,  and  hence  the  effort  to  ren 
der  the  equalization  more  perfect  by  considering  and  allowing  for 
the  time  of  their  service  as  well  as  the  number  of  men.  The  acts  of 
1864,  above  recited,  have  modified  this  system  by  fixing  a  definite 
term  of  service  (one  year)  for  which  men  are  to  be  drafted.  Volun 
teers  for  not  less  than  that  term  are  to  be  credited  to  their  localities, 
on  the  quota,  and  receive  a  certain  bounty  from  the  government. 
Such  of  them  as  choose  to  enlist  for  longer  terms  receive  further 
bounties  from  the  government,  but,  so  far  as  regards  the  increased 
term  beyond  one  year,  are  not  to  be  credited  on  the  quota,  but  are 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  187 

to  be  left  on  the  .same  footing  that  all  volunteers  were  on  before  the 
act  of  1863.  That  is  to  say,  the  government  announces  that  it  will 
take  by  its  authority  a  certain  number  of  men  from  a  locality  for 
military  service  for  one  year.  That  is  the  lawful  demand  which  it 
will  enforce.  It  pays  bounties  in  case  of  localities  to  facilitate 
them  in  complying  with  this  demand  without  a  compulsory  draft. 
But  it  has  made  no  demand  for  men  to  serve  for  two  or  for  three 
years.  The  government  receives  and  pays  additional  bounties  to 
volunteers  for  these  terms,  but  in  that  deals  writh  the  men  only,  and 
as  the  increased  term  of  service  beyond  one  year  is  not  agreed  to 
be  rendered  in  compliance  with  any  demand  of  the  government,  it 
gives  the  locality  no  credit  on  the  quota  for  it.  The  government 
requires  100,000  men  for  one  year;  not  a  less  number  of  men  for  a 
longer  term.  For  a  deficiency  in  the  number  of  volunteers  for  that 
term,  it  makes  a  draft  for  one  year.  This  is  to  fill  the  quota — not 
more  nor  less — when  the  draft  has  been  effected  the  quota  is  full; 
there  is  neither  excess  nor  deficiency. 

You  see  that  the  system  thus  established  by  law  is  not  without 
foundation  in  reason,  and  can  be  readily  understood. 

Sir,  you  may  not  have  heretofore  been  apprised  of  the  fact  that 
your  subordinates  are  wholly  disregarding  the  act  of  twenty-fourth 
February,  1864.  They  are  proceeding  in  open  and  direct  violation 
of  it,  and  are  thus  creating  naturally  great  confusion  and  uncertainty 
among  the  people.  They  announce  on  the  one  hand  that  although 
a  three-year  man  counts  only  as  a  one-year  man  toward  the  quota 
on  which  he  volunteers,  yet  that  he  shall  be  counted  as  three  one- 
year  men  toward  the  quota  on  a  future  call.  This  is  directly  in 
the  teeth  of  the  law.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  ciphering  out  a 
deficiency  on  the  last  call  by  counting  three  one-year  men  as  only 
equivalent  to  one  three-year  man,  which  is  equally  against  law. 

Thus  the  quota  of  Pennsylvania  under  the  call  of  eighteenth  of 
July  last  was  filled  in  accordance  with  the  law,  by  men  to  serve  for 
not  less  than  one  year.  The  term  of  service  of  these  men  is  not  yet 
half  expired,  and  yet  your  subordinates  are  threatening  a  draft  to 
fill  an  alleged  deficiency  on  that  very  call,  the  existence  of  which 
they  attempt  to  make  out  by  persisting  in  their  unlawful  and 
unsubstantial  theories  and  calculations. 

Our  people  know  that  the  government  requires  more  men.  They 
are  willing  to  furnish  them — heavy  as  the  burden  has  become  on  the 
industrial  population.  Let  the  requirement  be  made  in  the  clear 
and  definite  shape  which  the  law  provides  for,  and  it  will  be  cheer 
fully  complied  with.  But  it  is  hardly  to  be  tolerated  that  your 
subordinates  should  be  permitted  longer  to  pursue  the  system  of 
substituting  for  the  law  an  eccentric  plan  of  their  own. 


1 8 8  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

Sir,  on  behalf  of  the  freemen  of  this  commonwealth,  wh  have 
always  given  a  cheerful  and  hearty  support  to  your  government  in 
the  prosecution  of  this  war,  it  is  my  duty  to  insist — and  I  do  insist 
— that  you  enforce  upon  your  subordinates  that  obedience  to  the 
law  which  you  owe,  as  well  as  they  and  all  of  us.  It  is  of  evil 
example ;  it  tends  to  enfeeble,  nay,  to  destroy,  the  just  power  of  the 
government,  that  you  should  suffer  your  officers  to  treat  with  open 
contempt  any  acts  of  Congress,  and  especially  those  which  you  have 
yourself  approved,  and  which  regulate  a  matter  of  such  deep  and 
delicate  moment  as  the  enforcing  a  draft  for  the  military  service. 
Relying  heartily  on  your  wisdom  and  justice  to  set  right  what  has 
thus  been  going  wrong,  and  to  compel  henceforth,  on  the  part  of 
all,  a  proper  respect  for,  and  obedience  to,  the  laws  of  the  land, 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  declaring  that  slavery  shall  never  more  be  toler 
ated  among  the  freemen  of  the  United  States,  was  passed 
by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  fourth  of 
February,  1865,  notwithstanding  the  factious  opposition 
which  only  delayed  the  triumph  of  the  measure  which 
rid  the  land  of  slavery,  and  thus  saved  the  government 
for  all  time  to  come.  No  warmer  advocate  was  there  in 
the  commonwealth  than  Governor  Curtin,  and  the  action 
of  the  Assembly  found  in  him  hearty  co-operation  in 
that  measure. 

From  that  time  forward  the  close  of  the  rebellion 
seemed  not  far  off,  and  although  at  times  the  army  of 
General  Lee  threatened  an  invasion  of  the  North,  it  was 
never  consummated. 

The  successful  march  to  the  sea  by  General  Sherman's 
army  in  the  early  spring  of  1865,  followed  by  the  hasty 
adjournment  of  the  rebel  Congress,  pointed  ominously 
to  the  end  of  the  rebellion.  The  days  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  were  numbered.  The  occupation  of  Rich 
mond  by  the  Union  forces  on  the  early  morning  of  the 


HfS  SECOXD  TERM.  189 

third   of  April  and   the  rapid  retreat  of  the  demoralized 
army  of  Lee,   followed   in   hot  chase  by  the  victorious 
Union   forces   under  General   Grant,  made   possible  the 
surrender  of  the    rebel    army  at    Appomattox,  on    the 
ninth  day  of  April,  1865.     It  was  this  triumph  of  the 
Army   of  the    Potomac  which    closed    the  war    of  the 
rebellion,  and   brought  peace  to  a  distracted   country. 
Four  years  of  war  served  to  re-establish  the  authority  of 
the  people  and   to  prove  to  the  world  the  strength  of 
popular   government.      Four   years    of    strife    dispelled 
dreams  which  like  a  nightmare  distempered  the  minds 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy  and  provoked  the  people 
into  a  rebellion.     A  grand  confederacy  was  the  illusion 
which  floated  before   the  minds   of  some  of  the    most 
active  and  prominent  leaders  in  rebellion — a  confederacy 
confined  in  its  territorial  extent  only  by  climate  favor 
able  to  the  greatest  development  of  slavery  ;  to  include 
the  gulf,  the    islands,   Central    America,    down    to    the 
isthmus  in  its  embrace,  did  not  seem  too  large  to  the 
magnificent  view  of  the  Southern  leaders.     Geographi 
cally,  it  was  to  have  been  the  pick  and  garden  of  the 
world.     Commercially,  the  centre  of  its  wealth.     Politi 
cally,  the  predominant   power  of  the  Western   country, 
exercising  its  influence   and  giving  laws  to  the  whole.' 
These  were  all  dreams  which  thirty  years  of  teaching 
by  demagogues  and  oligarchs  produced.     Four  years  of 
cruel   strife    and   bitter   experience   dispelled    all    these 
chimeras  and  the  only  empire  recognized  over  all  the 
broad  lands  which  comprise  the  Union,  was  the  empire 
of  law,  justice  and  equality. 

^  Unfortunately  in  the  hour  of  victory  came  the  assas 
sination  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Upon  it  being  announced 
that  the  assassin  had  taken  refuge  in  Pennsylvania 


190  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

Governor  Curtin  issued  a  proclamation  offering  a  liberal 
reward  for  his  arrest  if  found  within  the  boundaries  of 
the  commonwealth. 

When  the  end  of  the  rebellion  came  no  one  rejoiced 
more  over  the  happy  result  than  Governor  Curtin. 
Under  date  of  June  10,  1865,  ne  issued  the  following 
congratulatory  and  stirring  address  to  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania : 

The  bloody  struggle  of  four  years  is  ended.  The  fires  of  rebellion 
are  quenched.  The  supremacy  of  law  and  right  is  re-established. 
The  foulest  treason  recorded  in  history  has  been  beaten  to  the  earth. 
Our  country  is  saved.  These  blessings  we  owe,  under  God,  to  the 
unequaled  heroism,  civic  and  military,  of  the  people.  In  the 
darkest  hours,  under  the  heaviest  discouragements,  falter  who  would, 
they  never  faltered.  They  have  been  inspired  with  the  determina 
tion  to  maintain  the  free  government  of  our  fathers,  the  continued 
union  of  our  whole  country,  and  the  grand  republican  principles 
which  it  is  their  pride  and  duty  to  defend  for  the  sake,  not  only  of 
themselves,  but  of  the  human  race. 

I  glory  in  saying  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  have  been 
among  the  foremost  in  the  career  of  honor.  Their  hearts  have  been 
in  the  contest ;  their  means  and  their  blood  have  been  poured  out 
like  water  to  maintain  it. 

The  remnants  of  the  heroic  bands  that  left  her  soil  to  rescue  their 
country  are  now  returning,  having  honorably  fulfilled  their  service. 

They  have  left  tens  of  thousands  of  their  brothers  on  many  a 
bloody  field.  Their  memories  will  be  preserved  on  our  rolls  of 
honor.  For  their  widows  and  families  a  grateful  country  will  suit 
ably  provide. 

Let  the  survivors  who  are  now  returning  to  us  have  such  a  wel 
come  as  befits  a  brave  and  patriotic  people  to  give  to  the  gallant  men 
who  have  saved  the  country,  and  shed  new  lustre  on  Pennsylvania. 

I  recommend  that  in  every  part  of  the  State,  on  the  approaching 
anniversary  of  independence,  special  observances  be  had  of  welcome 
to  returned  defenders,  and  of  commemoration  of  the  heroic  deeds 
of  themselves  and  their  comrades  who  have  fallen. 

In  a  short  time  the  battle-scarred  veterans  began  to 
return  from  the  war  and  rendezvous  at  Harrisburg, 
preparatory  to  being  mustered  out  of  service.  When 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  191 

they  went  forth  the  Governor  had  presented  the  regi 
ments  with  battle-flags  ;  they  now  returned  them.  The 
occasion  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  and  impressive 
ever  witnessed  at  the  State  capital.  It  occurred  at 
Camp  Curtin  .  .  .  and  the  address  of  the  Governor  on 
receiving  these  flags  was  the  grandest  and  most  eloquent 
effort  of  his  life.  He  said  : 

I  wish  I  had  the  language  to  express  to  you,  Colonel  McCalmont, 
and  the  brave  men  you  represent,  all  I  feel  on  this  occasion ;  and  I 
trust  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  enjoys  the  sentiments  of 
gratitude  to  you  all  for  your  services  which  I  know  fills  my  heart. 
It  has  often  been  my  duty  to  be  heard  by  the  citizens  of  Pennsyl 
vania  on  the  camp.  On  such  occasions,  obedient  to  the  law,  I  pre 
sented  these  and  other  standards  to  regiments  as  they  were  about 
to  depart  into  the  service  of  the  government.  Now  I  receive  these 
battered  and  war- torn  flags  to  be  preserved  as  part  of  your  history  in 
the  archives  of  the  State.  And  as  I  know  that  thousands  of  Penn- 
sylvanians  are  approaching  the  State  from  the  armies  of  the  republic 
_to  go  back  again  into  the  body  of  the  people,  I  praise  God  that  not 
a  tarnish  rests  upon  you  or  them,  and  that  your  flags  are  returned 
without  dishonor.  How  can  I  express  to  you  the  full  measure  of 
your  services  to  your  country  and  your  fellow  citizens  who  have 
remained  at  home !  You  do  not  bring"  back  to  us  the  spoils  of 
desolated  cities,  no  captives  to  be  made  slaves;  but  higher,  far,  your 
mission  and  its  results!  You  bring  to  us  a  government  restored 
and  saved. 

The  free  institutions  we  received  from  the  apostles  of  liberty  in 
the  Revolution  we  give,  with  all  their  blessings,  to  our  children. 
Heretofore  the  freest,  you  have  now  made  this  the  strongest  govern 
ment  in  the  world;  and  you  have  demonstrated  that  a  republic  can 
live  through  domestic  treason  and  insurrection ;  and,  more  than  all, 
you  give  to  the  experiment  of  American  civilization  four  millions 
of  ransomed  people. 

If  we  could  this  day  dry  the  tears  of  the  widows  and  orphans;  if 
we  could  restore  the  maimed  and  call  from  the  graves  the  heroic 
dead,  our  happiness  would  be  complete.  But  I  cannot  fail  to  con 
gratulate  you  now,  before  you  return  to  your  homes,  on  the  part  our 
great  commonwealth  has  taken  in  this  bloody  drama.  We  have 
given  our  full  share  of  blood  and  treasure,  and  the  field  upon  which 
we  now  stand  will  be  known  as  classic  ground,  for  here  has  been 


1 92  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

the  great  central  point  of  organization  of  our  military  forces.  When 
my  administration  of  public  affairs  will  have  been  forgotten  [cries 
of  "You  will  never  be  forgotten"],  and  the  good  and  the  evil  will 
be  only  known  to  the  investigation  of  the  antiquarian,  Camp  Cur- 
tin,  with  its  memories  and  associations,  will  be  immortal.  J  an; 
not  ashamed  to  say  to  you,  felloxy  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  that  I 
have  tried  to  do  my  duty  to  you.  I  wish  I  could  have  done  more 
for  you.  [Voices,  "You  did!  you're  the  soldiers'  friend!"]  I  do 
not  know  who  gave  me  that  name  of  "the  soldiers'  friend,"  but 
God  knows  if  I  deserve  it,  I  am  proud  of  it!  You  do  not  realize 
the  extent  of  your  services  to  the  country,  and  how  much  we  all 
owe  to  you.  Our  government  has  withstood  a  desolating  war  of  four 
years;  the  sacrifice  of  half  a  million  of  lives;  of  three  thousand 
millions  of  treasure,  and  the  assassination  of  our  President;  yet 
over  the  grave  of  the  martyred  Lincoln,  the  power  of  his  great 
office  passed  to  his  constitutional  successor  so  gracefully  that  we 
scarcely  felt  the  transition,  and  now  the  government  stands  strong 
and  grand  in  its  majesty  and  power.  Let  us  all  give  to  the  living 
President  our  support  in  the  trials  that  surround  him  in  the  peace 
ful  re-establishment  of  the  government  which  you  have  sustained 
in  the  field,  and  let  all  those  who  carp  at  President  Johnson  remem 
ber  that  he,  too,  is  a  man  of  the  people,  trained  in  the  schools  of 
poverty  and  adversity.  He  is  the  artificer.of  his  own  fortunes,  and 
he  has  enjoyed  many  of  the  highest  honors  of  the  country.  He  has 
always  been  a  favorite  of  the  people;  and  in  his  trying  position  he 
now  deserves  and  should  receive  the  support  of  the  people.  The 
people  of  Pennsylvania  have  in  this  war  sustained  the  citizens  called 
to  administer  the  government,  regarding  them  for  the  time  as  the 
government  itself,  and  will  give  that  measure  of  support  to  Presi 
dent  Johnson.  It  would  be  well  for  political  philosophers  to  re 
member  that,  when  Tennessee  was  not  included  in  the  proclamation 
of  President  Lincoln,  holding  an  office  of  uncertain  tenure  and 
doubtful  powers,  Andrew  Johnson  proclaimed  on  his  own  respon 
sibility  universal  freedom  to  all  the  people  of  that  State. 

Why  should  I  say  more  to-day  ?  I  wish  you  all  safe  return  to  your 
homes,  and  that  you  may  there  find  happiness  and  prosperity.  To 
day  I  feel  proud  of  my  office,  for  I  know  that  I  represent  the  heart 
of  all  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  and  speak  for  them  when  I  pray 
Almighty  God  to  bless  you. 

With  the  close  of  the  war  came  the  work  of  recon 
struction.  Many  grave  questions  regarding  the  rehabili 
tation  of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  and  the  proposed 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  193 

amendments  to  the  constitution  had  to  be  considered  and 
disposed  of.  Under  date  of  July  n,  1866,  Governor 
Curtin  addressed  a  letter  to  the  chairman  of  the  Union 
State  Central  Committee,  in  which  he  gave  his  views  of 
the  constitutional  amendments  in  clear  and  terse  lan 
guage. 

The  issues  involved  in  the  adoption  of  the  amend 
ments  proposed  for  the  ratification  of  the  States,  were 
not  new.  The}'  were  questions  which  were  considered 
and  discussed  during  the  whole  progress  of  the  war,  and 
the  people  had  abundant  opportunity  to  consider  them, 
and  had  definitely  made  up  their  minds  on  them.  While 
the  North  should  be  magnanimous  to  the  rebellious 
States,  who  were  to  form  an  integral  part  of  the  nation, 
they  should  also  guard  all  sections  against  the  possibility 
of  renewed  attempts  to  dismember  the  Union.  There 
must  be  some  penalty  for  a  crime  which  had  desolated 
the  land,  ridged  it  with  untimely  graves,  bereaved 
almost  every  household  and  staggered  it  with  debt.  For 
a  crime  so  fearful  there  must  be  some  monuments  of 
justice  as  a  warning  to  mankind  of  the  fate  which 
awaited  those  who,  actuated  by  passion  or  ambition, 
might  hereafter  seek  to  destroy  the  noblest  and  best 
government  on  earth. 

Congress  had  no  more  than  met  the  demands  of  a 
loyal  people,  in  the  proposed  amendments.  As  a  basis 
of  reconstruction  they  were  regarded  by  all  dispassion 
ate  men  as  remarkable  only  for  their  magnanimity  and 
the  generous  terms  on  which  it  was  proposed  to  admit 
to  full  citizenship  ninety-nine  one-hundredths  of  those 
who  crimsoned  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  brethren 
to  give  anarchy  to  a  continent.  To  provide  that  those 
who  had  added  perjury  to  treason  in  the  sanctuary  of 


194  <•  /  ND RyE  W  G    CUR  TIN. 

both  military  and  civil  power  should  hereafter  be  unable 
to  repeat  their  treason  against  the  nation,  while  others 
were  restored  to  full  fellowship,  was  a  policy  whose 
generosity  could  emanate  from  a  government  as  free  and 
as  strong  as  the  American  Union.  To  put  all  the  States 
upon  an  equality  as  to  the  basis  of  representation  was 
not  only  reasonable  but  necessary.  Before  the  rebellion, 
three-fifths  of  the  slaves  were  counted  in  estimating 
representative  population.  Slavery  having  been  abol 
ished,  the  slave  States,  unless  the  constitution  be 
amended  as  proposed,  would  be  entitled  to  add  two-fifths 
of  their  late  slaves  in  estimating  their  representative 
population.  Surely  the  nation  had  not  carried  on  a 
bloody  war  for  four  years  merely  to  give  the  rebellious 
States  an  increase  of  political  power.  That  those  States 
should  have  no  more  representation,  in  proportion  to 
their  voting  population,  than  the  old  free  States  had, 
was  a  proposition  so  just  that  it  would  seem  to  be  im 
possible  for  any  freeman  of  Pennsylvania  to  object  to  an 
amendment  to  prevent  such  a  result. 

It  was  just  and  equitable  in  every  sense,  and,  while  it 
left  the  question  of  suffrage  wholly  with  the  States, 
where  it  properly  belonged,  it  made  every  appeal  to  the 
interest  and  pride  of  the  States  to  liberalize  their  policy, 
and  to  give  to  all  classes  the  benefit  of  American  civil 
ization. 

That  all  persons,  of  whatsoever  class,  condition  or 
color,  should  be  equal  in  civil  rights  before  the  law,  was 
demanded  by  the  very  genius  of  our  government ;  and 
it  was  a  blistering  stain  upon  our  nationality  that  slavery 
had  been  enabled,  even  until  the  noontide  of  the  nine 
teenth  century,  to  deform  its  civil  policy,  and  in  many 
States  to  deny  equal  justice  to  a  large  class  of  people. 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  195 

To  maintain  the  national  credit,  our  faith  with  the 
maimed  and  wounded  soldiers,  and  to  forbid  the  assump 
tion  of  any  part  of  the  debt  contracted  for  the  rebellion, 
were  propositions  too  clearly  in  harmony  with  the  pur 
poses  of  the  people  and  the  solemn  duty  of  the  govern 
ment  to  require  elucidation. 

These  were  the  issues  involved  in  the  proposed  amend 
ments.  They  were  intended  as  guarantees  in  the  future 
against  the  renewal  of  wrongs  already  long  suffered. 
But  they  were,  in  fact,  elements  which  should  have 
entered  into  the  national  organic  law  when  the  govern 
ment  was  framed,  in  express  terms,  as  they  did  in  its 
true  spirit.  To  effect  their  adoption,  and  the  restoration 
of  the  States  recently  in  rebellion,  upon  the  terms  pro 
posed,  at  the  earliest  possible  period,  was  Governor 
Curtin's  earnest  desire,  and  to  that  end  his  humble 
efforts  were  given  with  untiring  zeal  to  the  advocacy  of 
the  proposed  amendments  and  the  support  of  the  candi 
dates  who  were  identified  with  them.  He  was  rejoiced 
to  know  that  the  great  Union  party,  that  had  guided  the 
government  so  faithfully,  even  in  the  darkest  hour  of 
the  war,  and  through  wrhose  instrumentality  the  meas 
ures  were  devised  to  preserve  our  beloved  Union,  was 
then  'cordially  united  in  the  support  of  these  amend 
ments. 

Yielding  to  no  one  in  veneration  for  the  great  charter 
of  our  liberties,  the  Governor  did  not  favor  changes  in 
its  text  for  light  and  trivial  causes,  but  the  late  rebell 
ion  against  the  government  had  made  it  a  duty  to  incor 
porate  into  the  organic  law  such  provisions  for  the  future 
safety  and  prosperity  of  the  republic  as  had  been 
indicated  by  the  light  of  recent  experience.  The  issue 
was  fairly  before  the  people.  Other  issues  which  in  past 


196  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

struggles  divided  us  had  passed  away.  .  Slavery  was 
dead.  After  a  career  of  mingled  wrong  and  arrogance 
it  died  amidst  the  throes  of  the  cruel  war  which  it 
originated,  and  the  constitution  had  already  been  so 
amended  as  to  prohibit  it  forever  in  the  United  States. 

The  last  great  struggle  to  gather  the  logical  and  just 
fruition  of  the  sacrifices  of  the  civil  war  would  be 
decided  by  the  verdict  of  the  people  of  the  several  States 
in  the  approaching  elections,  and  the  Governor  did  not 
doubt  the  issue  after  the  fidelity  they  had  shown  in  the 
past.  Since  the  failure  of  the  States  to  act  in  concert 
and  at  once,  on  the  amendments,  he  did  not  regret  that 
the  question  of  reconstruction  would  go  to  the  highest 
tribunal  known  to  our  institutions — the  people.  And 
when  they  should  have  declared,  million-tongued,  in 
favor  of  the  amendments,  their  admonitions  to  the  States 
still  struggling  to  make  the  war  fruitless  would  be  too 
potential  to  be  disregarded,  and  the  results  be  accepted 
promptly  by  friends  and  foes  in  the  late  war. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  great  injustice  had  been  done 
to  the  private  soldiers  who  went  into  the  service  under 
the  provisions  of  an  act  of  Congress,  by  the  refusal  to 
pay  them  the  full  bounty  under  the  terms  of  that  act, 
Governor  Curtin  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  under  date  of  June  5,  1865,  which  sufficiently 
explains  the  position  of  that  affair  and  its  importance  as 
being  a  part  of  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  in  the 
struggle  for  the  Union  : 

Sir:  There  are  two  subjects  connected  with  the  discharge  of 
volunteers  which  are  of  so  much  importance  that  I  feel  justified  in 
calling  your  attention  to  them. 

First.  The  men  are  being  paid  only  to  the  day  of  their  arrival  at 
the  place  they  are  to  be  discharged.  This  will  cause  them  to  lose  a 
few  days'  pay,  depending  principally  upon  the  promptness  and 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  197 

disposition  of  the  officers  of  the  United  States  having  the  matter  in 
charge.  It  is  a  matter  of  little  moment  to  the  government,  but  the 
men  feel  it  to  be  an  injustice,  and  if,  under  that  act  of  Congress, 
they  can  be  paid  until  discharged,  I  think  you  will  agree  with  them. 
Second.  In  circular  number  twenty-nine  from  provost  marshal 
general's  office,  dated  July  19,  1864,  under  which  the  volunteers  now 
to  be  discharged  were  raised,  it  is  stated  that  the  bounty  provided 
by  law  is  as  follows: 

"For recruits,  including  representative  recruits,  white  or  colored, 
$100. ' ' 

And  it  is  further  added  that  the   first  installment  of  the  bounty 
will  be  paid  when  the  recruit  is  mustered  in,  as  follows: 

"To  a  recruit  who  enlisted  in  the  army  for  one  year,  133.33." 
On  these  terms  the  men  enlisted,  and  they  are   of   opinion   that 
they  are  entitled  to  the  remainder  of  their  bounty  when  discharged 
from  service. 

It  is  proposed,  however,  to  pay  them  but  a  part  of  this  remainder, 
because  the  government  does  not  require  their  services  for  the  full 
term  of  their  enlistment,  and  appears  to  be  a  breach  of  the  contract 
between  the  government  and  the  men.  The  bounty  was  held  out  by 
the  government  as  an  inducement  to  enlist,  not  as  additional  pay 
for  services  to  be  rendered.  The  men  became  entitled  to  it  by  the 
fact  of  enlistment,  and  could  only  forfeit  what  remained  unpaid  by 
some  misconduct,  of  which  such  forfeiture  should  be  a  legal  penalty. 
These  matters  are  creating  much  unpleasant  feel  ing  among  the  men. 
I  need  not  say  to  you  they  have  behaved  gallantly,  and  the  country 
owes  them  everything;  and,  if  it  can  possibly  be  avoided,  they 
ought  not  to  be  sent  home  under  the  feeling  that  the  government, 
when  their  services  are  no  longer  required,  takes  the  first  oppor 
tunity  to  treat  them  unjustly  and  violate  its  contract  with  them. 

I  assure  you  that  unless  these  difficulties  are  relieved  there  will 
be  created  a  general  discontent  which  will  be  injurious  hereafter; 
and  it  is  my  fervent  desire  for  the  success  of  your  administration 
which  leads  me  to  bring  them  directly  to  your  notice. 

The  refusal  having  been  persisted  in  by  the  Secretary 
of  War  under  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States,  the  Governor  recommended  that  the  Legis 
lature  make  proper  efforts  to  have  this  injustice  cor 
rected.  This  was  accordingly  done  by  enactment. 

In  November  following,  the   Governor  was  stricken 


198  AXDREW  G.  CURT1N. 

down  by  disease,  and  under  the  advice  of  his  physician 
it  was  found  absolutely  necessary  that  he  should  make  a 
short  sea  voyage,  and  sojourn  in  a  milder  climate.  When 
the  Legislature  assembled  in  January,  1866,  instead  of 
his  annual  message  forwarded  to  the  Legislature,  the 
Governor  had  directed  the  following: 

It  is  my  hope  and  intention  to  return  in  good  season  to  welcome 
you  on  your  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government.  But  if  it  should  be 
found  indispensable  that  my  visit  to  Cuba  should  be  prolonged  to 
the  early  part  of  February,  this  message  will  serve  to  lay  before  you 
the  cause  of  my  absence  at  the  commencement  of  your  session.  In 
this  case  I  feel  sure  that  you  will  adopt  such  course  as  shall  consist 
with  your  wisdom  and  with  the  affectionate  consideration  which  I 
have  always  received  at  your  hands. 

It  would,  however,  not  become  me  to  forget  that  the  issues  of 
life  are  in  the  hands  of  One  above  all,  and  that  many  have  found 
death  waiting  for  them  on  the  foreign  shore,  to  which  they  had  been 
sent  in  search  of  health.  Should  such  be  my  fate,  I  shall  draw  my 
last  breath  with  a  sense  of  the  deepest  gratitude  to  the  people  of 
the  commonwealth  and  their  representatives,  for  the  cheerful, 
manly,  unfailing  support  which  they  have  given  during  the  last 
four  years  to  the  great  cause  of  the  right,  and  to  me  in  my  efforts  to 
maintain  it,  and  with  a  prayer  of  thankfulness  to  Almighty  God, 
that  He  strengthened  me  till  the  end  of  the  cruel  rebellion,  and 
thought  me  worthy  to  be  permitted  to  continue  to  that  time  as  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania.  To  have  my  name 
connected  in  that  relation,  with  such  a  people,  during  such  a  time, 
ought  to  be  enough  to  fill  the  highest  measure  of  ar.y  man's  ambition. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  January,  the  Governor  an 
nounced  his  return  to  the  capital,  that  he  was  restored 
to  improved  health,  and  ready  for  the  transaction  of 
such  official  business  as  might  be  presented  to  him.  On 
the  thirtieth  he  sent  to  that  body  his  annual  message, 
comparatively  brief  in  its  statements,  closing  with  the 
following  words: 

Since  my  last  annual  message  the  late  President  of  the  United 
States  has  fallen  a  victim  to  the  most  foul  and  base  assassination 


HIS  SECOND   TERM.  199 

recorded  in  history.  It  will  afford  me  pleasure,  and  I  will  heartily 
unite  with  you  in  any  expression  of  indignation  at  the  crime,  and 
of  appreciation  of  the  public  virtue  and  services  of  its  victim, 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

My  uniform  course  during  the  late  war  was  to  avoid  the  discus 
sion  of  the  policy  of  the  general  government,  while  giving  a  hearty 
support  to  the  national  authorities  in  all  their  measures  to  suppress 
the  rebellion.  I  shall  continue  to  pursue  the  same  course  during 
the  embarrassments  necessarily  connected  with  the  entire  restoration 
of  the  country.  The  principles  expressed  in  the  messages  of  the 
President  at  the  commencement  of  the  session  of  Congress  will 
receive  my  cordial  support. 

During  the  last  five  years  the  people  of  this  State  have  suffered 
deeply  from  the  calamities  of  war.  Thousands  of  her  men  have 
been  slain,  and  others  are  maimed  and  broken.  Almost  every  family 
has  been  stricken,  and  everywhere  there  are  widows  and  orphans, 
many  of  them  helpless  and  in  poverty.  It  is  a  subject  of  sincere 
congratulation  that  peace  has  at  last  returned. 

I  am  not  aware  of  the  existence  of  any  difficulty  with  other 
nations  which  may  not  be  amicably  adjusted,  and  therefore  venture 
to  express  the  hope  that  long  years  of  tranquillity  and  happiness  are 
before  us. 

At  the  close  of  that  session,  on  the  twelfth  of  April, 
the  following  resolutions  unanimously  passed  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives: 

WHEREAS,  The  term  of  His  Excellency,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  as 
governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  will  expire  with 
the  present  year,  and  the  Legislature  of  the  State  will  not  stand 
toward  him  in  the  relation  of  official  courtesy  and  personal  regard, 
which  they  have  heretofore  sustained ; 

AND  WHEREAS,  This  House  cannot  contemplate  his  course  during 
the  recent  struggle  of  our  country,  without  admiration  of  the 
patriotism  which  made  him  one  of  the  earliest,  foremost  and  most 
constant  of  the  supporters  of  the  government,  and  without  commen 
dation  of  the  spirit  which  has  prompted  him  with  untiring  energy, 
and  at  the  sacrifice  of  personal  repose  and  health,  to  give  to  the  soldier 
in  the  field  and  in  the  hospital,  and  to  the  cause  for  which  the 
soldier  fell  and  died,  fullest  sympathy  and  aid;  be  it 

Resolved,  That  in  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  we  tender  to  Governor  Curtin  our  thanks  for  the  fidelity  with 
which,  during  the  four  years  of  war  by  which  our  country  was 


200  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

ravaged  and  its  free  institutions  threatened,  lie  sto6M  by  the  national 
government,  and  cast  into  the  scale  of  loyalty  and  the  Union  the 
honor,  wealth  and  strength  of  the  State. 

Resolved^  That  by  his  devotion  to  his  country,  from  the  dark 
hour  in  which  he  pledged  to  the  late  lamented  President  of  the 
United  States  the  faith  and  steadfast  support  of  our  people,  he  has 
gained  for  his  name  an  historic  place  and  character,  and  while  ren 
dering  himself  deserving  of  the  nation's  gratitude,  has  added  lustre 
to  the  fame  and  glory  to  the  name  of  the  commonwealth  over 
which  he  has  presided  during  two  terms  of  office  with  so  much 
ability,  and  in  which  he  has  tempered  dignity  with  kindness,  and 
won  the  high  respect  and  confidence  of  the  people. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  this  preamble  and  resolutions  be  com 
municated  to  His  Excellency,  the  Governor. 

Governor  Curtin's  last  annual  message  to  the  Legis 
lature,  issued  January,  1867,  was  a  graphic  and  able 
review  of  the  condition  of  the  State  and  its  prospects  at 
that  time.  After  disposing  of  various  matters  relating 
to  State  business,  he  reminded  the  law-making  branch 
of  the  immense  war  expenditures,  and  stated  that  the 
State  debt  was  then  $35,622,052.16.  This  seemed  an 
enormous  sum,  but  the  Governor  added  these  encourag 
ing  words  :  "  By  a  careful  attention  to  the  revenues  of 
the  commonwealth,  with  such  just  and  prudent  changes 
as  may  be  required  in  the  future,  and  a  wise  economy  in 
expenditures,  we  will  be  able  to  insure  the  entire  pay 
ment  of  the  public  debt  within  a  period  of  fifteen  years." 
These  prophetic  words  were  almost  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 
This  great  debt  has  been  practically  wiped  out  years 
ago,  and  the  great  commonwealth  over  which  he  pre 
sided  so  successfully  during  the  darkest  period  of  her 
history  is  now  doubly  richer,  more  prosperous  and  inde 
pendent  than  she  was  when  he  retired  from  office  nearly 
thirty  years  ago. 

But  that  portion  of  the  message  which  was  most 
gratifying  to  those  who  elected  and  re-elected  Governor 


If  IS  SECOND  TERM.  2OI 

Curtin,  was  where  he  referred  to  the  great  national  ques 
tion  of  that  time.  It  showed  that  he  possessed  a  broad 
and  comprehensive  mind,  and  rose  to  the  height  of  the 
most  exalted  statesmanship  in  considering  the  problem 
of  reconstruction.  It  is  doubtful  if  a  clearer  and  better 
presentation  of  the  guilt  of  the  rebel  leaders,  and  the 
imperative  duty  of  the  people's  representatives  in  regard 
to  the  seceded  States,  was  ever  laid  before  a  legislative 
body. 

The  question  had  been  raised  whether  the  States 
lately  in  rebellion,  and  not  yet  restored  to  the  privileges 
by  Congress,  were  to  be  counted  on  this  vote  ;  ///  other 
words,  whether  those  ivho  had  rebelled  and  been  subdued 
should  be  entitled  to  a  potential  vote  in  the  question  of  the 
guarantees  to  be  required  of  them  for  future  obedience  to 
the  laws.  So  monstrous  a  proposition  was,  it  appeared 
to  him,  jiol  supported  by  the  words  or  spirit  of  the  consti 
tution.  The  power  to  suppress  insurrection  included  the 
power  of  making  provision  against  its  breaking  out 
afresh.  Those  States  had  made  an  unjust  war  upon  the 
common  government  and  their  sister  States,  and  the 
power  given  by  the  constitution  to  make  war  on  our 
part  included  the  power  to  dictate,  after  that  success, 
the  terms  of  peace  and  restoration. 

The  power  of  Congress  to  guarantee  to  every  State  a 
republican  form  of  government  would  cover  much  more 
cogent  action  than  had  yet  been  had.  The  duty  im 
posed  upon  Congress,  to  provide  and  maintain  republi 
can  governments  for  the  States,  was  to  be  accepted  in 
the  broadest  meaning  of  the  term.  It  was  not  a  mere 
formal  or  unnecessary  provision.  The  power  was  con 
ferred,  and  the  duty  enjoined,  to  preserve  free  institu 
tions  against  all  encroachments,  or  the  more  violent 


202  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

elements  of  despotism  and  monarchy.  *And  now,  that 
treason  had,  by  rebellion,  subverted  the  governments  of 
a  number  of  States,  forfeiting  for  the  people  all  the 
rights  guaranteed  by  the  constitution,  including  even 
those  of  property  and  life,  the  work  of  restoration  for 
those  States  rested  with  the  national  government,  and  it 
should  be  faithfully  and  fearlessly  performed. 

By  their  passage  by  Congress,  and  the  declaration  of 
the  people  at  the  recent  elections,  the  faith  of  the  nation 
was  pledged  to  the  amendments,  and  they  would  be 
fairly  carried  out,  and  their  benefits  given  to  the  rebell 
ions  States.  Bnt  when  the  amendments  have  passed 
into  the  organic  law,  should  the  people  lately  in  rebell 
ion  persist  in  their  rejection,  and  in  continued  disobe 
dience  and  the  obstruction  of  the  execution  of  the 
national  laws,  it  would  be  an  admonition  to  the 
nation  that  the  animus  and  force  still  existed  among  a 
people  who  enjoyed  none  of  the  privileges  of  the  gov 
ernment,  save  of  its  generous  tolerance.  With  their 
rejection,  all  hope  of  reconstruction,  with  the  co-operation 
of  the  rebellious  States,  on  a  basis  that  would  secure  to 
the  republic  the  logical  results  of  the  war,  would  have 
vanished,  and  the  duty  must  then  devolve  upon  the  gov 
ernment  of  adopting  the  most  effectual  method  to  secure 
for  those  States  the  character  of  governments  demanded 
by  the  constitution.  They  were  then  without  lawful 
governments,  they  were  without  municipal  law,  and 
without  any  claim  to  participate  in  the  government. 

On  what  principle  of  law  or  justice,  continued  the 
Governor,  could  the  rebellious  States  complain  if,  after 
they  had  rejected  the  fair  and  magnanimous  terms  upon 
which  they  were  offered  brotherhood  with  us,  and  a 
participation  in  all  the  blessings  of  our  freedom,  and 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  203 

they  have  refused,  if  the  government,  in  the  exercise  of 
its  powers,  should  enter  anew  upon  the  work  of  recon 
struction  at  the  very  foundation  ;  and  then  the  necessity 
would  be  forced  upon  us  to  discard  all  discrimination  in 
favor  of  the  enemies  of  our  nationality,  to  give  MS  and 
them  enduring  freedom  and  impartial  justice. 

The  constitution  had  defined  treason,  and  had  given 
express  power  to  suppress  insurrection,  by  war,  if  neces 
sary.  It  had  not  provided,  in  detail,  the  terms  to  be 
granted  after  such  a  war.  How  could  it  do  so  ?  It 
would  probably  not  be  contended  by  the  wildest  partisan 
that  those  States  had  a  right  to  be  represented  in  Con 
gress  at  a  time  when  they  were  carrying  on  open  war 
against  the  government,  or  that  Congress  was  not  then 
a  lawful  body,  notwithstanding  their  exclusion.  How, 
theti,  had  they  regained  the  right  of  representation  ? 
Surely  not  by  simply  laying  doiun  their  arms  when  they 
could  no  longer  hold  them.  The  United  States  had  the 
right,  and  it  was  its  duty,  to  exact  such  securities  for 
future  good  conduct  as  they  should  deem  sufficient,  and 
the  offenders,  from  whom  they  were  to  be  exacted,  could 
have  no  right  to  participate  in  our  councils  in  the  deci 
sion  of  the  question  of  what  their  punishment  should  be. 

This  message  of  Governor  Curtin  \vas  by  many  de 
nominated  the  farewell  address  of  a  most  excellent 
officer.  It  was  the  Governor's  fortune  to  have  been 
elected  at  a  period  when,  although  there  were  mutter- 
ings  of  treason,  the  foul  venom  of  the  opponents  of 
the  Union  was  concealed,  and  the  great  events  which 
followed  the  exhibition  of  their  malice  had  not  then 
been  anticipated.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with  the 
country  still  quiet,  although  there  wrere  premonitions  of 
the  storm — that  it  would  pass  over  was  the  expectation 


204  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

of  the  loyal,  but  very  few  were  prepared 'for  the  exhibi 
tion  of  fury  that  followed.  In  the  meantime,  the 
governors  were  called  upon  to  give  their  whole  energies 
to  the  cause,  and  the  leader  among  them  all  was  Andrew 
Gregg  Curtin,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  Whatever 
mistakes,  errors  or  deficiencies  there  were  at  the  com 
mencement,  were  rectified  by  time  and  experience,  and 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  contest  of  the  civil  war, 
Governor  Curtin  was  able,  energetic  and  patriotic.  His 
own  decision  of  character  won  the  respect  of  the  people, 
he  was  ever  ready  to  suggest,  ever  ready  to  assist,  and 
ever  ready  to  act.  In  the  support  of  the  national 
government  he  was  earnest  and  constant  and  he  opened 
the  hearts  of  the  loyal  by  his  firmness  of  purpose  and 
by  his  effectual  aid.  Throughout  the  war  Pennsylvania 
was  immovable  on  the  side  of  the  Union,  and  history 
cannot  record  the  events  of  these  stirring  times  without 
according  to  Governor  Curtin  the  meed  for  good  deeds 
rightly  done  and  for  the  maintenance  of  a  hopeful 
demeanor  in  the  most  trying  periods.  He  deserved  well 
of  the  people  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  taking  with 
him  upon  his  retirement  from  the  executive  chair,  the 
good  wishes  and  respect  of  a  faithful  people,  over  whose 
destinies  it  was  his  fortune  through  six  eventful  years  to 
preside. 

The  last  act  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  prior  to 
adjournment,  was  the  passage  unanimously,  of  joint 
resolutions  of  thanks  to  Governor  Curtin.  No  greater 
compliment  was  ever  bestowed  on  an  executive  of  the 
State,  and  of  all  the  compliments  he  had  received,  both 
from  the  civil  and  military  power,  there  were  none  of 
which  he  felt  prouder,  or  which  bespoke  a  higher  appre 
ciation  of  his  eminent  services  to  the  commonwealth. 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  205 

The  members  of  each  political  party  voted  "  aye  "  with 
great  enthusiasm  when  the  resolutions  were  introduced. 
They  were  submitted  to  the  House  by  Mr.  Rudiman, 
and  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Wallace,  the  chairman  of  the 
Democratic  State  Central  Committee.  They  are  as 
follows  : 

Resolved,  That  in  the  name  of  the  commonwealth  we  tender  to 
Governor  Curtin  our  thanks  for  the  fidelity  with  which,  during  four 
years  of  war,  by  which  our  country  was  ravaged  and  its  free  insti 
tutions  threatened,  he  stood  by  the  national  government,  and  cast 
into  the  scale  of  loyalty  and  the  Union  the  honor,  the  wealth  and 
the  strength  of  the  State. 

Resolved,  That  by  his  devotion  to  his  country  from  the  dark 
hour  in  which  he  pledged  to  the  late  lamented  President  of  the 
United  States  the  faith  and  steadfast  support  of  our  people,  he  has 
gained  for  his  name  an  historical  place  and  character,  and  while  ren 
dering  himself  deserving  of  the  nation's  gratitude  has  added  lustre 
to  the  fame,  and  glory  to  the  name,  of  the  commonwealth  over 
which  lie  has  presided  for  two  terms  of  office  with  so  much  ability, 
and  in  which  he  has  tempered  dignity  with  kindness,  and  won  the 
high  respect  and  confidence  of  the  people. 

Upon  his  retirement  from  office,  bearing  with  him  the 
commendation  of  his  fellow  citizens,  President  Johnson 
tendered  him  a  foreign  mission,  but  owing  to  the  politi 
cal  attitude  of  the  President  on  the  question  of  recon 
struction,  Governor  Curtin  felt  that  he  could  not  accept 
it  without  compromising  his  position  before  the  people 
on  the  political  issues  then  exciting  so  much  attention, 
and  he  declined. 

Returning  to  his  home  at  Bellefonte,  he  turned  his 
attention  to  the  varied  business  interests  to  which,  during 
an  absence  of  six  years,  he  had  given  but  little  heed. 
The  mass  of  the  people,  however,  felt  that  other  honors 
were  due  to  him,  and,  during  the  session  of  the  lyegisla- 
ture  in  1867  strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  elect  him  to 
the  United  States  Senate.  His  name  was  a  watchword 


206  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

with  the  soldier  element  of  the  people,  «but  this  seemed 
to  have  but  little  weight  with  the  political  demagogues 
who  controlled  the  actions  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  State.  The  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  people 
succumbed  to  base  political  strategy.  So  far  as  Governor 
Curtin  was  concerned,  personally,  he  cared  but  little. 
He  had  reached  in  fact  the  zenith  of  his  fame,  and  he 
preferred  private  life  and  the  enjoyment  of  ease  to  the 
cares  and  duties  of  one  in  public  position. 

Looking  back  after  a  period  of  nearly  a  generation 
to  the  record  of  Governor  Curtin  as  Chief  Magistrate  of 
Pennsylvania,  little  is  thought  of  anything  other  than 
his  public  acts  connected  with  the  war,  and  with  the 
care  of  the  soldiers  not  only  during  the  war  but  long 
after  the  conflict  had  ended.  His  achievements  in  the 
line  of  mere  civil  administration  and  matters  relating  to 
the  greatest  commonwealth  of  the  Union,  are  so  com 
pletely  overshadowed  by  his  record  as  the  War  Governor 
of  the  State,  and  the  most  distinguished  of  the  war 
governors  of  the  Union,  that  few  pause  to  take  note  of 
the  statesmanship  that  guided  the  great  commonwealth 
through  the  sorest  trials  of  her  history,  and  maintained 
every  department  of  her  government  and  the  prosperity 
of  her  people  by  the  most  intelligent  and  tireless  devo 
tion  to  all  questions  affecting  them.  He  had  about  him 
as  his  cabinet,  men  of  consummate  ability.  Eli  Slifer 
was  secretary  of  the  commonwealth  during  the  entire 
six  years  of  his  administration,  and  his  fidelity  and 
sagacity  were  of  priceless  value  to  the  Governor.  Quiet, 
unassuming  and  never  conspicuous  in  the  front  of  either 
counsel  or  conflict,  his  ability  was  recognized  by  all  and 
devotion  to  his  chief  was  sublime.  Kx-Representative 
Purviance  served  one  year  in  the  office  of  attornev- 


HIS  SECOND  TERM.  207 

general,  when  he  resigned  to  be  succeeded  by  William 
M.  Meredith,  who  for  five  years  shed  the  richest  lustre 
upon  the  legal  department  of  the  State.  A.  L.  Russell 
was  called  to  the  responsible  position  of  adjutant-general, 
and  the  military  records  are  the  most  methodical  and 
complete  of  any  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the 
State.  When  war  came,  Governor  Curtin  realized  the 
fact  that  patriotism  was  confined  to  no  party,  and  one  of 
his  first  appointments  was  that  of  General  Reuben  C. 
Hale,  a  prominent  Democrat,  to  the  position  of  quarter 
master  general,  and  of  James  L.  Reynolds  of  Lancaster, 
a  brother  of  General  Reynolds  who  fell  at  Gettysburg, 
to  another  important  position  in  his  administration.  In 
appointing  draft  commissioners  and  surgeons  in  1862 
he -appointed  a  Democrat  and  a  Republican  in  every 
county  of  the  State.  He  thus  commanded  not  only  the 
confidence  of  his  own  party  but  the  confidence  of  the 
patriotic  people  of  every  faith,  and  in  all  his  move 
ments  relating  to  mere  State  policy  he  wras  ever  sup 
ported  by  the  best  men  regardless  of  their  political 
associations.  This  is  abundantly  testified  to  by  the 
unexampled  record  of  two  legislatures,  when  Governor 
Curtin  retired  from  office  in  1867,  anc^  when  he  was 
appointed  minister  to  Russia  in  1869,  passing  by  a 
unanimous  vote  recorded  by  yeas  and  nays,  resolutions 
highly  complimentary  to  him,  to  his  administration,  to 
his  patriotism  and  to  his  high  character.  Thus  ended 
the  second  administration  of  Governor  Curtin,  but 
continued  honors  were  in  store  for  him,  as  will  be 
presented  fully  in  the  other  chapters  of  this  work. 


QRCT^IZED  8V 


BY    ROBERT    K.    PATTISON. 
"  History,  void  of  truth,  is  an  empty  shadow." 

Governor  Curtin  was  inaugurated  Tuesday,  at  noon, 
January  15,  1861.  He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the 
office  of  governor  at  the  most  critical  period  in  the 
history  of  the  country.  That  he  appreciated  the  trying 
ordeal  through  which  our  country  was  to  pass,  is  mani 
fested  in  the  closing  paragraph  of  his  inaugural  : 

I  assume  the  duties  of  this  high  office  at  the  most  trying  period  of 
our  national  history.  The  public  mind  is  agitated  by  fears,  suspicions 
and  jealousies.  Serious  apprehensions  of  the  future  pervade  the 
people.  A  preconcerted  and  organized  effort  has  been  made  to  disturb 
the  stability  of  government,  dissolve  the  union  of  the  States  and  mar 
the  symmetry  and  order  of  the  noblest  political  structure  ever  devised 
and  enacted  by  human  wisdom.  It  shall  be  my  earnest  endeavor  to 
justify  the  confidence  which  you  have  reposed  in  me  and  to  deserve 
:  your  approbation. 

Upon  February  22,  1861,  Mr.  Lincoln  reached  Harris- 
burg,  en  route  to  Washington.  He  was  received  by 
Governor  Curtin  and  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  The  Governor,  in  his  address  of  welcome, 
moved  by  the  spirit  of  patriotism  which  inspired  the 
patriotic  sentiments  in  his  inaugural  address,  said  to  the 
President  : 

Sir:  By  act  of  our  Legislature,  we  unfurled  from  the  dome  of  the 
capitol,  the  flag  of  our  country,  carried  there  in  the  arms  of  men  who 
defended  the  country  when  defence  was  needed.  I  assure  you,  sir, 
there  is  no  star  or  stripe  erased,  and  on  its  a/.ure  field  there  bla/.on 
forth  thirty-four  stars,  the  number  of  the  bright  constellation  of  States 
over  which  you  are  called  by  a  free  people,  in  a  fair  election,  to  preside. 
We  trust,  sir,  that  in  the  discharge  of  your  high  office,  you  may 
reconcile  the  unhappy  differences  now  existing,  as  they  have  heretefoix 
been  reconciled. 

(208) 


EX-GOVERNOR  ROBKRT  E.  PATTISON. 


SOLDI EKS  ORGANIZED  B  Y  HIM.  2 1 1 

Mr.  Lincoln  left  Harrisburg  on  the  evening  of  the 
twenty-second  of  February  and  returned  by  a  special 
train  to  Philadelphia,  and  from  thence  direct  to  Balti 
more  and  Washington. 

In  a  message  to  the  Legislature,  dated  April  9,  1861, 
the  Governor  called  attention  to  the  condition  of  the 
military  organizations  of  the  State.  He  wrote  : 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  more  than  that  the  militia  system 
of  the  State,  during  a  long  period  distinguished  by  the  pursuits  of 
peaceful  industry  exclusively,  has  become  wholly  inefficient,  and  the 
interference  of  the  Legislature  is  required  to  remove  its  deficits,  and  to 
render  it  useful  and  available  to  the  public  service. 

Many  of  our  volunteer  companies  do  not  possess  the  number  of 
men  required  by  our  militia  law,  and  steps  should  be  forthwith  taken 
to  supply  these  deficiencies.  There  are  numerous  companies,  too,  that 
are  without  the  necessary  arms  ;  and  of  the  arms  that  are  distributed, 
but  few  are  provided  with  the  more  modern  appliances  to  render 
them  serviceable. 

I  recommend,  therefore,  that  the  Legislature  make  immediate 
provision  for  the  removal  of  these  capital  defects ;  that  arms  be 
procured  and  distributed  to  those  of  our  citizens  who  may  enter  into 
the  military  service  of  the  State  ;  and  that  steps  be  taken  to  change 
the  guns  already  distributed,  by  the  adoption  of  such  well-known  and 
tried  improvements  as  will  render  them  effective  in  the  event  of  their 
employment  in  actual  service. 

In  this  connection,  I  recommend  the  establishment  of  a  military 
bureau  at  the  capital  ;  and  that  the  militia  laws  of  the  commonwealth 
be  so  modified  and  amended  as  to  impart  to  the  military  organization 
of  the  State,  the  vitality  and  energy  essential  to  its  practical  value 
and  usefulness. 

Animated  by  such  sentiments,  the  Governor  entered 
upon  the  preparations  for  the  great  struggle  which  was 
impending  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  in  which 
Pennsylvania  was  to  have  the  post  of  honor  in  forwarding 
the  first  troops  to  the  assistance  of  the  government 
at  Washington  and  tendering  to  it  the  first  organized 
body  of  men.  His  was  no  easv  task.  At  the  outset  he 


2 1 2  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

was  confronted  with  a  feeble  and  inefficient  military 
organization.  Indeed,  the  whole  number  of  organized 
volunteer  companies  in  the  State  at  the  beginning  of  his 
administration  was  about  five  hundred,  averaging  about 
forty  men  to  a  company,  making  an  aggregate  of  20,000 
uniformed  volunteers.  The  entire  military  force  of  the 
State  was  about  355,000  men,  capable  of  military  duty. 
The  arms  of  the  State  were  all  in  the  possession  of  the 
volunteer  companies  and  comprised  12,080  muskets; 
4706  rifles ;  2809  cavalry  swords  and  sabres,  3147 
pistols,  69  pieces  of  ordnance — being  six-pound  bronze 
cannon.  Of  these  only  about  2500  muskets  were  of 
the  new  model,  and  1200  improved  rifles  and  500 
cavalry  swords.  The  balance  was  unfit  for  active  ser 
vice,  being  mostly  of  the  heavy,  old  flint-lock.  The 
State  had  but  4200  effective  small  arms.  No  arms  were 
furnished  to  the  militia  by  the  State  itself;  all  that  were 
issued  to  the  militia,  were  furnished  by  the  United 
States  to  Pennsylvania. 

A  bill  for  the  improvement  of  the  military  service  of 
the  State,  by  a  reorganization  of  the  militia,  was  passed 
by  the  Legislature  on  the  night  of  the  twelfth  of  April, 
1861,  its  purpose  being  to  make  more  effective  the 
organization  and  to  aid  the  national  government  in  the 
preparation  for  the  safety  of  the  republic. 

The  first  official  dispatch  on  record  which  Governor 
Curtin  received,  announcing  the  beginning  of  hostilities, 
was  from  J.  Morris  Harding,  and  dated  : 

PHILADELPHIA,   April    12,    l86l. 

To  Governor  Curt  in  : 

The  war  is  commenced.  The  batteries  began  firing  at  four  o'clock 
this  morning.  Major  Anderson  replied  and  a  brisk  cannonading 
commenced.  This  is  reliable  and  has  just  come  to  the  Associated 
Press.  The  vessels  were  not  in  sight. 


SOL  DIERS  OKGA  NIZED  B  Y  HIM.  2 1 3 

Governor  Curtin  had  gone  to  Washington  to  offer  aid 
and  assistance  to  the  national  government.  On  the 
thirteenth  of  April,  1861,  Governor  Dennison,  by  dis 
patch  from  Columbus,  Ohio,  congratulated  Pennsylvania 
on  her  patriotism  and  promptness,  reciting,  "  Ohio  will 
not  prove  less  loyal.  Our  military  organization  per 
fected." 

From  Washington,  April  15,  1861,  Governor  Curtin 
telegraphed  to  the  Hon.  Eli  Slifer : 

Accept  all  military  organizations  offered.  Our  services  will  be 
required  immediately.  I  will  be  home  to-morrow  night. 

This  was  followed  by  a  dispatch,  on  the  same  date, 
from  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure,  addressed  to  Secretary 
Slifer : 

Saw  President,  Scott  and  Cameron.  Appropriation  is  ample.  Gov 
ernment  has  300,000  first-class  arms  and  will  arm  and  equip  all  the 
men.  A  requisition  is  made  upon  Pennsylvania  for  13,000  men.  Two 
regiments  are  wanted  within  three  days. 

These  dispatches  came  over  the  wires  about  the  time 
of  the  President's  proclamation,  calling  upon  the  militia 
of  the  several  States  for  75,000  men.  How  this  was 
responded  to  in  Pennsylvania  the  following  dispatches 
disclose,  and  at  this  time  they  afford  extremely  interest 
ing  reading.  A  few  of  them  will  not  be  out  of  place 
here. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  15,  1861. 
To  his  Excellency,  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

I  respectfully  offer  you  the  services  of  my  company,  the  Washington 
Blues  of  Philadelphia. 

Captain  J.  M.  GASUNE. 

PITTSBURG,  April  15,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin: 

In  the  absence  of  the  captain,  R.  P.  McDowell,  I,  the  first  lieutenant 
of  the  company,  report  said  company  ready  to  march. 

G.  W.  DAWSON,  First  Lieutenant  State  Guards,  Allegheny  City. 


2 1 4  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

CHAMBHRSBURG,  April  15.  1861. 
To  Eli  Slifer: 

If  aided  in  uniforms,  eight  hundred  to  one  thousand  men,  I  will 
report  in  person  to-morrow  evening. 

F.  S.  STAMBAUGH,  Colonel  First  Regiment. 

PITTSBURG,  April  15,  1 86 1. 
To  his  Excellency,  Governor  Curtin  : 

In  accordance  with  your  letter  fifth  January,  I  report  First  Pennsyl 
vania  Zouaves  ready  for  service. 

Captain  JAMES  GARARD. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  15,  1861. 
To  his  Excellency,  A.  G.  Curtin,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  : 

Will  you  accept  a  company  of  horse  to  be  raised  by  me  in  Klk  and 
McKean  counties?  I  can  leave  here  to-night  and  bring  down  my  men 
in  a  week.  My  offer  of  service  is  unconditional. 

THOMAS  Tv.  KANE. 

POTTS  viLivE,  April  15,  T 86 1. 

To  his  Excellency,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania : 
We  tender  to  you,  sir,  the  services  of  this  company  of  infantry. 

JAMES  WREN,  Captain  Washington  Artillery. 

PITTSBURG,  April  16,  1861. 
To  EliSlifer: 

Ten  companies  will  be  ready  to  march  to-morrow  ;  others  soon  after. 
I  have  requested  all  the  battalions  and  regiments  to  report  them 
selves  to  me,  reserving  the  right  to  organize  them  according  to  military 
rules.  Shall  I  have  them  sworn  into  service  ?  Companies  partly 
uniformed.  Shall  I  have  their  uniforms  completed  immediately  at  the 
least  expense  ?  I  await  special  orders. 

JAMES  S.  NEGLEY,  Brigadier  General. 

L/EWISTOWN,  April  16.  1861. 
To  Hon.  EliSlifer : 

We  have  the  requisite  number  of  men  and  will  be  down  to-night. 
Have  quarters  ready. 

J.  B.  SEI.HEIMER. 

LEWISTOWN,  April  16,  1861. 
To  Governor  Curtin  : 

Command  my  services  in  any  way  to  support  and  defend  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  the  honor  of  Pennsylvania. 

WIUJAM  H.  IRWIN. 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  B  ) '  7//J/.  2 1 5 

POTTSVILLE,  April  16,  1861. 
To  Hon.  Eli  Slifer  : 

The  Washington  Artillery  and  National  Light  Infantry  will  be  at 
Harrisburg  to-morrow  night  by  Lebanon  Valley  Railroad  with  fifty  men 
each. 

Captain  JAMES  WREN, 
Captain  EDWARD  MCDONALD. 

SCHUYLKILL  HAVEN,  April  16,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

The  Marion  Rifle  Company,  First  Brigade,  Sixth  Division,  U.  P.  M., 
at  Port  Carbon,  offer  their  services  to  the  government. 

J.  K.  SIEGFRIED,  Major. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  17,  1861. 
To  Hon.  A.  G.  Cur  tin  : 

The  First  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Lewis,  and  well  tried  officers, 
are  anxious  to  hear  your  command  for  services.  All  loyal  and  to  be 
depended  upon  in  any  emergency.  Take  my  word  for  it. 

Your  campaign  friend, 

CHARLES  H.  T.  COLLIS. 

ALLKNTOWN,  April  17,  1861. 
To  the  Hon.  Eli  Slifer: 

I  have  a  full  company  ready  at  a  moment's  notice.  I  consider 
myself  in  service.  Answer. 

Captain  T.  H.  GOOD. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  18,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

I  want  George  B.  McClellan  as  chief  engineer  for  the  Pennsylvania 
troops,  with  the  rank  his  merit  and  services  justify.  Send  General 
Hale  at  once,  and  if  possible  come  yourself.  Important  matters 
require  personal  conference.  I  am  anxious  that  Pennsylvania  should 
not  be  behind  other  States  in  anything. 

R.  PATTERSON,  Major  General. 

SCRANTON,  April  18,  1861. 
To  R.  C.  Hale  : 

The  Wyoming  Artillerists,  Captain  Emley,  have  left  for  Harrisburg 
this  morning,  numbering  forty  men  ;  twenty  more  of  the  company  go 
to-morrow.  Other  companies  will  leave  to-morrow  or  next  day. 

A.  N.  MEYLERT. 

MIFFLIN.  April  21,  1861. 
To  T.  A.Scott: 

I  shall  pass  on  of  course  and  join  Porter,  God  and  the  Union. 

T.  W.  SHERMAN. 


216  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

HARRISBURG,  April  21,  1861. 
General  Patterson,  Philadelphia  : 

I  approve  your  suggestion  in  regard  to  General  McClellan  heartily, 
and  will  give  him  a  commission. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

HARRISBURG,  April  21,  1861. 
A.  K.  McClure,  Chambersburg ,  Pa.: 

Organize  at  once  a  line  of  mounted  messengers  between  Harper's 
Ferry  or  some  point  on  the  border  that  can  give  speedy  information 
of  the  movements  of  armed  forces  of  the  enemy.  See  to  this  at  once. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

HOLLIDAYSBURG,  April  23,  1861. 
A.  G.  Curtin  : 

The  Allegheny  Cavalry  of  Blair -County  is  at  your  service.  Please 
answer. 

Captain  W.  J.  HAMILTON. 

CHESTER,  April  23,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin: 

My  company  is  filled  up  waiting  orders  from  you. 

\V.  vS.  GRUBB,  Captain. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  23,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

We  are  on  hand  and  enlisted  for  the  zvar  wherever  you  choose  to 
put  us. 

BROOKS. 

ERIE,  April  23,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

This  moment  our  streets  swarming  with  volunteers  just  arrived  via 
O.  &  E.  R.  R.  Erie  is  wild  with  enthusiasm. 

Colonel  J.  W.  Mcl/ANE. 

COLUMBUS,  O.,  April  24,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Have  accepted  command  of  Ohio  troops. 

G.  B.  McCLELLAN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  25,  1861. 
Governor  Cut  tin  and  T.  A.  Scott : 

Have  just  received  the  following  dispatch  from  McClellan  from 
Columbus  :  "  Never  received  any  offer  from  Governor  Curtin  until 
to-night.  Accepted  command  of  Ohio  troops  two  days  ago  and  am 
actively  engaged  organi/ing  them.  Can  now  best  help  Pennsylvania 
by  bringing  my  command  to  its  assistance." 

E.  C.  BiDDLE. 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  B  Y  HIM.  2 1 7 

While  the  patriots  from  every  valley  and  hillside  in 
Pennsylvania  were  pouring  in  their  offers  of  services  to 
their  patriotic  Governor,  provision  was  being  made  for 
their  care  while  in  the  field,  and  offers  to  advance  money 
came  on  every  side  from  the  financial  institutions  of  the 
State,  as  indicated  by  the  following  dispatches  : 

PITTSBURG,  April  16,  1861. 
To  Hon.  John  Covode,  Washington  : 

The  bank  officers  have  agreed  to  respond  to  a  call  from  the  govern 
ment  for  money  to  maintain  the  constitution  and  the  laws. 

JOHN  vScoTT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  17,  1861. 
His  Excellency,  Governor  Curt  in  : 

The  Commercial  Bank  will  advance  $50.000  to  the  State  if  required. 

vS.  I).  JONES,  President. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  18,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Cnrtin  : 

Our  directors  have  authorized  me  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the 
commonwealth,  $100,000  should  you  require  it. 

D.  B.  CUMMINGS,  President. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  19,  1861. 
To  Governor  Curt  in  : 

The  directors  of  the  Union  Bank  have  just  resolved  to  subscribe 
$20,000  to  the  new  State  loan.  Respectfully, 

JAMES  DUXLAP,  President. 

These  dispatches  are  but  the  expression  of  loyalty 
and  patriotism  which  stirred  the  hearts  of  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Our  State  not  only  furnished  promptly  its  assigned 
quota  of  fourteen  regiments,  under  the  President's  call, 
but  increased  the  number  to  twenty-five.  Indeed  the 
service  of  about  thirty  additional  regiments  had  to  be 
refused.  Pennsylvania  was  prepared  to  furnish  more 
than  one-half  of  the  requisition  of  the  President. 

Within  four  days  after  the  call,  she  had  placed  at  the 
national  capital,  600  men — the  first  to  arrive  for  its 


2 1 8  ANDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

defence — and  ten  days  later  the  entire  twenty-five  regi 
ments  were  organized  and  in  the  field. 

To  make  the  work  more  effective,  on  the  eighteenth 
of  April,  1 86 1,  Camp  Curtin  was  formed  at  Harrisburg, 
and  at  this  point  all  of  the  militia  from  the  northern 
and  western  and  southern  portions  of  the  State  were 
organized.  There,  eight  regiments  originally  from 
Philadelphia,  date  their  organization. 

To  perfect  the  organizations,  as  the  troops  volunteered, 
the  War  Department,  by  an  order  from  the  Adjutant 
General's  office,  dated  Washington,  April  15,  1861, 
detailed  officers  to  muster  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  the  troops  called  out  by  the  President's  proclama 
tion  of  this  date.  They  were  directed  to  repair  to  the 
rendezvous  designated  and  report  their  arrival  to  the 
Adjutant  General  of  the  army,  and  to  the  governors  of 
the  respective  States,  and  to  execute  the  duties  assigned 
them  with  as  little  delay  as  practicable,  reporting  the 
progress  and  completion  of  their  labors  to  the  Adjutant 
General  of  the  army  direct. 

As  the  result  of  this  order,  Major  C.  F.  Ruff,  R.  M.  R., 
and  Captain  Henry  Heth,  Tenth  Infantry,  were  detailed 
to  rendezvous  at  Philadelphia  ;  Captain  S.  G.  Simmons, 
Seventh  Infantry,  and  Captain  D.  H.  Hastings,  of  the 
First  Dragoons,  at  Harrisburg. 

On  the  same  date  the  Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary 
of  War,  addressed  Governor  Curtin  as  follows  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  April  15,  1861. 
Sir:  Under  the  act  of  Congress  "for  calling  forth  the  militia  to 
execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrection,  repel  invasions, 
etc.,"  approved  February  28,  1795,  I  have  the  honor  to  request  your 
excellency  to  cause  to  be  immediately  detached  from  the  militia  of 
your  State  the  quota  designated  in  the  table  below,  to  serve  as  infantry 
or  riflemen  for  the  period  of  three  months,  unless  sooner  discharged. 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  B  J '  HIM.  2 1 9 

Your  excellency  will  pi  ease  communicate  to  me  the  time  at  or  about 
which  your  quota  will  be  expected  at  its  rendezvous,  as  it  will  be  met 
as  soon  as  practicable  by  an  officer  or  officers  to  muster  it  into  the 
service  and  pay  of  the  United  States.  At  the  same  time  the  oath  of 
fidelity  to  the  United  States  will  be  administered  to  every  officer  and 
man. 

The  mustering  officer  will  be  instructed  to  receive  no  man,  under  the 
rank  of  commissioned  officer,  who  is  in  years  apparently  over  forty- 
five  or  under  eighteen,  or  who  is  not  in  physical  strength  and  vigor. 

TABI,E  OF  QUOTAS. 

Pennsylvania  :  2  major  generals  ;  4  aides-de-camp  to  major  generals, 
(major)  ;  2  division  inspectors  (lieutenant  colonel)  ;  4  brigadier 
generals  ;  4  aides  to  brigadier  generals  (captains)  ;  4  brigade  inspectors, 
(majors);  16  regiments  ;  16  colonels;  16  lieutenant  colonels  ;  1 6  majors; 
16  adjutants  (lieutenant)  ;  16  regimental  quartermasters  (lieutenant); 
16  surgeons  ;  16  surgeon's  mates ;  16  sergeant  majors  ;  16  drum 
majors;  16  fife  majors;  160  captains;  160  lieutenants;  160  ensigns; 
640  sergeants;  640  corporals;  160  drummers;  160  fifers  ;  10,240 
privates  ;  612,  total  of  officers  ;  11,888,  total  of  men  ;  12,500,  aggregate. 

The  rendezvous  for  your  State  will  be  at  Philadelphia  and  Harris- 
burg,  Pa. 

The  next  day  Governor  Curtin  received  the  following 

letter : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  April  16,  1861. 

Sir:  The  President  has  modified  the  requisition  made  on  you  for 
troops  from  Pennsylvania,  so  as  to  make  it  fourteen  instead  of  sixteen 
regiments.  You  are,  under  this  modified  requisition,  entitled  to  2 
major  generals,  4  aides,  2  division  inspectors,  3  brigadier  generals, 
3  aides,  3  brigade  inspectors,  14  colonels,  14  lieutenant  colonels,  14 
adjutants,  14  quartermasters,  14  surgeons,  14  surgeon's  mates,  14 
sergeant  majors,  14  drum  majors,  14  fife  majors,  140  captains,  140 
lieutenants,  140  ensigns,  560  sergeants,  560  corporals,  140  drummers, 
140  fifers,  and  8960  privates. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 
His  Excellency,  Andrew  G.  Curtin, 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  Harrisburg. 

This  communication  was  followed  by  a  general  order 
from  the  War  Department,  dated  Adjutant  General's 
Office,  May  4,  1861  : 


220  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

GENERAL  ORDERS.  ) 
No.  15.  I 

The  President  of  the  United  States  having  called  for  a  volunteer 
force  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  and  the  suppression  of 
insurrection,  and  to  consist  of  thirty-nine  regiments  of  infantry  and 
one  regiment  of  cavalry,  making  a  minimum  aggregate  of  thirty-four 
thousand  five  hundred  and  six  officers  and  enlisted  men,  and  a 
maximum  aggregate  of  forty-two  thousand  and  thirty-four  officers  and 
enlisted  men,  the  following  plan  of  organization  has  been  adopted, 
and  is  directed  to  be  printed  for  general  information  : 

PLAN  OF  ORGANIZATION. 

6.  Recapitulation. 

Minimum.        Maximum. 
39  Regiments  of  Infantry 33,774  4O,794 


Brigade  Staff          .    .    . 

34,434 
....         60 

41,962 
60 

Division  Staff 

....              12 

12 

34,506          42,034 

By  order  : 

L,.  THOMAS,  Adjutant  General. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  May  22,  1861. 
Governor  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Harrisburg . 

"  Dear  Sir :  By  reference  to  General  Orders,  No.  15  of  the  War 
Department,  a  printed  copy  of  which  I  herewith  forward  you,  giving 
the  plan  of  organization  of  the  volunteer  forces,  called  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States  by  the  President,  you  will  perceive  that  all 
regimental  officers  of  these  volunteers,  from  colonels  down  to  second 
lieutenants  inclusive,  are  appointed  by  governors  of  States. 

Having  thus  confided  to  you  the  appointment  of  all  these  officers  for 
the  regiments  furnished  by  your  State,  you  will,  I  trust,  excuse  this 
Department  for  impressing  upon  you,  in  advance,  the  necessity  of  an 
absolute  adherence,  in  your  appointments,  to  the  following  suggestions, 
which  are  deemed  of  the  highest  importance  by  the  General-in-Chief, 
under  whose  advice  they  are  submitted  to  you  : 

1.  To  commission  no  one  of  doubtful  morals  or  patriotism  and  not 
of  sound  health. 

2.  To  appoint  no  one  to  a  lieutenancy  (second  or  first)  who  has 
passed  the  age  of  22  years,  or  to  a  captaincy  over  30  years,  and  to 
appoint  no  field  officers  (major,  lieutenant  colonel,  colonel)  unless  a 
graduate  of  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  or  known  to  possess 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  221 

military  knowledge  and   experience,  who  has  passed  the  respective 
ages  of  35,  40,  45  years. 

This  department  feels  assured  that  it  will  not  be  deemed  offensive  to 
your  Excellency  to  add  yet  this  general  counsel,  that  the  higher  the 
moral  character  and  general  intelligence  of  the  officers  so  appointed, 
the  greater  the  efficiency  of  the  troops,  and  the  resulting  glory  to 
their  respective  States. 

I  am,  sir,  respectfully, 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 

On  April  24,  General  Patterson  received  the  following 
dispatch  from  F.  J.  Porter,  A.  A.  G.  : 

Lieutenant  General  Scott  orders  you  at  once  to  accept  the  services 
of  a  loyal  and  efficient  force  and  secure  to  the  government  the  forts 
on  the  Delaware. 

This  was  followed  by  a  dispatch  dated  Harrisburg, 
April  24,  1 86 1,  from  Governor  Curtin  to  General  Patter 
son,  Philadelphia  : 

It  is  all-important  that  ample  protection  should  at  once  be  given  to 
the  waters  of  the  Delaware,  also  that  wagons,  equipments  and  supplies 
for  Washington  should  be  thrown  into  the  capital  at  once  by  means 
of  wagon  roads,  if  railroad  from  Annapolis  is  destroyed,  as  we  learn  it 
is.  In  order  to  effect  all  these  matters,  I  will  aid  you  with  all  the 
authority  and  means  under  my  control. 

Answer  immediately  what  you  desire. 

This  dispatch  was  followed  by  a  letter  from  Head 
quarters,  Military  Department  at  Washington,  dated 
April  26,  1 86 1  : 

To  his  Excellency,  A.  G.  Ciirtin,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sir :  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  express  to  you  my  clear  and  decided 
opinion  that  the  force  at  the  disposal  of  this  department  should  be 
increased  without  delay.  I,  therefore,  have  to  request  your  Excellency 
to  direct  that  twenty-five  additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one 
regiment  of  cavalry  be  called  forthwith  to  be  mustered  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States. 

Officers  will  be  detailed  to  inspect  and  muster  these  men  into  service 
as  soon  as  I  am  informed  of  the  points  of  rendezvous  that  may  be 
designated  by  your  Excellency.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great 
respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

R.  PATTERSON,  Major  General. 


222  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

On  April  25,  1861,  the  following  dispatches  were  sent 
by  Governor  Curtin : 

HARRISBURG,  April  25,  1861. 
Heister  Clymer,  Reading  : 

Cannot  now  accept  company.  Our  quota  is  full.  Expect 
requisition  for  more  troops  from  War  Department  very  soon.  Have 
filed  the  application.  Number  of  men  necessary  for  company  is 
seventy-seven.  Let  them  organize  and  drill. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

HARRISBURG,  April  25,  1861. 
John  Cessna, Bedford  : 

I  cannot  accept  any  more  companies,  our  quota  is  full,  until  further 
orders  are  received  from  the  War  Department,  which  I  expect  will  he 
very  soon.  The  offer  is  filed. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

HARRISBURG,  April  25.  1861. 
Captain  J.  H.  Filler,  Huntingdon  : 

I  cannot  receive  your  company,  our  quota  is  full.  It  will  not  do  for 
you  to  come  down  ;  have  no  place  for  you. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

On  April  30,  1861,  the  Governor  wrote  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  as  follows  : 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir:  I  received  this  evening  the  following  telegram  from  General 
R.  Patterson,  in  reply  to  one  directing  him  to  accept  a  certain  regi 
ment  : 

"  PHILADELPHIA. 
"  To  Governor  +  1.  G.  Curtin: 

"Have  no  authority  to  receive  Colonel  Einstein's  regiment.  The 
contingent  called  for  by  the  Governor  has  already  been  exceeded,  and 
I  can  take  no  more." 

Shortly  after  receiving  the  above  telegram,  Captain  Simmons  in 
formed  me  that  he  had  been  instructed  by  Major  Porter  to  stop 
mustering  troops,  having  more  than  was  called  for.  On  referring  to 
copy  of  General  R.  Patterson's  letter  of  April  26,  1861,  herewith  sent, 
you  will  note  that  I  was  called  upon  distinctly  "for  twenty-five  addi 
tional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  regiment  of  cavalry." 

In  pursuance  of  this  call,  preparations  have  been  made  to  raise  the 
additional  regiments,  the  companies  are  ready  to  march,  many  of  them 
are  on  their  way  and  heavy  expenses  have  been  incurred  by  the  people 
of  the  State. 


SOL  DIERS  ORGA NIZED  B  Y  HIM.  223 

To  publish  this  order  of  Major  Porter  will  create  intense  excitement 
throughout  the  State,  and  materially  injure  the  cause,  and  destroy  the 
public  confidence  in  the  administration. 

I,  therefore,  most  respectfully  protest  against  this  act  of  Major 
Porter,  and  rely  on  an  immediate  order  being  sent  to  General  Patter 
son  instructing  him  to  receive  the  twenty-five  additional  regiments  of 
infantry,  and  one  of  cavalry,  as  per  his  letter  of  the  twenty -sixth  of 

April. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

On  May  i,  1861,  Governor  Curtin  telegraphed  to 
General  Patterson  : 

Your  letter  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  April  distinctly  requires 
twenty-five  additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry. 
Your  dispatch  to-night  seems  to  conflict  with  it.  Please  explain 
this  evening. 

On  May  6,  Governor  Curtin  telegraphed  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  : 

I  received  your  dispatch.  General  Patterson  anticipated  you  by 
the  countermand  of  his  order  for  twenty-five  additional  regiments. 

It  would  be  well  for  me  to  understand  how  authority  is  divided 
so  that  we  can  move  with  certainty  and  the  ardor  of  the  people  of 
this  State  should  not  be  again  cooled  by  changes.  I  will  be  guided 
by  my  powers  under  the  constitution,  and  as  thus  directed,  will  obey 
the  orders  of  the  federal  government.  Pennsylvania  will  answer  to 
any  requisition  made  on  her. 

This  telegram  was  followed  by  a  letter,  dated  May 
14,  1 86 1,  addressed  to  Governor  Cnrtin,  from  the  War 
Department,  by  the  Secretary  of  War : 

Kudosed  herewith  you  will  find  the  plan  for  the  organization  of 
the  volunteers  for  three  years'  service. 

Ten  regiments  are  assigned  to  Pennsylvania,  making,  in  addition 
to  the  thirteen  regiments  of  three  months'  militia,  already  called  for, 
twenty-three  regiments.  It  is  important  to  reduce,  rather  than  to 
enlarge  this  number,  and  in  no  event  to  exceed  it.  I,et  me  earn 
estly  recommend  to  you  therefore  to  call  for  no  more  than  twenty- 


224  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

three  regiments,  of  which  only  ten  are  to  serve  during  the  war  and 
if  more  are  already  called  for,  to  reduce  the  number  by  discharge. 

In  making  up  the  quota  of  three  years'  men,  you  will  please  act 
in  concert  with  Lieutenant  Colonel  Andrew  Porter,  who  will  repre 
sent  this  department,  and  so  far  as  possible,  make  it  up  by  taking 
in  preference,  regiments  already  offered  for  three  months,  having, 
of  course,  due  regard  to  a  fair  distribution  of  the  forces  among  the 
different  portions  of  the  State. 

If  it  should  be  agreeable  to  your  Excellency,  it  would  be  espe 
cially  gratifying  to  this  department,  to  have  some  of  those  regiments 
offered  for  three  years'  service,  from  Allegheny  and  other  western 
counties,  including  the  "Wild  Cat"  district,  brought  into  service 
under  the  quota  for  your  State. 

Five  days  after  the  President's  proclamation  for  the 
call  of  75,000  troops,  Governor  Curtin  convened  the 
Legislature  and  fixed  the  day  for  the  meeting  of  the 
General  Assembly,  Tuesday,  the  thirtieth  day  of  April, 
1861. 

The  proclamation  recited  in  the  preamble,  the  con 
dition  of  the  armed  rebellion,  which  threatened  the 
destruction  of  the  national  government,  and  the  inade 
quate  provision  of  the  military  power  of  the  State,  and 
concluded  with  a  recommendation  for  the  adoption  of 
such  measures,  as  the  exigency  demanded.  Upon  the 
assembling  of  the  Legislature,  he  addressed  both  houses 
in  a  message  which  was  characterized  by  bold  and 
manly  sentiments  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  honor  of  the  State  in  the  crisis. 

This  document  was  the  first  laid  before  any  of  the 
legislative  bodies  of  any  of  the  loyal  States,  referring  to 
the  conditions  which  prevailed  throughout  the  country. 
It  attracted  much  attention  and  gave  the  tone  to  the 
messages  from  the  executives  in  the  other  loyal  States. 

In  referring  to  the  military  organization  he  said  : 

Anticipating  that  more  troops  would  be  required  than  the  number 
originally  called  for,  I  continued  to  receive  companies  until  we  had 


SOL DIERS  OKGA  NIZED  JJ  } '  II L  I/.  225 

raised  twenty-three  regiments  in  Pennsylvania,  all  of  which  have  been 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  In  this  anticipation 
I  was  not  mistaken.  On  Saturday  last,  an  additional  requisition 
was  made  upon  me  for  twenty-five  regiments  of  infantry  and  one 
regiment  of  cavalry  ;  and  there  have  been  already  more  companies 
tendered  than  will  "make  up  the  entire  complement. 

Before  the  regiments  could  be  clothed,  three  of  them  were  ordered 
by  the  national  government  to  proceed  from  this  point  to  Philadel 
phia.  I  cannot  too  highly  commend  the  patriotism  and  devotion  of 
the  men  who,  at  a  moment's  warning  and  without  any  preparation, 
obeyed  the  order.  Three  of  the  regiments,  under  similar  circum 
stances,  by  direction  of,  and  accompanied  by,  officers  of  the  United 
States  army,  wrere  transported  to  Cockeysville,  near  Baltimore,  at 
which  point  they  remained  for  two  days,  and  until,  by  directions  of 
the  general  government  they  were  ordered  back  and  went  into  camp 
at  York,  where  there  are  now  five  regiments.  Three  regiments  mus 
tered  into  service  are  now  encamped  at  Chambersburg  under  orders 
from  the  general  government,  and  five  regiments  are  now  encamped 
at  this  place,  and  seven  have  been  organized  and  mustered  into 
service  at  Philadelphia. 

The  regiments  at  this  place  are  still  supplied  by  the  Commissary 
Department  of  the  State.  Their  quarters  are  as  comfortable  as  could 
be  expected,  their  supply  of  provisions  abundant,  and  under  the  in 
struction  of  competent  officers  they  are  rapidly  improving  in  mili 
tary  knowledge  and  skill. 

I  have  made  arrangements  to  clothe  all  our  regiments  with  the 
utmost  dispatch  consistent  with  a  proper  economy,  and  am  most 
happy  to  say  that  before  the  close  of  the  present  week  all  our  people 
now  under  arms  will  be  abundantly  supplied  with  good  and  appro 
priate  uniforms,  blankets  and  other  clothing. 

Four  hundred  and  sixty  of  our  volunteers,  the  first  to  reach  Wash 
ington  from  any  of  the  States,  are  now  at  that  city ;  these  are  now 
provided  for  by  the  general  government,  but  I  design  to  send  them 
clothing  at  the  earliest  possible  opportunity. 

I  have  established  a  camp  at  Pittsburg,  at  which  the  troops  from 
western  Pennsylvania  will  be  mustered  into  service  and  organized 
and  disciplined  by  skillful  and  experienced  officers. 

We  know  that  many  of  our  people  have  already  left  the  State  in 
the  service  of  the  general  government,  and  that  many  more  must 
follow.  We  have  a  long  line  of  border  on  States  seriously  dis 
affected,  which  should  be  protected.  To  furnish  ready  support  to 
those  who  have  gone  out,  and  to  protect  our  borders  we  should  have 
a  well-regulated  military  force.  I,  therefore,  recommend  the  inime- 
'5 


226  ANDREW  G.  CURT1N. 

diate  organizing,  disciplining  and  arming  of  at  •! east  fifteen  regi 
ments  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  exclusive  of  those  called  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  as  we  have  already  ample  warning  of 
the  necessity  of  being  prepared  for  any  sudden  exigency  that  may 
arise.  I  cannot  too  much  impress  this  point  upon  you. 

On  May  2,  the  Governor  sent  a  special  message  to  the 
Legislature  and  referring  to  his  communication  of  the 
thirtieth  of  April,  he  had  the  honor  to  say,  "  that  a 
requisition  had  been  made  upon  him  for  twenty-five 
additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry  for 
the  service  of  the  national  government,  and  as  that 
order  was  countermanded  by  a  telegraphic  dispatch  on 
the  evening  of  the  thirtieth  ultimo,  and  by  a  written  order 
received  this  morning  from  Major  General  Patterson,  I 
feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  lay  the  matter  before  you  for 
consideration. 

u  The  first  order  made  upon  me  for  the  federal  gov 
ernment  was  for  sixteen  regiments  of  infantry,  which, 
by  a  subsequent  order,  was  reduced  to  fourteen.  That 
order  was  filled  immediately,  and  I  continued  to  receive 
companies  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  my  message  of 
April  30,  until  twenty-three  regiments  were  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States."  The  order  from 
Major  General  Patterson  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  April  was 
the  order  quoted  above. 

The  Governor  then  says  he  "  commenced  immediately 
to  raise  the  additional  force  ;  and  a  large  number  of 
companies  were  accepted  from  different  parts  of  the 
State  and  from  which  we  had  taken  companies  to  fill 
the  first  requisition.  Many  of  the  companies  are  here 
and  on  their  way  to  this  rendezvous,  and  Camp  Wilkins 
at  Pittsburg. 

"  The  officer  of  the  United  States  Army  detailed  to 
muster  companies  into  the  service  at  Pittsburg  has  been 


SOL DIEA'S  OK GA NIZE I)  BY  HL I/.  227 

withdrawn,  and  no  more  companies  will  be  mustered 
into  the  service  at  the  different  points  of  rendezvous 
established  by  the  government  in  this  State." 

The  letter  from  Major  General  Patterson,  rescinding 
the  order  for  additional  regiments,  has  already  been 
referred  to,  and  is  dated  April  30,  1861. 

In  order  to  ascertain  the  terms  and  conditions  upon 
which  the  Pennsylvania  quota,  under  the  call  of  the 
general  government,  was  admitted  to  the  service,  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  directed  interrogatories  to  the  War  Depart 
ment  upon  the  subject,  to  which  the  Secretary  of  War, 
Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  responded  under  date  of  April 
29,  1861,  as  follows  : 

In  answer  to  the  queries  propounded  by  you  to  this  department, 
and  presented  by  O.  J.  Dickey,  Esq. ,  I  have  the  honor  to  reply : 

First.  That  the  quota  of  militia  from  Pennsylvania  cannot  be  in 
creased  at  present,  but  the  President  has  authorized  the  raising  of 
twenty-five  regiments  of  volunteers  to  serve  for  three  years,  or  dur 
ing  the  wrar.  Under  this  call  one  or  two  additional  regiments  on 
the  condition  stated  will  be  accepted  from  Pennsylvania. 

Second.  The  soldiers,  as  soon  as  mustered  into  the  sen-ice,  are 
provided  for  by  the  United  States. 

Third.  Camp  equipage  is  always  supplied  by  the  United  States ; 
but  being  unable  to  do  so  as  rapidly  as  needed,  would  recommend 
your  State  to  do  so,  and  present  bill  for  same;  clothing  is  sometimes 
issued  to  volunteers,  but  at  present  we  have  not  the  supplies  for  that 
purpose.  It  is,  however,  being  prepared  as  rapidly  as  possible. 
The  soldier  receives  a  monthly  allowance  for  clothing  in  addition  to 
his  pay. 

Fourth.   This  is  fully  answered  above. 

Fifth.  The  law  provides  pay  as  transportation  from  place  of  ren 
dezvous  to  place  of  muster. 

Sixth.  Not  knowing  the  wants  of  the  troops,  it  is  difficult  to 
answer  this  query.  Arms  and  equipments  are  furnished  by  the 
United  States.  Should  the  troops  be  in  immediate  want  of  clothing 
or  equipment,  and  the  State  cannot  furnish  them,  the  United  States 
Government  will  reimburse  the  expense  in  doing  so,  but,  being  out 
of  the  regular  order  of  furnishing  supplies,  this  department  could 
not,  of  course,  direct  that  it  should  be  done,  but  recommend  it. 


228  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

Seventh.  The  department  has  no  regular  form  of  voucher  for  the 
purpose  deemed.  Any  form  that  will  specify  the  items  in  such 
detail  as  to  enable  the  matter  to  be  passed  upon,  will  be  sufficient. 

Eighth.  In  consequence  of  the  numerous  resignations  in  the  army 
the  department  does  not  feel  at  liberty,  at  present,  to  detail  any 
officers  to  the  duty  indicated. 

I  hope  the  foregoing  answers  will  be  sufficiently  full  and  satis 
factory  for  your  purpose. 

The  special  message  concludes  with  repeating  the 
opinion  of  the  necessity  of  immediate  organization  and 
equipment  of  at  least  fifteen  regiments,  as  had  already 
been  recommended  in  the  message  of  April  30,  1861. 
By  his  prompt  action  and  untiring  energy,  within  a 
month,  Governor  Curtiii  succeeded  in  organizing,  officer 
ing,  and  mustering  twenty-four  regiments,  besides  the 
Scott  Legion  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Under  the  first 
call  of  the  President,  these  organizations  of  Pennsylvania 
represented  20,979  three-months  men. 

Men  of  military  experience  will  appreciate  the  magni 
tude  of  this  work.  He  was  almost  without  sufficient 
military  co-operation  and  counsel.  In  less  than  a  month, 
however,  with  the  Legislature  adjourned,  he  was  able  to 
rally  the  strong  force  about  him  ;  he  organized  encamp 
ments,  prepared  for  the  provisioning  and  clothing  of 
troops,  and  with  a  thousand  innumerable  details  accom 
panying  such  an  effort,  placed  this  army  at  the  immediate 
disposal  of  the  general  government. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  May,  1861,  Governor  Curtiii 
received  from  Governor  Washburn,  of  Maine,  a  letter  of 
inquiry,  requesting  information,  u  Whether  your  State  is 
raising  more  regiments  or  companies  than  have  been 
called  for  by  the  President,  under  the  requisition  and 
call  of  April  and  May,  and  if  so,  how  many,  and  what 
you  propose  to  do  with  them. 


SOLD/EKS  ORGANIZED  I>Y  HIM.  229 

u  It  seems  to  me,  that  prudence  and  a  WLJJ  forecast 
dictate  that  troops  should  be  raised  and  put  under 
discipline  and  instruction  in  all  the  loyal  States,  ready 
to  march  at  a  moment's  notice.  If  you  are  raising 
troops  to  be  kept  in  reserve  and  under  discipline,  what 
are  you  doing  in  the  way  of  uniforming  and  equipping 
them  ?  How  many  of  your  regiments  have  already 
been  accepted  by  the  United  States  ?  An  early  answer 
will  greatly  oblige  me/' 

In  response  to  this  inquiry  Governor  Curtin  replied, 
several  clays  later,  as  follows  : 

It  affords  me  pleasure  to  enclose  to  you  a  copy  of  an  act  of  As 
sembly  approved  May  15,  1861,  which  will  fully  answer  your  inter 
rogatories.  I  have  under  the  provision  of  that  act  appointed  Major 
General  George  A.  McCall,  late  inspector  general  United  States 
army,  to  the  command,  who  is  proceeding  to  organize,  arm  and 
equip  fifteen  regiments.  They  are  being  thrown  into  camps  as  rap 
idly  as  possible  after  inspection  and  will  be  drilled  for  three 
months  unless  sooner  required  by  the  general  government.  It  is 
hoped  that  in  this  way  a  large  and  available  force  will  be  always  in 
readiness,  either  for  the  defence  of  the  State,  or  to  answer  the  fur 
ther  requisitions  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States;  they  will 
be,  so  far  as  we  are  able  to  do  so,  uniformed  in  accordance  with  the 
United  States  regulations. 

Prior  to  the  passage  of  this  act,  twenty-five  regiments  had  already 
been  accepted  by  the  United  States  through  me,  and  one  regiment 
by  the  War  Department  direct,  together  with  one  or  two  companies 
also  by  direct  order. 

I  entirely  concur  with  your  Excellency  in  the  wisdom  and  pru 
dence  of  your  suggestion  in  relation  to  the  indispensable  necessities 
of  raising  and  equipping  and  having  thoroughly  disciplined  and 
instructed  a  State  force,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  same  view  and  in 
accordance  with  the  same  design  shall  urge  forward  under  the  com 
mand  of  the  accomplished  officer  named,  the  necessary  arrangements 
to  place  the  troops  in  fine  condition. 

These  men  are  mustered  in  for  three  years  and  will,  if  necessary, 
be  in  readiness  to  take  the  place  of  those  who  are  discharged  at  the 
end  of  three  months,  and  should  the  public  exigency  seem  to  require 
it,  as  I  much  fear  it  will,  they  will  all  be  detained  in  camp  until 


230  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

the  fall  of  the  year,  and  thus  thoroughly  drilled  a  114}  organized,  will 
form  a  valuable  addition  to  the  army  for  whatever  decisive  action 
may  be  deemed  necessary  at  that  time. 

Uniting  with  you  in  commendation  of  the  patriotism  and  loyalty 
of  the  people  of  the  Northern  States,  and  in  admiration  of  the  devo 
tion  to  our  institutions  which  has  so  rapidly  filled  our  armies,  State 
and  national,  with  the  flower  of  the  young  men  of  our  country,  my 
fervent  prayer  is  that  after  this  rebellion  shall  have  been  effectually 
put  down  we  will  be  enabled  to  transmit  the  blessings  of  a  free, 
united  and  powerful  government. 

At  this  date  some  questions  of  authority  arose  between 
the  authorities  at  Washington  and  Harrisburg,  as  indi 
cated  in  the  following  correspondence.  Under  date  of 
June  25,  1 86 1,  John  A.  Wright,  aide,  writes  to  Governor 
Curtin  : 

I  had  an  interview  with  General  S.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War, 
this  morning. 

He  declines  taking  any  action  in  the  matter  of  mustering  in  three- 
months  men  into  the  three  years'  service  to  fill  up  requisition  on  you 
for  ten  or  thirteen  regiments,  preferring  to  await  the  action  of  Con 
gress,  which  meets  on  the  fourth  of  July  next. 

He  would  accept  at  once  the  fifteen  regiments  of  your  Reserve 
Corps  if  made  up  to  the  maximum  in  accordance  with  General 
Orders,  No.  15,  but  positively  declines,  from  want  of  authority,  to 
accept  any  officer  higher  than  colonel,  as  indicated  in  that  order. 

He  does  not  desire  you  to  prepare,  but  recommends  your  procur 
ing  tents  and  necessary  camp  equipage. 

General  Cameron  desires  an  immediate  answer  whether  your 
fifteen  (15)  regiments  of  reserve  volunteer  corps  will  be  offered  on 
condition  specified. 

Accompanying  this  letter  was  one  signed  by  Mr. 
Wright,  marked  ''unofficial:" 

Dear  Sir:  I  send  you  herewith  report  of  an  interview  with  General 
Cameron,  which  is  decisive,  and  on  which  you  will  have  to  act. 

General  Cameron  thinks  he  has  taken  responsibility  enough,  and 
will  await  action  of  Congress;  he  thinks  if  three-months  men  go 
home, they  will,  in  a  short  time  when  another  call  is  made,  be  the 
more  anxious  to  re-enlist. 

As  to  taking  your  major  general  and  brigadier,  says  he  would  not 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  231 

do  it,  if  General  Jackson  was  the  major  general.  As  to  this  point 
he  seems  absolutely  positive  on  the  ground  of  having  no  authority 
to  do  so ;  though  at  the  same  time  spoke  favorably  of  McCall  and 
Biddle. 

This  leaves  you  in  position  of  twenty-five  regiments  disbanded  at 
end  of  three  months'  service,  and  fifteen  regiments  on  your  hand, 
refused  by  Secretary  of  War,  unless  on  the  condition  stated  and 
no  representation  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  However 
General  Cameron  intends  recommending  a  large  increase  in  the 
army,  and  under  it,  if  ordered  by  Congress,  we  will  of  course  have 
a  representation.  This  may  be  or  not  before  the  disbandonment  of 
our  present  forces.  My  impression  is  the  departments  here  have 
scarcely  any  defined  plan  for  the  future,  and  cannot  have  until  the 
action  of  Congress. 

The  refusal  to  take  your  major  and  brigadier  generals  is  not 
peculiar  to  Pennsylvania,  but  the  necessity  has  been  forced  on  them 
on  account  of  the  pressure  from  nearly  all  the  States  to  force  all 
kinds  of  men  on  the  government. 

I  send  you  copy  of  enclosed  letter  by  telegraph— General  Cameron 
desiring  an  immediate  answer,  saying  he  is  holding  back  from 
accepting  regiments  until  this  matter  is  definitely  settled  with  you. 
You  had  better  telegraph  General  Cameron  as  soon  as  you  receive 
this,  deciding  at  once  what  you  will  do. 

To  make  a  resume,  the  case  stands,  if  you  accept  the  offer,  the 
major  and  brigadier  generals  are  left  on  your  hand,  and  the 
twenty-five  regiments  disbanded  at  end  of  three  months'  service,  and 
you  have  fifteen  regiments  in  service.  If  you  refuse  the  offer,  you 
have  the  fifteen  regiments  on  hand,  well  officered,  and  twenty-five 
regiments  disbanded — unless  they  may  be  affected  by  action  of  Con 
gress. 

I  read  my  official  letter  to  you  of  this  date  to  General  Cameron, 
and  he  approves  it;  I  will  await  your  answer.  Telegraph  me  at 
same  time  you  answer  Cameron.  In  this  state  of  things,  there  is 
of  course  no  use  talking  about  clothing,  tents  or  wagons.  But  if 
the  fifteen  regiments  go  into  United  States  service  the  United  States 
will  provide  wagons,  and  you  are  desired  to  procure  tents  and 
necessary  camp  equipage. 

Yours,  etc., 

jOnx  A.  WRIGHT. 
Washington,  June  25,  1861. 

Governor  Curtin,  on  August  15,  1861,  addressed  Mr. 
Lincoln  as  follows: 


232  ANDREW  G.  CUKTIN. 

Sir:  The  government  of  Pennsylvania  is  and  has  been  earnestly 
desirous  of  doing  its  full  duty  to  the  commonwealth  and  the  country. 
It  has  done  and  will  continue  to  do  everything  in  its  power  to  fulfill 
its  requisitions  and  facilitate  the  operations  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  without  presuming  to  criticise  or  find  fault  even 
when  they  may  appear  to  be  irregular  or  indiscreet.  What  I  am 
about  to  say  will  therefore  not  be  understood  as  said  in  the  way  of 
complaint,  but  merely  for  the  purpose  of  calling  attention  to  some 
arrangements,  the  effect  of  which  has  probably  been  overlooked  by 
the  authorities  at  Washington. 

It  appears  clearly  from  the  acts  of  Congress  of  twenty-second  and 
twenty-fifth  July  last,  that  the  President  has  power  to  accept  volun 
teers,  otherwise  than  through  the  State  authorities,  only  in  case  where 
those  authorities  refuse  or  omit  to  furnish  volunteers  at  his  call  or 
on  his  proclamation.  The  act  of  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  of 
fifteenth  May  last,  contains,  among  others,  a  provision  "that  it  shall 
not  be  lawful  for  any  volunteer  soldier  to  leave  this  commonwealth 
as  such,  unless  he  shall  have  been  first  accepted  by  the  Governor  of 
this  State  upon  a  call  under  a  requisition  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  made  upon  the  governor  direct  for  troops  for  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States."  Thus  Congress  and  the  State  Legisla 
ture  appear  to  be  agreed  on  the  inexpediency  of  attempting  the  for 
mation  of  volunteer  organizations  simultaneously  under  this  control 
of  different  heads,  and  on  the  propriety  of  leaving  such  organ  iza- 
tions  to  be  formed  under  the  requisitions  of  the  President  by  the 
State  authorities. 

Notwithstanding  this  common  action  of  Congress  and  the  State 
Legislature,  a  course  has  been  pursued  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  which  is  not  in  accordance  with  it,  and  which  has 
already  produced  much  embarrassment  and  must  tend  greatly  to 
retard  the  fulfillment  of  the  objects  of  the  government. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  July  last  a  requisition  was  made  011 
the  executive  of  this  State  for  ten  regiments- of  infantry,  in  addition 
to  the  forty-four  regiments  already  furnished,  twenty-five  of  which 
had  been  called  for  three  months'  service  and  had  been  discharged 
on  the  expiration  of  their  time.  Active  measures  were  immediately 
taken  to  comply  with  requisition,  but  unfortunately  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  went  on  to  authorize  individuals  to  raise  regi 
ments  of  volunteers  in  this  State.  Fifty-eight  individuals  received 
authority  for  this  purpose  in  Pennsylvania.  The  direct  authority 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  having  been  thus  set  in 
competition  with  that  of  the  State  acting  under  its  requisitions,  the 
consequence  has  been  much  embarrassment,  delay  and  confusion.  It 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  233 

has  happened  in  one  instance  that  more  than  twenty  men  in  one 
company  brought  here  as  volunteers  under  the  State  call  for  the 
United  States  have  been  induced  to  abandon  that  service  and  join 
one  of  the  regiments  directly  authorized  by  the  United  States.  In 
other  cases  companies  ready  to  march  and  whose  transportation  had 
been  provided  were  successfully  interfered  with  in  like  manner  (the 
enclosed  letter  from  —  —  is  but  a  sample  of  many  of  like  character 
that  have  been  received),  as  the  call  of  the  State  is  for  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  no  military  obligation  can  be  imposed  on  the 
men  until  they  are  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  there  are,  therefore,  no  means  of  preventing  them  from  joining 
independent  regiments  or  even  deserting  their  colors  entirely.  The 
few  mustering  officers  that  can  be  found  have  refused  to  muster  in 
less  than  a  whole  regiment  of  infantry.  Part  of  these  evils,  it  is 
understood  from  a  telegraph  dispatch  received  to-day,  will  be  alle 
viated  by  a  general  order  from  the  War  Department,  which  was 
suggested  by  me  yesterday.  Still  there  remains  the  great  evil  of 
the  unavoidable  clashing  of  two  authorities  attempting,  at  the  same 
time,  to  effect  the  same  object  among  the  same  people,  through 
different  and  competing  agencies.  The  result  is  what  might  have 
been  expected,  that  after  the  lapse  of  twenty-six  days  not  one  entire 
regiment  has  been  raised  in  Pennsylvania  since  the  last  requisition. 

There  are  fragments  of  some  seventy  regiments,  but  not  one  com 
plete.  Yet  men  enough  have  been  raised  to  form  thirty  complete 
regiments,  and  if  the  State  had  been  left  to  fulfill  its  duties  in 
accordance  with  the  act  of  Congress  and  of  Assembly  referred  to,  it 
is  confidently  believed  that  the  ten  regiments  called  for  on  the 
twenty-sixth  July  last,  would,  by  this  time,  have  been  fully  raised. 

That  the  course  thus  pursued  is  in  violation  of  the  law,  both  of 
the  United  States  and  of  Pennsylvania,  is  a  consideration  not 
unworthy  of  notice ;  at  the  same  time  the  executive  of  this  State 
will  leave  the  authorities  of  the  United  States  to  construe  their  own 
law,  and  so  far  as  regards  the  law  of  Pennsylvania  will  take  the 
responsibility  of  disobeying  it  rather  than  fail  in  any  effort  that 
may  be  required  to  array  her  military  force  in  the  present  emergency 
in  such  a  manner  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  may  point 
out ;  and  the  executive  in  so  doing  will  rely  on  the  Legislature  to 
ratify  his  act,  dictated  as  they  are  by  an  earnest  desire  to  aid  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  promptly  and  effectively,  without 
stopping  to  discuss  the  legality  of  any  form  in  which  that  aid  may 
be  demanded;  but  when  the  law  is  so  clearly  in  accordance  writh true 
policy  and  expediency  it  is  hoped  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  will  adhere  to  it.  At  all  events  it  is  earnestly  suggested  that 


234  ANDREW  G.  CVRTIN. 

the  double  system  which  has  been  adopted  can  lead  to  nothing  but 
continued  embarrassment  and  confusion,  and  that  it  would  be  better 
to  rely  exclusively  either  on  requisition  on  the  State  government  or 
on  the  authority  given  to  individuals.  It  is  also  suggested  that  it 
would  be  expedient  to  make  requisitions  on  the  State  for  companies 
and  not  for  regiments  under  the  act  of  Congress  of  twenty-second 
July  last ;  the  President  has  authority  to  form  them  into  regiments, 
and  the  field  officers  could  then  be  appointed  by  the  Governor  in 
accordance  with  the  same  act.  Some  of  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  this  course  are,  (i)  that  men  enlist  more  readily  when  they 
know  that  they  are  to  enter  on  active  service  without  delay;  (2)  that 
they  would  have  the  benefit  of  drill  by  officers  of  the  United  States, 
and  in  their  camps  in  direct  contact  with  troops  already  drilled, 
instead  of  being  kept  in  temporary  camps  during  the  time  requisite 
for  filling  a  whole  regiment;  (3)  the  company  officers  would  be 
examined  as  they  come  in,  and  the  incompetent  .ones  replaced  dur 
ing  the  same  interval,  and  thus  time  be  saved  and  the  effectiveness 
of  the  troops  enhanced.  There  are  other  reasons  which  will  readily 
occur  to  you. 

On  July  6,  1861,  the  President,  in  his  message, 
suggests  that  there  be  placed  under  the  control  of  the 
government,  at  least  400,000  men.  Pennsylvania  at 
once  made  preparations  to  respond  to  this  call.  On  July 
n,  1861,  the  Secretary  of  War  addressed  the  Governor 
to  the  effect  that  "  the  time  of  the  three  months1  volun 
teers  from  your  State  will  expire  during  the  present 
month.  This  department  is  anxious  that  the  force  now 
in  the  field  shall  not  be  diminished  to  the  extent  of  a 
single  man  ;  and  I  therefore  request  your  Excellency  to 
inform  me,  at  an  early  day,  at  what  time  you  can  have 
ready  for  marching  the  fifteen  regiments  which,  I 
understand,  are  now  in  camp,  preparing  for  the  service 
of  the  government." 

In  his  message  to  the  Legislature  of  January  8,  1862, 
the  Governor,  commenting  on  the  expiration  of  the 
terms  of  the  three-months  men,  says  : 

On  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  the  three-months  men  in  July 
last,  some  eight  or  ten  thousand  discharged  Pennsylvania  volunteers 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  235 

were  thrown  into  Hurrisburg  without  notice,  and  detained  here, 
waiting  to  be  paid,  for  an  average  time  of  some  ten  days.  Their 
tents,  camp  equipage  and  cooking  utensils  had  been  taken  from  them 
at  Williamsport,  Md. ,  and  they  arrived  here  destitute  of  all  means 
of  shelter  and  of  preparing  their  food.  The  commissary  of  the 
United  States  furnished  uncooked  rations,  and  under  the  circum 
stances  of  emergency  I  deemed  it  necessary  to  make  arrangements 
for  aiding  in  the  cooking  and  baking  of  the  rations,  and  also  for 
furnishing  meals  to  such  of  the  regiments  as  arrived  during  the 
night  or  under  circumstances  requiring  instant  relief.  The  expenses 
attending  these  operations  amounted,  so  far  as  ascertained,  to 
1744.20,  and  I  recommend  that  the  Legislature  make  an  appropri 
ation  to  pay  them.  It  ought  to  be  stated  that  these  expenses  would 
have  been  much  larger  but  for  the  liberal  and  patriotic  efforts  of  the 
citizens,  and  especially  the  ladies  of  Harrisburg;  their  free-handed 
hospitality  and  generous  aid  to  our  wearied  and  hungry  soldiers 
deserve  remembrance  and  gratitude. 

At  the  special  session  of  the  Legislature,  which  commenced  on  the 
thirtieth  of  April  last,  I  recommended  the  organization  of  a  Reserve 
Corps,  to  be  armed,  equipped,  clothed,  subsisted  and  paid  by  the 
State,  and  drilled  in  camps  .of  instruction,  in  anticipation  of  the 
exigencies  of  the  country,  and  by  the  act  of  the  fifteenth  of  May 
last,  such  a  corps  was  directed  to  be  raised,  and  a  loan  of  $3,000,000 
was  authorized  to  defray  the  expenses  of  that  and  other  military 
preparations.  Men  more  than  sufficient  in  number  to  form  some  ten 
regiments  of  the  Reserve  Corps  had,  previous  to  the  fifteenth  of 
May,  been  accepted  by  me  in  pursuance  of  a  call  on  me  (afterward 
rescinded)  for  twenty-five  regiments,  and  were  then  already  assembled 
and  subject  to  my  control.  Most  of  these  men  volunteered  for  the 
Reserve  Corps,  and  were  immediately  organized.  The  remaining 
regiments  were  rapidly  recruited  and  the  corps  was  thus  completed, 
and  George  A.  McCall,  of  Chester  County,  was  commissioned  as 
major  general,  and  assigned  to  the  command  of  all  the  forces  raised 
or  to  be  raised  under  the  provisions  of  the  last  mentioned  act.  The 
regiments  composing  the  Reserve  Corps  were  instructed  in  four 
camps  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  until  they  were  taken  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States.  Two  of  these  regiments,  under  the 
commands  of  Colonels  Charles  J.  Biddle  and  Seneca  G.  Simmons, 
and  two  companies  of  artillery,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Charles  T.  Campbell,  at  the  pressing  instance  of  the  War  Depart 
ment,  were  sent,  on  the  twenty-second  of  June  last,  to  the  relief  of 
Colonel  Wallace  at  Cumberland,  and  remained  about  six  weeks  there 
and  in  western  Virginia,  engaged  in  active  operations. 


236  ANDREW  G.  CURT IX. 

Toward  the  close  of  July  the  whole  corps  waS  called  for  under 
requisition,  and  taken  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Within 
four  days  after  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run,  eleven  regiments  of  this  fine 
body  of  men,  armed,  drilled,  clothed,  equipped,  and  in  all  respects 
ready  for  active  service,  were  in  Washington.  The  regiments  and 
companies  from  western  Virginia  and  the  remaining  two  regiments, 
making  the  whole  number  of  fifteen,  soon  joined  them  there,  and 
they  are  all  now  in  service  under  the  command  of  General  McCall,\vho 
has  been  commissioned  as  brigadier  general  by  the  United  States. 

These  fifteen  regiments  contain  15,856  men,  and  constitute  a 
division  comprising  three  brigades,  a  regiment  of  artillery  and  one 
of  cavalry.  The  whole  expense  of  raising,  clothing,  equipping, 
subsisting  and  paying  the  Reserve  Corps  (including  the  expense  of 
establishing  and  fitting  the  camps  of  instruction,  of  recruiting  and 
supplying  regimental  flags,  and  the  expenses  of  the  campaign  of 
the  two  regiments  and  companies  in  Maryland  and  western  Virginia, 
which  were  all  defrayed  by  the  State)  has  amounted  to  1855,444.87. 
This  does  not  include  the  transportation  on  railroads,  as  the  separa 
tion  of  that  account  would  have  been  a  work  of  great  labor,  nor  does 
it  include  the  pay  of  the  two  regiments  during  the  campaign,  but 
it  does  include  all  the  expenses,  which  were  heavy,  of  teams  and 
transportation,  not  on  railroads,  for  the  .two  regiments  on  the  cam 
paign  above  mentioned.  Twelve  regiments  of  the  Reserve  Corps 
were  paid,  subsisted,  etc. ,  by  the  State  to  the  average  date  of  twenty- 
second  July.  The  two  regiments  in  western  Virginia  were  paid  by 
the  vState  to  the  date  of  their  departure  from  Harrisburg  on  that 
expedition.  The  cavalry  regiment  was  not  paid  by  the  State.  It 
will  be  perceived  that  the  whole  average  expense  per  man  was  $53.95- 

Previous  to  the  thirty-first  of  April  last,  a  regiment  had  been 
enlisted  in  the  city  of  Krie  from  northwestern  Pennsylvania.  When 
the  call  was  made  on  me  on  that  day  for  twenty-five  additional 
regiments,  the  Erie  Regiment  was  ordered  to  march  to  Harrisburg. 
The  call  was  rescinded,  however,  before  the  regiment  reached  Pitts- 
burg,  and  I  ordered  it  to  encamp  at  that  city,  where  it  remained 
until  the  thirtieth  of  June.  The  national  government  declined  to 
muster  the  regiment  into  service,  as  all  existing  requisitions  made  on 
the  State  were  more  than  filled. 

Much  apprehension  existed  in  the  western  and  southwestern  bor 
ders  of  the  State,  and  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  retain  the  regiment 
at  Pittsburg  to  meet  any  emergency  that  might  arise. 

After  the  passage  of  the  act  of  fifteenth  of  May,  1861,  it  was  ex 
pected  that  this  regiment  would  form  part  of  the  reserve  volunteer 
corps ;  but  as  the  men  had  been  a  long  time  from  home  and  remained 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  P.Y  HIM.  237 

inactive  in  camp,  they  declined  entering  the  service,  and  were  sub 
sisted  and  paid  up  to  the  thirtieth  of  June  by  the  State.  Two  regi 
ments  have  since  been  enlisted  from  the  same  part  of  Pennsylvania, 
at  the  city  of  Erie,  one  of  which  has  been  in  Washington  in  service 
since  September,  and  the  other  is  now  ready  for  marching  orders ; 
and  it  is  due  to  the  first  Erie  regiment  to  say  that  most  of  the  men 
are  now  in  service. 

Further  requisitions  for  sixteen  regiments  of  infantry  and  two 
regiments  of  cavalry  were  shortly  afterward  made  by  the  War  Depart 
ment.  Of  these,  sixteen  have  already  been  raised  and  are  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  and  the  remaining  two  are  in  the 
course  of  organization  and  nearly  ready  to  march. 

In  addition  to  the  requisition  on  the  State,  the  War  Department 
had  given  authorities  to  numerous  individuals  to  raise  volunteers  in 
Pennsylvania,  but  as  that  system  was  found  to  create  much  embar 
rassment,  a  general  order  was  issued  by  the  War  Department  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  September  last,  placing  all  such  organizations  under 
the  control  of  the  Governor,  and  shortly  afterward  a  requisition  was 
made  on  the  , State  to  increase  her  quota  to  75,000  men.  Those 
independent  organizations,  as  they  were  called,  thus  became  Penn 
sylvania  regiments,  and  as  completed  and  sent  forwrard  formed  part 
of  the  quota  of  the  State. 

The  State  regiments  have  been  numbered,  and  the  last  to  this  date 
is  numbered  115.  Two  of  the  three-months  regiments  have  continued 
in  service  under  the  later  requisitions,  and  retain  their  original  num 
bers.  Deducting  the  remaining  twTenty-three  three-months  regi 
ments,  there  are  ninety-two  regiments  in  service  and  preparing  for 
it.  We  have  also  in  service  and  preparing  twenty-four  companies. 

The  following  table  of  the  existing  Pennsylvania  volunteer  force 
is  given  for  information : 

REGIMENTS  IN  SERVICE. 
Sixty-six  Regiments  of  Infantry  of    which  six  were    rifle 

regiments .  71,189 

Eleven  Regiments  of  Cavalry 12,690 

One  Regiment  of  Artillery 1,077 


COMPANIES  IN  SERVICE. 

Seven  Companies  of  Infantry 707 

Six  Companies  of  Cavalry 578 

Six  Companies  of  Artillery ...  936 

-  2,221 

37,177 


2  3 8  A  NDR E  W  G.   CUR  TIN. 

• 

Enlistments  in  other  than  Pennsylvania  organizations 
estimated  (the  officers  of  which  are  in  course  of  being 
commissioned) 6,400 


Total  in  service 93,577 

REGIMENTS  PREPARING  FOR  SERVICE. 

Twelve  Regiments  of  Infantry 13,092 

One  Regiment  of  Cavalry 1,136 

One  Regiment  of  Artillery 1,077 

15,305 

COMPANIES  PREPARING  FOR  SERVICE. 

One  Company  of  Cavalry        109 

Four  Companies  of  Artillery 624 

733 


16,038 

In  service 93,577 

Preparing  for  service  .    .        16,038 

Pennsylvania's  contribution 109,615 

Exclusive  of  20,175  three-months  men,  now  disbanded. 

The  regiments  preparing  for  service  are  incomplete.  Those  that 
may  not  be  filled  by  the  sixteenth  instant  will  be  consolidated  and 
sent  forward.  Of  the  regiments  in  service,  the  nth  and  I5th  Regi 
ments  of  Infantry  are  at  Annapolis;  the  28th,  29th,  2ist,  66th,  69th, 
7ist,  72d  and  io6th  Regiments,  and  one  company  of  infantry  are  in 
the  command  of  Major  General  Banks;  the  45th,  5oth,  55th, 
76th  and  looth  Regiments  of  Infantry  are  in  South  Carolina ;  the 
48th  Infantry  is  at  Hatteras  Inlet;  the  loSth  Infantry  and  nth 
Cavalry  are  at  Fortress  Monroe;  the  77th,  78th  and  79th  Infantry, 
the  7th  and  gth  Cavalry,  one  troop  of  horse,  one  squadron  of  cavalry, 
two  battalions  of  artillery  are  in  Kentucky;  the  84th  and  noth 
Infantry  are  in  western  Virginia,  as  are  also  three  companies  of 
infantry,  four  companies  of  cavalry,  five  companies  of  light  artillery  ; 
the  8jth  Infantry  is  at  Cockeysville,  in  Maryland ;  one  company  of 
artillery  is  at  Fort  Delaware,  all  the  remainder  of  the  volunteers  are 
at  or  near  Washington.  Upward  of  three  hundred  volunteers  from 
Pennsylvania  are  now  prisoners,  but  as  arrangements  have  been  made 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  it  may  be  expected  that  they  will 
soon  be  released. 

In  compliance  with  the  joint  resolutions  of  the  sixteenth  of  May 
last,  I  have  procured  regimental  flags  for  the  Pennsylvania  volun 
teers,  and  have  presented  them  in  person  to  most  of  the  regiments. 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  239 

In  other  cases,  the  regiments  being  on  or  near  the  Potomac,  I  have 
requested  Mr.  Cowan,  senator,  and  Messrs.  Grow  and  Wright,  mem 
bers  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  from  Pennsylvania,  to  present 
them  in  the  name  of  the  commonwealth. 

The  general  government  requested  that  the  States  would  abstain 
from,  purchasing  arms,  as  their  competition  was  found  injurious  in 
the  market,  and  in  view  of  the  large  expenditures  of  money  in  arm 
ing  and  equipping  the  volunteer  force  of  the  States,  provided  for 
the  defence  of  the  national  government,  I  did  not  purchase  any  as 
authorized  by  the  twenty-eighth  section  of  the  act  of  the  fifteenth 
of  May,  1861.  The  State  has  now  quite  as  many  arms  as  are  necessary 
to  arm  all  her  volunteer  organizations  in  existence;  but  influenced 
by  the  threatening  aspect  of  our  relations  with  foreign  governments, 
I  have  directed  the  adjutant  general  to  procure  arms  as  soon  as  it 
can  be  done,  on  reasonable  terms  and  without  injurious  competition 
with  the  national  government.  Anns  have  been  distributed  among 
the  border  counties  to  all  the  organizations  that  have  been  formed 
to  receive  them.  One  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty  arms 
have  been  thus  distributed.  I  have  also  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
commissioners  of  all  the  border  counties,  offering  arms  to  them  as 
soon  as  military  organizations  shall  be  formed  to  receive  them. 
Besides  thus  complying  with  the  requirements  of  the  twenty- 
seventh  section  of  the  act  of  fifteenth  May  last,  I  have  deemed  it 
prudent  to  offer  5000  arms  to  such  military  organizations  as  may  be 
formed  in  Philadelphia  on  a  plan  to  be  approved  by  me  as  com- 
mander-in-chief.  Muskets  and  rifles  to  a  considerable  extent  have 
been  furnished  to  the  Pennsylvania  volunteers  from  the  State  Arsenal. 
Others  have  been  sent  by  the  United  States  authorities  to  arm  them 
before  leaving  the  State.  In  some  cases  regiments  have  gone  with 
out  arms  under  assurances  from  the  War  Department  that  they  would 
be  armed  at  Washington  or  other  near  designated  points,  and  that 
their  immediate  departure  was  required.  It  was  thought  wise  in 
these  cases  not  to  insist  on  the  arms  being  sent  before  the  regiments 
marched,  as  this  would  have  imposed  on  the  government  an  un 
necessary  expense  in  freight,  and  would  have  been  productive  of 
delays,  which  might  have  been  seriously  detrimental  to  the  public 
services.  Forty-two  pieces  of  artillery  with  limbers,  caissons,  forges, 
ammunition  wagons,  harness  and  all  the  necessary  implements  and 
equipments  were  furnished  by  the  State  to  the  artillery  regiment  of 
the  Reserve  Corps.  Ten  of  these  were  purchased  by  the  State,  and 
their  cost  has  been  refunded  by  the  United  States.  Diligence  has 
been  used  in  collecting  arms  throughout  the  State,  and  repairing 
and  altering  them  in  the  most  approved  manner. 


240  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

The  State  has  now  sixty-two  pieces  of  artillery,  of  which  seven 
teen  need  repairs;  26,753  muskets  and  rifles,  some  of  which  are  in 
the  hands  of  mechanics  being  repaired;  1910  are  in  the  hands  of 
volunteer  corps  throughout  the  State;  1930  in  the  possession  of 
county  commissioners,  and  1000  with  the  Reserve  Corps  of  Phila 
delphia. 

In  addition  to  this  the  city  of  Philadelphia  has  nine  pieces  of  rifled 
artillery,  and  4976  muskets  and  rifles. 

The  State  has  also  in  the  arsenal  at  Harrisburg  1966  sabres  and 
swords,  and  1957  pistols,  and  the  city  of  Philadelphia  has  440  sab.res 
and  326  pistols,  with  the  necessary  accoutrements. 

There  is  also  in  the  arsenal  at  Harrisburg  a  large  amount  of 
accoutrements  and  ammunition  for  artillery  and  small  arms. 

The  adjutant  general  is  successfully  engaged  in  collecting  arms 
throughout  the  State,  and  it  is  expected  the  number  above  stated 
will  be  largely  increased.  Probably,  at  least,  5000  muskets  and  rifles 
and  several  pieces  of  artillery  will  still  be  collected. 

The  care  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  the  comfort  of  the  volun 
teers,  and  the  goodness  and  sufficiency  of  their  supplies  of  all  kinds, 
and  the  excellent  arrangements  of  the  medical  department  under  the 
control  of  Sergeant  General  Henry  H.  Smith,  are  proved  by  the  fact 
that  more  than  60,000  men  have  been  for  various,  generally  short 
periods,  at  Camp  Curtin  since  the  ninth  of  April  last,  and  that  down 
to  the  first  of  January  instant,  there  died  but  forty-nine  men  at  that 
camp,  viz:  Forty-four  from  sickness,  two  (belonging  to  regiments 
from  other  States)  who  had  been  injured  on  railroads,  two  accident 
ally  killed  in  Camp  Curtin  and  one  shot  in  Harrisburg. 

On  the  seventh  of  July,  1862,  a  call  was  made  by  the 
President  for  300,000  volunteers.  In  his  message  to  the 
Legislature,  January  7,  1863,  Governor  Curtin  says  : 

On  the  seventh  of  July  last,  a  call  was  made  by  the  President  for 
300,000  volunteers.  This  State  had  already  supplied  nearly  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  men,  yet  her  people  promptly  bestirred 
themselves  to  respond  to  this  new  requirement.  Although  it  was 
believed  that  no  bounties  would  be  necessary  to  induce  the  men  of 
Pennsylvania  to  enter  the  service  of  their  country  on  such  an 
occasion,  yet,  as  some  of  the  neighboring  States  offered  large  bounties, 
it  was  thought  not  right  to  expose  our  citizens  to  the  temptation 
thus  afforded  to  them  to  enlist  in  regiments  of  other  States.  There 
being  no  appropriation  for  the  payment  of  bounties,  I,  of  course, 
could  not  direct  them  to  be  paid  out  of  the  Treasury,  and  it  was 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  241 

evident  that  to  call  the  Legislature  together  and  wait  for  the  negotia 
tion  of  any  loan  which  might  be  authorized  for  the  purpose,  would 
be  attended  with  injurious  delay.  Under  these  circumstances  I  con 
fidently  appealed  by  proclamation  to  a  people  who  have  never  faltered 
in  the  performance  of  any  duty  of  patriotism,  calling  on  them  to  raise 
in  their  several  counties  the  sums  necessary  to  insure  their  propor 
tion  of  the  quota  of  the  State.  This  appeal  was  effectually  answered. 
Public  meetings  were  held  and  liberal  amounts  subscribed  by  indi 
viduals.  In  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  besides  a  very  large  fund  thus 
raised,  the  municipal  authorities  contributed  heavily  from  their 
common  treasury,  and  in  several  counties  the  county  commissioners, 
generally  under  the  guarantee  of  a  few  of  their  eminent  citizens, 
devoted  county  funds  to  the  same  purpose.  I  recommend  that 
these  proceedings  be  legalized,  and  submit  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
Legislature  the  question  of  what  legislation  would  be  just  and 
proper  on  the  whole  subject  that  the  burden  of  this  patriotic  effort 
may  fall  equally  on  all  classes  of  people  throughout  the  State. 

The  result  of  this  manifestation  of  public  spirit  was  that  thirty- 
eight  new  regiments  and  three  unattached  companies  of  infantry 
were  raised;  four  other  regiments,  which,  previous  to  this  call,  had 
been  authorized  by  the  War  Department  to  be  raised,  are  still  in  prog 
ress  of  organization. 

On  special  requisition  from  the  War  Department  there  have  been 
raised  and  are  now  in  service  five  additional  regiments  and  three 
companies  of  cavalry,  two  batteries  of  heavy  artillery  and  one  bat 
tery  of  light  artillery.  A  battalion  of  heavy  artillery  is  being  raised 
by  Major  Joseph  Roberts,  U.  S.  A.,  with  my  assent,  also  under  special 
authority  of  the  \Var  Department. 

*******•*# 

On  the  fourth  of  August  last,  a  draft  of  three  hundred  thousand 
militia,  to  serve  for  nine  months,  was  ordered  by  the  President, 
under  the  act  of  Congress  of  seventeenth  of  July,  1862,  and  regula 
tions  were  made  by  his  authority  in  pursuance  of  that  act,  under 
which  regulations  the  emollnient  and  draft  were  conducted  in  this 
State,  our  militia  laws  being  found  to  be  defective.  Several  coun 
ties  and  districts  having  already  supplied  by  volunteers  their  pro 
portion  of  the  quota  of  this  State,  were  exempted  from  the  draft, 
and  time  was  given  to  enable  others  to  raise  the  required  number  of 
men  by  voluntary  enlistments.  The  draft  was  generally  proceeded 
with  throughout  the  State  on  the  sixteenth  of  October  last,  and  the 
drafted  men  were  directed  to  be  placed  in  the  several  camps  of 
rendezvous  established  under  the  regulations,  where  they  were  or 
ganized  and  elected  their  officers,  and  have  since  gone  forward  to 
Jo 


242  AX  DREW  G.  CUKTIN. 

the  army  in  the  field.  The  draft  was  eminently  successful,  and 
when  the  men  had  been  marched  to  the  rendezvous,  my  agency  in 
the  matter  ceased,  and  all  authority  and  control  over  the  men 
devolved  on  the  United  States  officers.  I  cannot  but  commend  the 
people  of  Pennsylvania  for  their  cheerful  obedience  to  the  require 
ments  of  the  government  on  this  occasion.  All  the  expenses  of  the 
draft  are,  of  course,  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States,  and  I  learn 
that  officers  are  now  in  the  State  charged  with  the  settlements  and 
payments. 

Including  the  three-months  volunteers,  Pennsylvania  has  fur 
nished  to  the  general  government  more  than  two  hundred  thousand 
men  since  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion,  besides  some  fifty  thous 
and  who  were  in  the  service,  or  actually  ready  for  it,  as  volunteer 
militia,  under  the  call  of  eleventh  of  September  last,  making  in 
the  whole  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men. 

#•  *  •*  •*•  *  *  #•*  -x- 

Governor  Curtin   in   his  message   to  the   Legislature 
January  7,  1864,  says: 

On  the  invasion  of  the  State  during  the  last  summer,  the  President 
made  a  call  for  militia,  and  with  his  assent,  I  subsequently  made  a  call 
for  volunteer  militia  for  the  defence  of  the  .State.  Under  these  calls, 
men  were  assembled  and  organized  with  promptness,  after  the  reality 
of  the  emergency  came  to  be  understood  by  our  people.  The  general 
government  clothed  and  subsisted  this  force,  and  agreed  to  pay  it,  but 
as  no  appropriation  for  that  purpose  had  been  made  by  Congress,  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  War  promised,  if  the  money  should  be 
advanced  from  other  quarters,  to  recommend  its  immediate  re-payment 
on  the  meeting  of  Congress. 

•*•*###•*##  -* 

It  is  highly  important  that  we  should  replenish  the  ranks  of  our 
regiments  in  the  field  and  supply  the  places  of  those  volunteers  whose 
terms  will  soon  expire  and  who  may  decline  further  service.  I  am 
happy  to  say  that  a  large  proportion  of  our  regiments  are  re-enlisting. 
Efforts  are  making  by  myself  and  by  the  people  in  various  portions 
of  the  State  to  procure  a  sufficient  number  of  volunteers,  and  with  a 
promise  of  success,  provided  a  reasonable  time  be  allowed  for  the 
purpose.  Meanwhile  persons  professing  to  be  officers  and  agents  from 
other  States  are  most  improperly  endeavoring  to  seduce  our  citizens 
into  their  service  by  extravagant  bounties  and  promises. 

Iii   his  message  to  the   Legislature  dated  January  4, 
1865,  he  says  in  reference  to  this  subject : 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  nv  ///.If.  -243 

By  the  act  August  22,  1864.  I  was  authorized  to  cause  an  imme 
diate  enrollment  01'  the  militia  to  be  made,  unless  that  recently 
made  by  the  United  States  should  be  found  sufficient,  and  to  raise, 
by  volunteering  or  draft,  a  corps  of  15,000  men  for  the  defence  of 
our  southern  border. 

The  United  States  enrollment  being  found  very  defective,  I 
directed  an  enrollment  io  be  made,  which  is  now  in  progress  under 
the  charge  of  Colonel  Lemuel  Todd,  whom  I  appointed  inspector 
general.  A  draft  by  the  United  States  was  then  in  progress,  and  it 
was  not  thought  advisable  to  harass  our  people  by  a  contemporaneous 
State  draft,  even  if  a  draft  had  been  practicable  under  the  present 
law.  Volunteers  could  not  be  obtained,  there  being  no  bounties, 
and  the  men  not  being  exempted  by  their  enlistment  in  that  corps 
from  draft  by  the  United  States.  Fortunately  the  United  States 
placed  an  army,  under  General  Sheridan,  between  us  and  the  enemy, 
and  thus  provided  effectually  for  our  defence.  With  such  adequate 
protection  as  proved  by  the  brilliant  campaign  of  that  army,  I  did 
not  think  it  right  to  incur  the  expense  to  the  State  of  an  indepen 
dent  army,  and  the  withdrawal  of  so  many  of  our  people  from  their 
homes  and  pursuits.  Meanwhile  arrangements  have  been  made  with 
the  authorities  at  Washington  for  arming,  clothing,  subsisting  and 
supplying  the  corps  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  and  an 
order  has  been  given  by  the  authorities  of  the  United  States  to  fur 
lough  such  volunteers  in  the  corps  as  may  be  drafted  by  the  United 
States.  The  corps  so  privileged  not  to  exceed  5000  men.  It  is  my 
intention  to  raise  5000  men  during  the  winter,  and  I  have  already 
adopted  measures  to  that  end.  There  may  occur  irruptions  of 
irregular  bodies  of  the  rebels,  and  it  is  well  to  be  provided  against 
them.  The  number  proposed  to  be  so  raised  and  put  into  actual 
service  will,  in  my  judgment,  be  sufficient,  and  a  regard  to  due 
economy  requires  that  no  more  than  are  sufficient  should  be  placed 
on  pay.  The  remaining  10,000  will  be  organized  and  ready  for  ser 
vice  in  case  of  necessity.  I  invite  your  immediate  attention  to  the 
very  able  report  of  the  inspector  general,  which  sets  forth  the  defects 
in  the  law  which  he  has  discovered  in  his  preparation  for  carrying 
it  into  practical  effect. 

•K-  vv  -X-  -X-  -£  %  x  .;;.  .;;. 

A  new  call  has  been  made  by  the  President  for  300,000  men. 
This  renders  it  proper  that  I  should  invite  your  attention  to  the  evils 
which  have  resulted  from  abuses  of  the  system  of  local  bounties 
which  w:is  begun  in  an  emergency  by  the  voluntary  and  generous 
loyalty  of  our  citizens,  before  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the  enroll 
ment  act,  and  has  since  been  continued  by  sundry  acts  of  Assembly. 


244  ANDREW  G.  CUR'lIN. 

The  result  has  been  to  the  last  degree  oppressive  to  our  citi/.ens, 
and  unproductive  of  corresponding  benefit  to  the  government.  In 
some  counties  and  townships,  it  is  believed  that  the  bounty  tax 
during  the  last  year  exceeded  the  average  income  derived  from  the 
land.  The  large  sums  offered  in  some  places  in  the  competition  for 
men  have  demoralized  many  of  our  people,  and  the  most  atrocious 
frauds  connected  with  the  system  have  became  common.  The  men 
of  some  of  the  poorer  counties  have  been  nearly  exhausted  by  their 
volunteers  being  credited  to  richer  localities  paying  heavier  bounties. 
The  system  as  practiced  lowers  the  morale  of  the  army  itself,  by 
putting  into  the  ranks  men  actuated  by  merely  mercenary  motives, 
and  who  are  tempted  to  desert  by  the  facility  of  escaping  detection, 
and  the  prospect  of  new  gains  by  re-enlistment,  a  process  which 
they  expect  to  be  able  to  repeat  an  indefinite  number  of  times.  Of 
the  number  of  men  for  whom  bounties  have  been  paid,  it  is  believed 
that  not  one-fourth  have  been  actually  placed  in  .the  ranks  of  the 
army,  and  even  those  who  have  joined  it  have  probably  not  on  an 
average  received  for  their  own  use  one-half  of  the  bounty  paid  for 
them.  Immense  sums  have  thus  been  appropriated  by  cheats  and 
swindlers,  in  many  cases  believed  to  be  acting  in  complicity  with 
agencies  of  the  government. 

An  effort  was  made  to  prosecute  some  of,  the  parties  concerned  in 
such  frauds,  under  the  act  of  Assembly  of  fourteenth  of  August  last, 
and  they  were  bonud  over  by  the  Mayor  of  this  city,  but  after  the 
witnesses  had  come  here  on  the  meeting  of  the  court,  they  disap 
peared  from  the  public  eye.  I  recommend  the  whole  subject  to  your 
careful  consideration,  that  the  system  may  be  purged  of  these  evils. 

I  am  officially  informed  that  the  quota  of  this  State,  under  the 
recent  call,  is  66,999,  but  I  am  n°t  informed  of  the  principle  on 
which  the  draft  is  to  be  made. 

-:•:-  -*  *     .          *  -x-  •£  #  -x-  -* 

Certainly  more  men  are  required  to  aid  our  gallant  soldiers  in  the 
field  in  crushing  this  rebellion,  and  every  consideration  of  patriotism 
and  of  regard  for  our  brothers  who  are  now  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
obliges  us  to  spare  no  effort  to  raise  the  necessary  force. 

-X-  -X-  *  -X-  *  *  #  #  * 

Major  General  Hancock  has  been  authorized  by  the  War  Depart 
ment  to  raise  a  corps  of  veterans,  to  be  called  the  First  Corps.  One 
of  the  regulations  is  that  on  application  by  the  governor  of  any 
State,  recruiting  officers  will  be  designated  for  such  State.  I  have 
been  requested  by  General  Hancock  to  make  such  application,  but 
have  hitherto  declined  to  comply  with  the  request.  It  appears  to 
me  that  the  families  of  men  raised  on  the  plan  adopted  by  the  War 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  /?}'  HIM.  245 

Department  would  probably  not  be  entitled  to  the  relief  provided 
by  our  own  laws  for  the  families  of  volunteers.  I  have  inquired  of 
General  Hancock  whether  the  proposed  corps  is  to  form  part  of  the 
regular  army  or  of  the  volunteer  force,  and  if  the  latter,  under  what 
act  of  Congress  it  is  to  be  raised.  He  has  referred  that  communica 
tion  to  the  War  Department,  from  which  I  have  as  yet  received  no 
answer  to  it. 

The  following  letters  have  passed  between  General  Hancock  and 
myself  on  this  subject: 

' '  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER, 
"  HARRISBURG,  PA.,  Dec.  29,  1864. 

^General:  I  received  your  letter  at  the  moment  of  my  departure 
for  Philadelphia,  on  Monday  last.  I  returned  this  morning  and 
hasten  to  reply. 

"Having  no  knowledge  of  the  organization  of  the  corps  you  are  to 
command  than  what  appears  in  the  newspapers  and  orders,  I  will 
be  obliged  if  you  will  inform  me  if  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  part  of 
the  regular  army  of  the  United  States,  or  as  part  of  the  volunteer 
service. 

"If  it  is  part  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  I  certainly  have  no 
connection  with  it  as  governor  of  the  State.  If  it  is  organized  as 
volunteers,  be  pleased  to  inform  me  under  what  act  of  Congress. 
I  need  not  say,  General,  that  I  would  be  most  happy  to  do  all  in 
my  power  personally  and  officially  to  raise  a  force  to  be  commanded 
by  you.  Call  we  not  raise  you  two  or  three  regiments  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  in  the  usual  manner,  and  according  to  the  act  of  Congress, 
for  your  corps?  Of  course,  I  would  consult  you  in  the  selection  of 
officers,  and  only  commission  where  you  approve. 

' '  I  cannot  understand  the  importance  of  my  asking  that  persons  be 
sent  to  Pennsylvania  to  induce  veterans  to  go  to  the  District  of 
Columbia  to  enlist.  I  certainly  will  do  nothing  to  embarrass  the 
plan  proposed. 

"We  have  benefits  by  general  and  special  legislation  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  which  attach  to  the  volunteer  and  his  family.  While  I  will 
do  nothing  to  deter  the  veterans  of  the  State  from  entering  your 
corps,  I  hesitate  to  connect  myself  with  a  mode  of  enlistment  which 
may  deprive  them  of  such  benefits,  unless  it  is  my  duty  under  the 
law. 

"I  am,  General,  very  respectfully, 

' '  Your  obedient  servant, 

"A.  G.  CURTIN.  ' ' 

"Major  General  Winfield  S.  Hancock." 


246  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

"HKADOUARTKKS    FlfrST   CORPS, 

"WASHIGTON,   D.  C. ,  December,  31,   1864. 

"To  His  Excellency,  Hon.  Andrew  G.  Curt  in,  Governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania. 

"Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  com 
munication  of  the  twenty-ninth  instant,  and  have  referred  the  same 
to  the  War  Department.  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  expression  of  per 
sonal  good  will,  and  regret  that  there  should  be  any  occasion  for 
hesitation  on  your  part  to  lend  your  official  influence  as  governor  to 
the  raising  of  the  corps  as  proposed  by  the  War  Department. 

"It  is  not  within  my  province,  perhaps,  to  discuss  the  plan  of 
organization,  as  I  am  acting  under  the  direct  orders  of  the  War 
Department,  and  my  own  views,  therefore,  are  of  no  practical 
moment.  I  may  say,  however,  that  I  have  no  knowledge  of  the 
organization  other  than  what  I  have  derived  from  the  orders  and 
circulars  of  which  I  mailed  you  official  copies  December  5.  I  can 
not  see  how  volunteers  for  this  corps  from  your  State  lose  any  of 
the  advantages  attaching  to  those  for  other  organizations. 

"They  are  credited  to  the  localities  where  they  or  their  families  are 
domiciled,  and  count  on  the  quota  of  your  State. 

"It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  is  an  effort  to  get  men  into 
service  who  are  not  subject  to  draft. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  remain,   very  respectfully, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"WiNFiEi,D  S.  HANCOCK, 
"Major  General  U.  S.  Volunteers, 

"Commanding  First  Corps." 

The  only  act  of  Congress  for  raising  volunteers  that  I  am  aware 
of,  requires  that  the  field  and  line  officers  shall  be  commissioned  by 
the  governors  of  the  several  States.  The  men  in  this  corps  are  not 
to  be  formed  into  organizations  of  the  respective  States,  and  it  is 
proposed  that  its  officers  shall  be  appointed  by  the  general  govern 
ment.  I  know  of  no  act  of  Congress  or  of  Assembly  under  which 
men  so  raised  will  be  entitled  to  pensions,  or  their  families  to 
benefits  from  the  United  States  or  State  Government.  In  addition,  I 
will  observe  that  without  any  feeling  of  jealousy,  I  am  still  not 
ready  to  participate  actively  in  transferring  to  the  United  States 
illegally  the  right  of  appointment  vested  in  the  State,  and  which 
the  State  authorities  can  exercise  with  more  discrimination  by  reason 
of  having  a  greater  familiarity  with  the  merits  of  the  citizens  of 
their  own  State  than  the  United  States  authorities  can  possible  have. 
I  will  transmit  anv  further  communications  that  I  may  receive  on 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  VY  ///;]/.  247 

this  subject.  It  will  be  perceived  by  reference  to  the  correspondence 
that  I  have  offered  to  raise,  in  the  manner  provided  by  law,  two  or 
three  regiments  of  veterans  for  Hancock's  corps.  My  desire  is  to 
assist  the  government  in  every  legal  mode  in  raising  men,  and 
especially  to  facilitate  an  officer— a  native  Pennsylvania!!— so  dis 
tinguished  as  General  Hancock,  in  his  efforts  to  organize  a  new 
corps. 

I  shall  throw  no  obstacles  in  his  way  on  the  present  occasion,  but 
I  cannot,  certainly,  be  expected  to  invite  a  violation  of  law  in 
carrying  out  a  plan  which  sacrifices  the  rights  of  the  State  under 
existing  laws,  and  would  leave  the  men  unprotected  by  them,  so  far 
as  concerns  future  provision  for  their  comfort  and  that  of  their 
families. 

I  will  further  observe  that  it  appears  by  the  report  of  the  adjutant 
general,  herewith  transmitted,  that  the  State,  under  the  system 
established  by  law,  has  put  into  the  military  sen-ice  of  the  United 
States  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  the  following  number  of 
men,  viz: 

TROOPS  SENI  INTO  SERVICE  DURING  1864. 

Organizations  for  three  years'  term 9,867 

Organizations  for  one  hundred  days'  term 7,675 

Organizations  for  one  year's  term 16,094 

Volunteer  recruits 26,567 

Drafted  men  and  substitutes 10,651 

Recruits  for  Regular  Army 2^974 

RE-ENIJSTMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  VOLUNTEERS. 

infantry 13,862 

Cavalry 2)S,4 

Artillery 799 

Accredited  to  other  States 389 

17,876 

91,704 

Troops  sent  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  rebellion,  including  the  ninety  days'  militia  in  the 
departments  of  the  Monongahela  and  Susquehanua,  in  1863  : 

During  the  year  1 86 1 130,594 

During  the  year  1862 71,100 

During  the  year  1863 43,' 046 

During  the  year  ^64     ...  . 73)828 

Re-enlistment  of  Pennsylvania  Volunteers 17,876 

336,444 


248  ANDREW  G.  CVRTTN. 

% 

The  25,000  militia,  of  1862,  are  not  included  in  this 
statement. 

On  January  30,  1866,  Governor  Curtin,  in  his  mes 
sage  to  the  Legislature,  recalled  the  history  of  the  great 
service  rendered  by  Pennsylvania  during  four  years  of 
the  war.  He  says: 

The  first  call  made  by  the  President  for  troops  to  aid  in  suppress 
ing  the  rebellion,  was  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  April,  1861,  for  75,000 
men;  and  that  of  this  number  the  quota  of  Pennsylvania  was  settled 
at  fourteen  regiments,  to  serve  three  months,  unless  sooner  dis 
charged.  With  unsurpassed  alacrity  and  earnestness,  volunteers 
answered  to  this  call,  in  such  numbers  as  manifested  the  intuitive 
conviction  of  the  people  that  the  monstrous  wickedness,  which  had 
conceived  an  armed  rebellion  against  the  constitution  and  laws, 
could  not  be  suppressed  but  by  a  colossal  force. 

Major  General  Robert  Patterson  was  assigned,  by  the  general 
government,  to  a  command,  which  included  the  forces  raised  in 
Pennsylvania.  Within  a  week  after  the  call  of  the  President,  com 
munication  with  Washington  was  almost  entirely  cut  off.  General 
Patterson,  prompted  by  the  necessities  of  the  situation,  made,  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  April,  a  requisition  upon  me  for  twenty-five  additional 
regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry,  to  be  forthwith  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Under  this  requisition  I 
accepted,  from  amongst  the  many  pressing  to  be  admitted  into  the 
service,  a  sufficient  number  of  companies  to  fill  it;  care  being  taken 
to  allow  to  each  county,  as  nearly  as  possible,  a  fair  representation. 
Only  eleven  regiments,  however,  in  addition  to  the  fourteen  called 
for  by  the  President,  were  organized  and  mustered  into  the  service, 
before  the  order  of  General  Patterson  was  countermanded  by  him, 
under  instructions  from  the  War  Department. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  of  May,  1861,  the  vSecretary  of  War,  in  a 
letter  communicating  the  plan  of  organization  for  three-years 
regiments,  confirmed  the  revocation  of  the  order  in  the  following  lan 
guage  :  ' '  Ten  regiments  are  assigned  to  Pennsylvania,  making,  in  ad 
dition  to  the  thirteen  regiments  of  three-months  militia  already  called 
for,  twenty-three  regiments.  It  is  important  to  reduce,  rather  than 
enlarge,  this  number,  and  in  no  event  to  exceed  it.  Let  me  earnestly 
recommend  to  you,  therefore,  to  call  for  no  more  than  twenty-three 
regiments,  of  which  only  ten  are  to  serve  during  the  war,  and  if 
more  are  already  called  for,  to  reduce  the  number  by  discharge. 
The  twenty-five  regiments  raised  as  above  stated,  comprised  20,979 


SOLDIERS  ORGANIZED  BY  HIM.  249 

men.  The  ardor  of  our  people  was  unabated.  Many  of  the  com 
panies,  under  my  order,  had  arrived  in  camp  at  Harrisburg,  and 
others  maintained  their  organizations  at  home  at  their  own  expense 
and  by  contributions  from  their  neighbors  and  friends. 

In  the  critical  condition  of  the  country,  and  anticipating  that  in 
case  of  reverse  to  our  arms  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania  would  be  the 
portals  to  the  rich  granaries,  manufactories  and  storehouses  of  the 
North,  I  deemed  it  my  duty  to  convene  the  Legislature,  that  adequate 
provision  might  be  made  to  enable  me  to  render  the  military  power 
of  the  State  as  available  and  efficient  as  it  should  be,  for  the  com 
mon  defence  of  the  State  and  the  general  government ;  and,  accord 
ingly,  on  the  twentieth  of  April,  1861,  issued  my  proclamation 
calling  for  a  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly,  on  the  thirtieth  of 
the  same  month. 

In  my  message  to  the  Legislature  at  its  opening,  I  recommended 
the  immediate  organization,  disciplining  and  arming  of  at  least 
fifteen  regiments,  exclusive  of  those  called  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States. 

The  Legislature  acted  promptly  upon  this  suggestion,  and  made 
full  provisions  for  its  effectual  accomplishment.  The  result  was  the 
early  and  complete  organization,  clothing  and  equipment  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps,  with  its  thirteen  regiments 
of  infantry,  one  of  light  artillery  and  one  of  cavalry,  under  the 
supervision  of  George  A.  McCall,  who  was  selected  to  command  it 
with  the  commission  and  rank  of  major  general.  This  corps  con 
tained  15,856  men,  and  the  whole  expense  of  raising,  clothing  and 
equipping,  subsisting  and  paying  them  until  their  entry  into  the 
United  States  service,  was  1855,444.87.  They  were  encamped  in 
different  parts  of  the  State,  excepting  two  of  the  regiments,  com 
manded  by  Colonels  Charles  J.  Biddle  and  Seneca  G.  Simmons, 
and  two  batteries  of  artillery,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Charles  T.  Campbell,  which,  at  the  request  of  the  War  Department, 
were  sent  on  the  twenty-second  of  June,  1861,  to  the  relief  of  Colonel 
Wallace,  at  Cumberland,  Md. ,  and  remained  for  about  six  weeks 
there  and  in  western  Virginia,  engaged  in  active  operations.  Toward 
the  close  of  July  the  whole  corps  was  called  for  and  taken  on  a 
requisition  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Within  four  days 
after  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run  eleven  regiments,  in  all  respects  ready 
for  active  service,  were  in  Washington  and  Baltimore. 

The  troops  sent  to  western  Virginia  were  recalled,  and  with  the 
other  two  regiments  of  the  corps  forwarded  to  Washington. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  1861,  the  Secretary  of  War  expressed  his 
gratification  and  thanks  for  the  prompt  response  from  Pennsylvania. 


250  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

The  wisdom  of  the  Legislature  in  providing  fo*r  the  formation  of 
this  corps  for  the  interests  of  the  vState  and  the  nation,  was  fully 
shown  by  subsequent  events.  Most  of  the  men  who  filled  its  ranks 
had  been  accepted  by  me  under  the  call  for  twenty-five  regiments, 
which  was  afterward  rescinded. 

They  had  left  their  families  and  homes  under  a  deep  sense  of  duty 
to  their  country,  and  to  have  .sent  them  back  unaccepted  wrould  have 
caused  serious  difficulty  in  making  future  enlistments. 

By  acts  of  Congress  of  twenty-second  and  twenty-fifth  July,  1861, 
the  President  was  authorized  to  call  upon  the  several  States  for 
volunteers  to  serve  for  three  years.  Under  this  authority  requisi 
tions  were  made  on  this  State,  and  fourteen  regiments  were  promptly 
furnished.  In  the  meantime  authority  had  been  granted  by  the 
President  and  the  War  Department  to  a  number  of  individuals 
to  raise  regiments  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  which  seriously 
interfered  with  the  action  of  the  State  authorities  in  filling  requisi 
tions  regularly  made  under  the  acts  of  Congress. 

The  embarrassments  arising  from  this  conflict  of  authorities 
became  at  length  so  serious  that  I  was  constrained  to  call  the  atten 
tion  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War  to  the  subject,  by  a  com 
munication  dated  the  first  of  August,  1861,  and  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  September  following,  an  order  was  issued  requiring  these  inde 
pendent  regiments  to  report  to  the  Governor,  and  placing  them 
under  his  authority  and  control.  Acting  under  this  order,  many 
of  the  independent  regiments  were  filled  up,  others  consolidated; 
and  seventy-three  regiments,  with  an  aggregate  strength  of  89,048 
men,  were  promptly  sent  forward. 

During  the  year  1862  a  draft  was  ordered  by  the  general  govern 
ment,  which  was  executed  under  the  State  authorities. 

Of  the  quota  of  the  State,  under  the  call  of  July  7,  1862,.  forty- 
three  regiments  of  volunteers,  aggregating  40,383  men,  were  put  into 
service,  and  under  the  draft  ordered  August  4  of  the  same  year, 
fifteen  regiments,  containing  an  aggregate  force  of  15,000  men, 
organized  and  sent  forward.  During  the  same  period  nine  inde 
pendent  batteries  of  artillery  were  organized  in  the  State,  with  an 
aggregate  strength  of  1358  officers  and  men. 

It  will  be  remembered,  that  the  ardor  and  promptness  of  our 
people,  under  such  trying  circumstances,  in  pressing  the  troops  for 
ward,  was  such  as  to  call  from  the  President  especial  thanks,  and  to 
request  me  to  express  them  to  the  people  of  the  State. 

During  the  year  1863,  forty-three  thousand  and  forty-six  (43,046), 
men  were  furnished  for  the  service,  principally  to  fill  regiments  in 
the  field  which  had  been  reduced  by  the  exigencies  of  the  war. 


SOL  DIERS  OKGA  NIZE  D  />'  Y  HIM.  2  5 1 

During  the  year  1864,  under  the  various  calls  of  the  general 
government,  thirty-two  regiments,  two  battalions  and  eight  un 
attached  companies  of  different  arms  of  the  service  and  for  various 
periods,  were  organized  and  sent  to  the  field,  aggregating,  with  re- 
enlistments  in  the  field,  amounting  to  17,876,  an  aggregate  force  of 
91,704  men,  furnished  for  that  year. 

On  niy  suggestion  the  policy  of  consolidating  our  reduced  regi 
ments  and  filling  them  up  by  the  assignment  of  new  companies  was 
adopted,  and  in  1865,  under  this  system,  besides  organizing  three 
entire  new  regiments,  seventy-five  companies  were  assigned  to  re 
duced  regiments,  by  which  they  were  again  filled  to  the  regimental 
standard.  These  three  new  regiments  and  seventy-five  companies, 
with  volunteer  recruits  for  regiments  in  the  field,  reported  by  the 
superintendents  of  that  service  amounted,  in  the  aggregate,  to  25,  790 
men  for  this  year. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1862,  after  the  second  disaster  at  Bull 
Run,  it  became  evident  that  the  enemy  had  adopted  an  aggressive 
policy,  and  was  about  to  invade  the  Northern  States  through  Mary 
land  and  the  southern  border  of  Pennsylvania.  Under  the  sanction 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  on  the  eleventh  day  of  that 
month,  I  issued  my  proclamation,  calling  into  immediate  service 
50,000  of  the  free  men  of  this  State.  Under  this  call  twenty-five 
regiments  and  four  companies  of  infantry,  fourteen  unattached  com 
panies  of  cavalry,  and  four  batteries  of  artillery  were  immediately 
organized  and  sent  to  the  border,  the  greater  portion  advancing 
beyond  the  State  line  into  Maryland.  General  John  F.  Reynolds, 
at  that  period  commanding  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps,  was 
temporarily  assigned,  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  the  command  of 
these  troops,  by  whose  order  they  were  returned  to  Pennsylvania, 
and  by  my  proclamation  disbanded  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  the 
same  month.  In  acknowledgment  of  the  services  rendered  by  the 
men  of  Pennsylvania,  Major  General  McClellan,  commanding  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  by  letter  dated  the  twenty-seventh  of  Septem 
ber,  1862,  acknowledging  the  service  and  thanking  the  State,  uses 
the  following  language : 

' '  The  manner  in  which  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  responded  to 
your  call  and  hastened  to  the  defence  of  their  frontier,  no  doubt 
exercised  a  great  influence  upon  the  enemy,  and  the  Governor  of 
Maryland,  his  Excellency,  A.  W.  Bradford,  in  an  order  dated  Sep 
tember  29,  1862,  used  the  following  language  in  regard  to  these 
troops :  '  The  readiness  with  which  they  crossed  the  border  and  took 
their  stand  beside  the  Maryland  brigade,  shows  that  the  border  is 
in  all  respects  but  ah  ideal  line,  and  that  in  such  a  cause  as  now 
unites  us  Pennsylvania  and  Man-land  are  but  one.'  " 


252  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

In  the  month  of  June,  1863,  it  again  became  evident  that  the 
rebel  army  was  advancing  North,  threatening  also  the  western  border 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  that  month  I  again 
issued  my  proclamation,  calling  the  militia  of  the  State  into  imme 
diate  service.  In  the  Department  of  the  Monongahela  five  regi 
ments  of  infantry,  one  company  of  cavalry,  and  one  battery  of 
artillery,  for  ninety  days'  service,  and  one  battalion  of  infantry, 
one  battalion  of  cavalry  and  one  battery  of  artillery,  for  six  months' 
United  States  service,  were  organized.  In  the  Department  of  the 
Susquehanna  twenty-three  regiments  and  five  unattached  companies 
of  infantry,  and  two  unattached  companies  of  cavalry,  for  ninety 
days;  one  battalion  of  infantry,  one  battalion  of  cavalry,  and  four 
independent  batteries  of  artillery,  for  three  months ;  three  regiments 
of  cavalry,  two  battalions  of  infantry,  and  three  independent  batteries 
of  artillery,  for  six  months'  United  States  service,  were  organized. 

There  were  also  organized  in  this  department,  for  the  "emergency 
term,"  eight  regiments,  one  battalion  and  a  number  of  unattached 
companies  of  infantry,  two  independent  batteries  of  artillery,  and 
two  companies  of  cavalry. 

In  the  Department  of  the  Monongahela,  the  troops,  under  this 
call,  were  commanded  by  Major  General  W.  T.  H.  Brooks,  and  in 
the  Department  of  the  Susquehanna,  by  Major  General  I).  N.  Couch, 
severally  detailed  by  the  War  Department. 

The  details  of  the  services  of  the  militia  on  these  occasions,  as 
well  as  the  generous  assistance  rendered  by  the  militia  of  the  States 
of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  have  been  fully  recognized  in  previous 
messages. 

Acting  under  orders  they  did  not  hesitate  to  cross  the  State  line 
and  enter  Ohio  and  western  Virginia  in  the  West;  and  in  the  East 
they  defended  the  line  of  the  Susquehanna,  were  at  Gettysburg 
before  the  advance  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  defended  Carlisle 
successfully  when  attacked  by  a  superior  force,  made  long  marches, 
patiently  suffering  great  privations  for  the  want  of  sufficient  means 
of  transportation,  crossed  into  Maryland  when  ordered,  and  attacked 
the  enemy  successfully,  and  saved  the  capital  of  their  State  from 
destruction.  When  the  history  of  the  rebellion  is  truly  written,  no 
part  which  relates  to  Pennsylvania  will  reflect  more  credit  on  the 
patriotism,  courage  and  fidelity  of  her  people  than  their  prompt 
answer  to  the  call  made  for  military  service  for  domestic  protection. 
It  is  a  record  of  which  the  great  body  of  the  people  are  a  party,  and 
of  which  they  may  all  be  proud. 

In  July,  1864,  a  rebel  army  again  crossed  the  Potomac,  threaten 
ing  the  southern  border  and  marched  to  Washington. 


SOLnfERS  ORGANIZED  HY  HIM.  253 

Under  the  pressing  demands  of  the  national  authorities,  all  the 
organized  troops  in  Pennsylvania  were  immediately  sent  forward. 
The  rebel  army  was  defeated  and  driven  back.  A  rebel  column  of 
3000  men  had,  however,  crossed  the  border,  and,  on  the  thirtieth  of 
July,  burned  the  town  of  Chanibersburg.  In  my  message  of  last  year, 
I  stated  in  detail  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  the  circumstances 
attending  the  destruction  of  that  borough.  Although  the  people  of 
all  the  southern  border  suffered  much  from  annual  incursions  of  the 
enemy,  Chambersburg  is  the  only  town  entirely  destroyed  within 
our  border,  and,  it  is  believed,  in  any  loyal  State. 

The  citizens  of  the  town  were  suddenly  reduced  to  poverty,  and 
for  a  time  were  sustained  by  the  active  benevolence  of  the  people 
of  other  parts  of  the  State,  aided  by  an  appropriation  of  $100,000 
from  the  commonwealth.  They  have  struggled  energetically  to 
revive  from  this  calamity,  but  it  is  now  feared  that  few  of  them 
will  be  able  to  succeed.  I  submit,  therefore,  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
Legislature,  whether  it  would  not  be  proper  to  extend  to  that  people 
some  additional  relief. 

I  refer,  for  more  perfect  details  of  all  the  military  operations  of 
the  State,  to  the  reports  of  the  adjutant  general,  of  the  other  military 
departments  of  the  State,  and  to  my  previous  annual  messages.  This 
brief  military  record  would  be  imperfect  if  I  failed  to  commend  the 
fidelity,  zeal  and  industry  of  the  military  departments  of  the  State, 
and  to  express  my  personal  obligations  for  the  ready  obedience  and 
constant  support  I  have  uniformly  received  from  the  chiefs  of  the 
departments,  and  officers  of  my  personal  staff. 

An  approximate  judgment  of  the  amount  of  labor  performed  by 
these  departments,  and  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  common 
wealth,  may  be  made  when  it  is  stated  that  over  forty-three  thousand 
(43,000)  military  commissions  were  issued  during  the  war. 

The  first  request  for  troops  from  this  State  was  dated  at  Washing 
ton,  on  the  fifteenth  April,  1861,  and  on  the  sixteenth  the  telegraph 
announced  to  the  War  Department  that  over  four  thousand  men  were 
at  Harrisburg,  awaiting  marching  orders. 

It  is  our  proud  privilege  to  have  it  remembered  that  the  first 
military  aid  from  the  loyal  States  which  reached  Washington  was 
the  force  of  460  Pennsylvanians,  who  arrived  thereon  the  eighteenth 
day  of  April,  and  that,  when  the  capital  of  the  nation  was  the 
second  time  threatened,  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  the  regiments 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps  were  the  first  troops  sent  forward. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  war  to  its  close,  the  State  has  never 
faltered  in  its  support  of  the  government. 


254  ANDREW  G.  CURTIX. 

• 
STATEMENT  OF  TROOPS  FURNISHED  BY  PENNSYLVANIA. 

1861. 
Under  call  of  the  President  of  April  15,  1861,  for  three 

months   ...  20,979 

"Pennsylvania  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps,"  sent  into 
the  United  States  service  under  call  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  July  22,  1861,  for  three  years 15.856 

Organized  under  the  act  of  Congress  of  July  22,  1861 

for  three  years 93-759 

130,594 
1862. 

Under  call  of  the  President  of  July  7,  1862,  for  three 

years  (including eighteen  nine-months'  regiments),  40,383 

Organized  under  draft  ordered  August  4,  1862,  for  nine 

months I5,IO° 

Independent  companies  for  three  years i,35^ 

Recruits  forwarded  by  Superintendents  of  Recruiting 

Service 9,259 

Enlistments  in  organizations  of  other  States  and  in  the 

Regular  Army 5,°°° 

71,100 

1863. 

Organized  under  special  authority  from  War  Depart 
ment  for  three  years i  ,066 

Under  call  of  the  President  of  June,  1863  : 

For  six  months  .    .    .    4,484 
For  "  Emergency  "  .     7,062 
Recruits  forwarded  by  Superintendents  of  Recruiting 

Service 4,458 

Enlistments  in  Regular  Army 934 

Militia  called  out  in  June  for  ninety  days       25,042 

43,046 
1864. 

Re-enlistments  in  old  organizations  for  three  years  .    .  17,876 
Organized  under  special  authorities  from  War  Depart 
ment  for  three  years 9,867 

Under  call  July  27 — for  one  year 16,094 

Under  call  July  6 — for  one  hundred  days     ......     7-675 

Recruits  forwarded  by  Superintendents  of  Recruiting 

Service 26,567 

Drafted  men  and  substitutes 10,651 

Recruits  for  Regular  Army 2,974 

-  9I»7°4 


SOLDfERS  OK(,\  . 

1865. 

(Up  to  April,  when  recruiting  for  volunteers  ceased.) 
Under  call  of  the  President  of  December  19,  1864,  for 

one-vear 9,645 

Recruits  forwarded  by  Superintendents  of  Recruiting 

Service    •    • &  9,133 

Drafted  men  and  substitutes 66-- 

Recruits  for  Regular  Armv 

- ow 


25,840 


Total  number  of  men  furnished ,62  284 

The  25,000  militia,  in  service  in  September,  1862,  are  not  included 
in  the  above  statement. 

^  I  have  preferred,  in  giving  the  account  of  Governor 
Curtin's  promptness  in  furnishing  troops  to  the  army 
during  the  war,  to  let  him  tell  his  own  story  by  the 
official  records  he  has  left  behind  him.  It  assures  the 
most  complete  accuracy,  and  with  the  record  thus 
presented,  there  is  no  need  for  rhetorical  embellishment. 


BY    WILLIAM    HAYES    GRIKR. 


WILLIAM  HAYES  GRIER. 


On  the  twentieth 
of  April,  1 86 1,  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  issued 
his  proclamation 
calling  upon  the 
in  embers  of  the 
Legislature  to  meet 
in  extra  session  on 
the  thirtieth  of 
April,  1861,  at  12 
o'clock  noon. 

Before  that  date 
arrived,  Major  Gen 
eral  Robert  Patter 
son,  in  command 
at  Harper's  Ferry, 
sent  the  following 


request  to  the  Governor  : 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DEPARTMENT  OF  WASHINGTON, 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  26,  1861. 
His  Excellency,  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sir:  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  express  to  you  my  clear  and  decided 
opinion  that  the  force  at  the  disposal  of  this  Department  should  be 
increased  without  delay. 

I  therefore  have  to  request  your  Excellency  to  direct  that  twenty-five 

additional    regiments  of  infantry  and  one  regiment  of  cavalry    be 

called  forthwith  to  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

Officers  will  be  detailed  to  inspect  and  muster  these  men  into  service 

(256) 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  259 

as  soon  as  I  am  informed  of  the  points  of  rendezvous  which  may  be 
designated  by  your  Excellency. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

R.  PATTERSON,  Major  General. 

Governor  Curtin  at  once  issued  his  proclamation 
calling  upon  the  citizens  of  the  State  to  respond  to  the 
call  of  the  government,  and  the  enthusiasm  and  patriot 
ism  of  the  people  were  aroused,  and  Camp  Curtin  daily 
received  companies  from  every  section,  filled  with  good 
men,  earnest  and  anxious,  to  be  of  service  to  their 
country. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  April,  the  Legislature  assembled 
and  the  Governor  sent  in  his  message  from  which  the 
following  are  extracts  : 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  HARRISBURG,  April  30,  1861. 
To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Gentlemen:  The  present  unparalleled  exigency  in  the  affairs  of 
our  country  has  induced  me  to  call  you  together  at  this  time.  With 
an  actual  and  armed  rebellion  in  some  of  the  States  of  the  Union, 
momentous  questions  have  been  thrust  upon  us  which  call  for  your 
deliberation  and  render  it  necessary  that  you  should  devise  means 
by  legislation  for  the  maintenance  of  the  authority  of  the  general 
government,  the  honor  and  dignity  of  our  State,  the  protection  of 
our  citizens,  and  the  early  establishment  of  peace  and  order  through 
out  the  land. 

******  -X-  -x-  -x- 

The  time  is  passed  for  temporizing  or  forbearing  with  this  rebellion, 
the  most  causeless  in  history.  The  North  has  not  invaded  nor  has 
she  sought  to  invade  a  single  guaranteed  right  of  the  South.  On  the 
contrary,  all  political  parties  and  all  administrations  have  fully 
recognized  the  binding  force  of  every  provision  of  the  great  compact 
between  the  States,  and  regardless  of  our  views  of  State  policy  our 
people  have  respected  them.  To  predicate  a  rebellion,  therefore, 
upon  any  alleged  wrong  inflicted  or  sought  to  be  inflicted  upon  the 
South,  is  to  offer  falsehood  as  an  apology  for  treason.  So  will  the 
civilized  world  and  history  judge  this  mad  effort  to  overthrow  the 


260  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

• 

most  beneficent  structure    of    human   government   ever   devised  by 
man. 

The  leaders  of  the  rebellion  in  the  Cotton  States,  which  has  resulted 
in  the  setting  up  of  a  provisional  organization  assuming  to  discharge 
all  the  functions  of  governmental  power  have  mistaken  the  forbear 
ance  of  the  general  government ;  they  have  accepted  a  fraternal 
indulgence  as  an  evidence  of  weakness  and  have  insanely  looked  to 
a  united  South  and  a  divided  North  to  give  success  to  the  wild 
ambition  that  has  led  to  the  seizure  of  our  national  arsenals  and 
arms,  the  investment  and  bombardment  of  our  forts,  the  plundering 
of  our  mints,  has  invited  piracy  upon  our  commerce,  and  now  aims 
at  the  possession  of  the  national  capital.  The  insurrection  must 
now  be  met  by  force  of  arms;  and  to  re-establish  the  government 
upon  an  enduring  basis,  by  asserting  its  entire  supremacy,  to  re 
possess  the  forts  and  other  government  property  so  unlawfully  seized 
and  held;  to  ensure  personal  freedom  and  safety  to  the  people  and 
commerce  of  the  Union  in  every  section,  the  people  of  the  loyal 
States  demand  as  with  one  voice,  and  will  contend  for  as  with  one 
heart,  and  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Pennsylvania's  sons  will  answer 
the  call  to  arms,  if  need  be,  to  wrest  us  from  a  reign  of  anarchy  and 
plunder,  and  secure  for  their  children  for  ages  to  come  the  per 
petuity  of  this  government  and  its  beneficent  institutions. 

Entertaining  these  views,  and  anticipating  that  more  troops  would 
be  required  than  the  number  originally  called  for,  I  continued  to 
receive  companies  until  we  had  raised  twenty-three  regiments  in 
Pennsylvania,  all  of  which  have  been  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  United  States.  In  this  anticipation  I  was  not  mistaken.  On 
Saturday  last  an  additional  requisition  wras  made  upon  me  for 
twenty-five  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry,  and  there 
have  been  already  more  companies  tendered  them  than  will  make 
up  the  entire  complement. 

It  is  impossible  to  predict  the  lengths  to  which  "the  madness  that 
rules  the  hour"  in  the  rebellious  States  shall  lead  us,  or  when  the 
calamities  which  threaten  our  hitherto  happy  country  shall  terminate. 
We  know  that  many  of  our  people  have  already  left  the  State  in  the 
service  of  the  general  government  and  that  many  more  must  follow. 
We  have  a  long  line  of  border  on  States  seriously  disaffected  which 
should  be  protected.  To  furnish  ready  support  to  those  who  have 
gone  out  to  protect  our  borders  we  should  have  a  well-regulated 
military  force. 

I  therefore  recommend  the  immediate  organization,  disciplining 
and  arming  of  at  least  fifteen  regiments  of  cavalry  and  infantry, 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  261 

exclusive  of  those  called  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  As 
we  have  already  ample  warning  of  the  necessity  of  being  prepared 
for  any  sudden  exigency  that  may  arise,  I  cannot  too  much  im 
press  this'upon  you.  I  cannot  refrain  from  alluding  to  the  generous 
manner  in  which  the  people  of  all  parts  of  the  State  have  from  their 
private  means  provided  for  the  families  of  those  of  our  citizens  who 
are  now  under  arms.  In  many  parts  of  the  commonwealth  grand 
juries  and  court,  and  municipal  corporations  have  recommended  the 
appropriations  of  moneys  from  their  public  funds  for  the  same  com 
mendable  purpose.  I  would  recommend  the  passage  of  an  act  legal 
izing  and  authorizing  such  appropriations  and  expenditures. 

It  may  be  expected  that  in  the  present  derangement  of  trade  and 
commerce  and  the  withdrawal  of  so  much  industry  from  its  ordinary 
and  productive  channels,  the  selling  value  of  property  generally  will 
be  depreciated  and  a  large  portion  of  our  citizens  deprived  of  the 
ordinary  means  of  meeting  engagements.  Although  much  forbear 
ance  may  be  expected  from  a  generous  and  magnanimous  people, 
yet  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  recommend  the  passage  of  a  judicious  law 
to  prevent  the  sacrifice  of  property  by  forced  sales  in  the  collection 
of  debts. 

You  meet  together  at  this  special  session  surrounded  by  circum 
stances  involving  the  most  solemn  responsibilities;  the  recollections 
of  the  glories  of  the  past,  the  reflections  of  the  gloomy  present  and 
the  uncertainties  of  the  future,  all  alike  call  upon  you  to  discharge 
your  duty  in  a  spirit  of  patriotic  courage,  comprehensive  wisdom 
and  manly  resolution.  Never  in  the  history  of  our  peace-loving 
commonwealth  have  the  hearts  of  our  people  been  so  stirred  in  their 
depths  as  at  the  present  moment.  And  I  feel  that  I  need  hardly  say 
to  you  that  in  the  performance  of  your  duties  on  this  occasion  and 
in  providing  the  ways  and  means  for  the  maintenance  of  our 
country's  glory  and  our  integrity  as  a  nation  you  should  be  inspired 
by  feelings  of  self-sacrifice  kindred  to  those  which  animate  the  brave 
men  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to  the  perils  of  the  battlefield  in 
defence  of  our  nation's  flag. 

Gentlemen:  I  place  the  honor  of  the  State  in  your  hands.  And 
I  pray  that  the  Almighty  God  who  protected  our  fathers  in  their 
efforts  to  establish  this  our  great  constitutional  liberty,  who  has 
controlled  the  growth  of  civilization  and  Christianity  in  our  midst, 
may  not  now  forsake  us  ;  that  He  may  watch  over  your  counsels,  and 
may  in  His  providence  lead  those,  who  have  left  the  path  of  duty 
and  are  acting  in  open  rebellion  to  the  government,  back  again  to 
perfect  loyalty,  and  restore  peace,  harmony  and  fraternity  to  our 
distracted  country.  A.  G.  CURTIN. 


262  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

d 

On  May  first,  the  second  day  of  the  extra  session,  the 
Governor  received  the  following  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  30,  1861. 
Governor  Cur  tin  : 

Government  requires  no  more  three- months  men  at  present.  I  write 
by  mail  to-day. 

R.  PATTERSON. 

That  he  was  surprised  may  readily  be  understood 
froih  the  following : 

HARRISBURG,  May  i,  1861. 
General  R.  Patterson  : 

Your  letter  of  twenty-sixth  April  distinctly  requires  twenty-five 
additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry.  Your  dispatch 
to-night  seems  to  conflict  with  it.  Please  explain  this  evening. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

The  letter  from  Major  General  Patterson  rescinding 
the  order  for  additional  regiments,  is  as  follows  : 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DEPARTMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.,  May  i,  1861. 
To  His  Excellency  A.  G.  Curtin  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Sir:  On  the  twenty-fifth  instant,  I  addressed  yon  a  communication 
expressing  my  opinion  that  the  force  at  my  disposal  was  inadequate 
and  suggested  that  twenty-five  additional  regiments  be  added  to  the 
Pennsylvania  contingent.  vSince  that  date  other  States  have  furnished 
a  number  of  disciplined  troops  well  armed  and  sufficient  for  the 
present  requirements  of  the  service  at  the  national  capital  ;  and  it  will, 
therefore,  be  inexpedient  to  accept  the  services  of  more  three-months 
volunteers. 

The  three  companies  referred  to  in  my  communication  of  the 
twenty-eighth,  are  required  for  immediate  service  and  one  troop  will 
be  on  duty  to-morrow.  A  call  may  be  made  for  an  additional  force  of 
volunteers  to  serve  for  two  years  or  the  war  ;  but  the  authority  therefor 
will  be  provided  in  time  to  cause  no  delay  or  inconvenience. 

The  government  informs  me  that  no  more  three-months  nfen  will 
be  required,  plans  having  been  adopted  to  increase  the  army  in  a 
much  more  efficient  manner.  I  have  therefore  to  request  that  my 
suggestion  in  relation  to  additional  regiments  be  not  taken  into 
consideration.  I  see  that  you  have  recommended  to  the  Legislature 
to  keep  a  force  under  State  organization  in  readiness  for  State  defence 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  263 

and  to  respond  to  a  call  from  the  general  government.  I  do  not  doubt 
that  at  the  present  time  so  provident  a  proposition  will  meet  with  a 
ready  affirmative  response  from  a  co-ordinate  branch  of  the  State 
government  and  in  that  case  any  force  above  that  called  for  by  the 
government  and  now  collected  can  now  be  organized  and  disciplined 
under  State  laws.  This  force  will  then  be  in  a  position  to  fill  the 
future  wants  of  the  government,  and  in  best  possible  manner.  I  am,  sir, 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

R.  PATTERSON,  Major  General. 

The  countermanding  of  the  order  by  General  Patter 
son  provoked  the  Governor,  as  the  people  over  the  entire 
State  were  aroused,  and  he  feared  the  evil  effect  such  a 
course  would  have  if  more  troops  were  needed  in  the 
future.  Dispatches  from  all  sections  poured  into  Harris- 
burg  for  information  as  to  whether  the  order  was 
countermanded,  the  following  being  a  sample  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  i,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Is  it  true  that  last  requisition  of  troops  has  been  countermanded  ? 
Please  answer. 

FLANIGAN. 

HARRISBURG,  May  i,  1861. 
/.  R.  Flanigan,  Philadelphia: 
Yes,  by  order  of  General  Patterson. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

One  of  the  regiments  called  for  by  General  Patterson 
having  been  ordered  to  the  front  and  refused,  the  Gov 
ernor  appealed  to  the  War  Department : 

PENNSYLVANIA  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER, 

HARRISBURG,  PA.,  April  30,  1861. 
Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington. 

Sir :  I  received  this  evening  the  following  telegram  from  General 
Patterson  in  reply  to  one  directing  him  to  accept  a  certain  regiment. 

"PHILADELPHIA. 
"  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

"  Have  no  authority  to  receive  Colonel  Einstein's  regiment.  The 
contingent  called  for  by  the  government  has  already  been  exceeded 
and  I  can  take  no  more." 


264  ANDREW  C.  CURTIN. 

• 

Shortly  after  receiving  the  above  telegram  Captain  Simmons  in- 
formed  me  that  he  had  been  instructed  by  Major  Porter  to  stop  muster 
ing  troops,  having  more  than  was  called  for. 

On  referring  to  copy  of  General  R.  Patterson's  letter  of  twenty -sixth 
April,  1861,  herewith  sent,  you  will  note  that  I  am  called  upon 
distinctly  for  "  twenty-five  (25)  additional  regiments  of  infantry  and 
one  (i)  regiment  of  cavalry."  In  pursuance  of  this  call,  preparations 
have  been  made  to  raise  the  additional  regiments,  the  companies  are 
ready  to  march,  many  of  them  are  on  their  way  and  heavy  expenses 
have  been  incurred  by  the  people  of  the  State. 

To  publish  this  order  of  Major  Porter  will  create  intense  excitement 
throughout  the  State  and  materially  injure  the  cause,  and  destroy  the 
public  confidence  in  the  administration.  I,  therefore,  most  respectfully 
protest  against  this  act  of  Major  Porter  and  rely  on  immediate  order 
being  sent  General  Patterson  instructing  him  to  receive  the  twenty-five 
additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry,  as  per  his  letter 
of  the  twenty-sixth  April. 

Very  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

The  Governor  immediately  informed  the  Legislature 
of  the  change  of  affairs  in  the  following  message  : 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER, 
HARRISBURG,  May  2,  1861. 
To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Commonwealth 

of  Pennsylvania. 

Gentlemen  :  In  my  communication  to  you  of  the  thirtieth  April,  I 
had  the  honor  to  say  that  a  requisition  had  been  made  on  me  for 
twenty-five  additional  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry  for 
the  service  of  the  national  government ;  as  that  order  was  counter 
manded  by  a  telegraphic  dispatch  on  the  evening  of  the  thirtieth,  and 
by  a  written  order  this  morning  received  from  Major  General  Patterson, 
I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  lay  the  subject  before  you  for  your  con 
sideration. 

The  first  order  made  upon  me  by  the  federal  government  was  for 
sixteen  regiments  of  infantry,  which  by  a  subsequent  order  was 
reduced  to  fourteen.  That  order  was  filled  immediately  and  I  con 
tinued  to  receive  companies  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  my  message 
of  April  thirtieth  until  twenty-three  regiments  were  mustered  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States. 


TUP:  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  265 

I  commenced  immediately  to  raise  the  additional  force  and  a  large 
number  of  companies  was  accepted  from  different  parts  of  the  State 
and  from  which  we  had  not  taken  the  forces  to  fill  the  first  requisition  ; 
many  of  the  companies  are  here  and  on  their  way  to  this  rendezvous 
and  Camp  Wilkins,  at  Pittsburg.  The  officer  of  the  United  States 
Army  detailed  to  muster  companies  into  service  at  Pittsburg,  has  been 
withdrawn  and  no  more  companies  will  be  mustered  into  service  at  the 
different  points  of  rendezvous  established  by  the  government  in  this 
State. 


I  take  this  occasion  to  repeat  my  opinion  of  the  necessity  of  the 
immediate  organization  and  equipment  of  at  least  fifteen  regiments  as 
recommended  in  my  message  of  thirtieth  April.  Since  the  change 
in  the  order  of  the  national  government  it  becomes  more  necessary  for 
the  defence  of  our  border  and  the  protection  of  our  citizens  who  may 
soon  leave  the  State  in  the  service  of  the  federal  government.  As  the 
force  directed  to  the  national  capital  will  be  very  much  diminished  it 
is  eminently  proper  that  a  portion  of  our  people  fully  prepared  for  any 
emergency  should  follow  their  advance  and  if  necessity  should  occur 
march  to  their  relief. 

I  am  most  happy  to  find  that  Major  General  Patterson  in  the  letter 
communicated  with  this  message  seems  fully  to  concur  in  this  opinion  : 
his  experience  and  knowledge  of  military  affairs  with  his  high  com 
mand  under  the  federal  government  render  any  expression  of  opinion 
from  such  a  quarter  worthy  of  the  highest  consideration. 

I  submit  these  facts  which  have  transpired  since  my  message  of  the 
thirtieth  ultimo  to  aid  you  in  your  deliberations  upon  the  weighty 
issues  involved. 

A.  G.  CURTIX. 

The  War  Department  appeared  to  be  unaware  of  the 
action  of  General  Patterson,  and  as  late  as  May  4  the 
Secretary  sent  the  following : 

WASHINGTON,  May  4,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curt  in  : 

General  Patterson  had  no  authority  to  make  any  requisition  on  you 
for  twenty -five  additional  regiments,  and  you  will  understand  me  to 
say  distinctly  they  cannot  be  mustered  into  service  in  a  day  or  two. 
Another  call  will  be  made  for  a  large  number  of  troops  to  serve  during 
the  war,  and  Pennsylvania  will  have  her  quota  to  supply  under  that 
call,  and  is  confidently  relied  on  to  do  so. 

SIMON  CAMERON. 


266  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

% 

The  Governor  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  being  made 
the  victim  of  a  conflict  of  authority,  and  responded  in 
the  following  emphatic  and  patriotic  message  : 

HARRISBURG,  May  6,  1861. 
Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Washington,  D.  C.  : 

I  received  your  dispatch.  General  Patterson  anticipated  you  by  the 
countermand  of  his  order  for  twenty-five  additional  regiments.  It 
would  be  well  for  me  to  understand  how  authority  is  divided,  so  that 
we  can  move  with,  certainty,  and  the  ardor  of  the  people  of  this  State 
should  not  be  again  cooled  by  changes.  I  will  be  guided  by  my 
powers  under  the  Constitution,  and  as  thus  directed  will  obey  the 
orders  of  the  federal  government.  Pennsylvania  will  answer  to  any 
requisition  made  on  her. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

WASHINGTON,  May  7,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Your  dispatch  of  yesterday  is  at  hand,  and  I  have  the  honor  to  reply 
that  this  department  recognizes  no  divided  authority,  and  its  authority 
is  paramount  to  that  of  General  Patterson's,  who  in  making  the  requi 
sition  upon  you  acted  without  its  knowledge  or  advice. 

SIMON  CAMERON. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  May  Governor  Curtin  sent  a  mes 
sage  to  the  War  Department  with  the  information  that 
the  bill  creating  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps  had 
been  signed,  and  asked  to  have  Captain  S.  G.  Simmons, 
United  States  Army,  detailed  to  muster  them  into  the 
State  service. 

The  permission  was  granted  and  the  duty  performed 
by  Captain  Simmons. 

On  June  21,  1861,  General  Winfield  Scott  requested 
Governor  Curtin  to  send  two  Pennsylvania  regiments  to 
Cumberland,  Md.,  to  support  the  Eleventh  Indiana, 
under  command  of  Colonel  Lew  Wallace,  and  in  a  few 
hours,  on  the  same  day,  Colonel  Charles  J.  Biddle,  in 
command  of  the  Bucktails,  and  Colonel  S.  G.  Simmons, 
in  command  of  the  Fifth  Reserves,  were  on  the  march. 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  267 

These  regiments  arrived  at  the  State  line,  about  five 
miles  from  Cumberland,  in  two  days,  and  established  a 
camp  named  u  Mason  and  Dixon  "  and  remained  there 
two  weeks.  The  troops  had  not  been  sworn  into  the 
United  States  service,  and  when  the  order  came  to  march 
into  Maryland  and  on  to  Piedmont,  Va.,  no  question 
was  raised,  but  the  order  was  cheerfully  and  willingly 
obeyed. 

While  in  Camp  Mason  and  Dixon  the  news  arrived 
of  the  election  of  Colonel  Biddle  to  fill  the  vacancy 
occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  E.  Joy  Morris,  but  he 
did  not  leave  his  command  until  December,  1861. 

Governor  Curtin  was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  have 
the  government  accept  the  reserve  regiments,  and  on 
June  24  sent  Colonel  John  A.  Wright,  an  aide  on  his 
staff,  to  interview  the  Secretary  of  Wrar  on  the  subject. 
The  Colonel  reported  in  the  following  letters. 

The  Governor  at  once  ordered  the  regiments  recruited 
to  the  maximum,  and  the  two  regiments  in  Camp  Mason 
and  Dixon  and  those  in  camps  in  the  State  sent  out 
recruiting  sergeants,  and  in  a  few  days  every  company 
in  the  entire  division  had  a  full  complement  of  one 
hundred  and  one  men  : 

WASHINGTON,  June  25,  :86i. 
His  Excellency,  A.  G.  Curtin, 

Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sir:  I  had  an  interview  with  General  S.  Cameron,  Secretary  of 
War,  this  morning. 

He  declines  taking  any  action  in  the  matter  of  mustering  in  three- 
months  men  into  the  three-year  service  to  fill  up  requisition  on  you 
for  ten  or  thirteen  regiments,  prefering  to  await  the  action  of  Con 
gress,  which  meets  on  the  fourth  of  July  next. 

He  would  accept  at  once  the  fifteen  regiments  of  your  Reserve 
Corps,  if  made  up  to  the  maximum  in  accordance  writh  General  Orders 
No.  15,  but  positively  declines,  from  want  of  authority,  to  accept  any 
officer  higher  than  colonel,  as  indicated  in  that  order. 


268  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

He  does  not  desire  you  to  prepare,  but  recommend!  your  procuring 
tents  and  necessary  camp  equipage. 

General  Cameron  desires  an  immediate  answer  whether  your  fifteen 
regiments  of  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps  will  be  offered  on  condition 
specified.  I  am,  .sir, 

Yours  respectfully, 

JOHN  A.  WRIGHT,  Aide. 

Dear  Sir :  I  send  you  herewith  report  of  an  interview  with  General 
Cameron,  which  is  decisive,  and  on  which  you  will  have  to  act. 

General  Cameron  thinks  he  has  taken  responsibility  enough  and 
will  await  action  of  Congress.  He  thinks  if  three-months  men  go 
home,  they  will  in  a  short  time,  when  another  call  is  made,  be  the 
more  anxious  to  re-enlist. 

As  to  taking  your  major  general  and  brigadier,  says  he  would  not 
do  it  if  General  Jackson  was  the  major  general.  As  to  this  point  he 
seems  absolutely  positive  on  the  ground  of  having  no  authority  to  do 
so,  though  at  same  time  spoke  favorably  of  McCall  and  Riddle. 

This  leaves  you  in  position  of  twenty-five  regiments  disbanded  at  end 
of  three  months'  service  and  fifteen  regiments  on  your  hand,  refused  by 
Secretary  of  War,  unless  on  the  condition  stated,  and  no  representa 
tion  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  However,  General  Cameron 
intends  recommending  a  large  increase  in  the  army,  and  under  it,  if 
ordered  by  Congress,  we  will  of  course  have  a  representation.  This 
may  be  or  not  before  the  disbandment  of  our  present  forces.  My 
impression  is  the  department  here  have  scarcely  any  defined  plan  for 
the  future  and  cannot  have  until  the  action  of  Congress. 

The  refusal  to  take  your  major  and  brigadier  generals  is  not  peculiar 
to  Pennsylvania,  but  the  necessity  has  been  forced  on  them  on  account 
of  the  pressure  from  nearly  all  the  States  to  force  all  kinds  of  men 
on  the  government. 

I  sent  you  copy  of  enclosed  letter  yesterday  by  telegraph,  General 
Cameron  desiring  immediate  answrer,  saying  he  is  holding  back  from 
accepting  regiments  until  this  matter  is  definitely  settled  with  you. 

You  had  better  telegraph  General  Cameron  as  soon  as  you  receive 
this,  deciding  at  once  what  you  will  do. 

To  make  a  resume.  The  case  stands,  if  you  accept  the  offer  the 
major  and  brigadier  generals  are  left  on  your  hand,  and  the  twenty- 
five  regiments  disbanded  at  end  of  three  months'  service,  and  you  have 
fifteen  regiments  in  service.  If  you  refuse  the  offer  you  have  the 
fifteen  regiments  on  hand,  well  officered,  and  twenty-five  regiments 
disbanded,  unless  they  may  be  affected  by  action  of  Congress.  I  read 
my  official  letter  to  you  of  this  date  to  General  Cameron  and  he 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  269 

approves  it.  I  will  await  your  answer.  Telegraph  me  at  same  time 
you  answer  Cameron.  In  this  state  of  things  there  is  of  course  no  use 
talking  about  clothing,  tents  or  wagons.  But  if  the  fifteen  regiments 
go  into  the  United  States  service  the  United  States  will  provide  wagons, 
and  you  are  desired  to  procure  tents  and  necessary  camp  equipage. 

Yours,  etc., 
WASHINGTON.  June  25,  1861.  JOHN  A.  WRIGHT. 

These  letters  indicated  a  willingness  to  accept  the 
Reserves,  but  under  no  consideration  would  General 
McCall  be  taken.  The  Governor  wanted  to  preserve  the 
unity  of  the  division  and  prevent  it  from  being  scattered 
all  over  the  country,  and  to  that  end  urged  the  accept 
ance  of  General  McCall.  He  sent  Colonel  Wright  again 
to  Washington,  and  the  following  correspondence  ensued : 

WASHINGTON,  July  13,  1861. 
His  Excellency,  A.  G.  Curt  in,  Governor: 

In  accordance  with  your  instructions.  I  proceeded  to  Washington 
on  the  twelfth  of  July  and  had  an  interview  with  the  Secretary  of  War, 
the  conclusion  of  which  was  an  offer  to  accept  the  thirteen  regiments 
of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry  from  your  Reserve  Corps  ;  also  two 
additional  regiments  of  infantry.  He  declined  accepting  the  regi 
ment  of  artillery,  not  requiring  it  for  the  United  States  service.  The 
Secretary  of  War  declined  accepting  the  corps  as  a  whole,  with  its 
major  general  and  staff,  on  the  ground  of  having  established  that  as  a 
rule  with  other  States. 

He,  therefore,  through  me,  makes  a  requisition  on  you  for,  as  above  : 
fifteen  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry. 
Yours  respectfully, 

JOHN  A.  WRIGHT,  Aide-de-Camp. 

Private.  WASHINGTON,  July  13,  1861. 

Governor  A.  G.  Cnrtin,  Harrisburg : 

(Strictly  confidential.)  The  Secretary  of  War  agrees  to  take  fifteen 
regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  cavalry.  Will  furnish  equipments 
to  cavalry  regiment.  Cannot  use  an  artillery  regiment.  Will  appoint 
the  general  a  brigadier  general  in  volunteer  force  for  the  war.  Will 
send  orders  at  once  to  have  the  men  mustered  into  service  of  the 
United  States.  I  advise  your  acceptance.  Colonels  Ball  and  Scott 
unite  with  me.  I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  stay  longer  and  will 
return  this  afternoon,  JOHN  A.  WRIGHT. 


2  yo  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

HARRISBUR^,  July  13,  1861. 
To  John  A.   Wright,  Esq.  : 

Say  to  the  Secretary,  with  my  thanks  for  the  offer  of  brigadier  gen. 
eral,  that  I  decline  it,  as  I  cannot  consent  to  be  a  bar  in  the  way  of 
the  reception  of  these  regiments.  I  have  also  resigned  the  command 
of  the  corps. 

GEO.  A.  McCAU,. 

HARRISBURG,  July  13,  1861. 
To  Colonel  John  A .  Wright,  War  Department : 

Your  dispatch  as  to  fifteen  regiments  satisfactory  except  as  to  num 
ber.  Do  you  mean  fifteen  of  infantry  and  artillery  and  cavalry  in 
addition  ?  The  acceptance  of  a  brigadiership  by  General  McCall 
would  deprive  him  of  the  command  of  the  corps,  and  cause  great  dis 
satisfaction,  and  give  us  all  much  trouble,  and  under  all  the  circum 
stances,  with  which  you  are  familiar,  would  not  be  satisfactory.  I  do 
sincerely  hope  this  question  may  be  settled.  You  know  how  much 
spirit  it  will  give  the  officers  and  men  if  the  proper  grade  is  given 
McCall  and  the  approbation  it  will  receive  from  the  people  of  the 
State.  I  am  only  desirous  of  giving  the  government  the  full  power 
of  the  State  and  have  no  selfish  purposes  to  subserve. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

After  General  McDowell  had  started  on  his  march 
toward  Bull  Run,  Governor  Cur  tin  again  offered  the 
Reserves  to  the  government,  and  this  time  they  were 
accepted  without  conditions : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  19,  r86r. 
Governor  Cur  tin  : 

The  Secretary  of  War  desires  me  to  communicate  the  following  as 
his  instructions  :  With  the  exceptions  of  the  regiments  of  Colonels  Bid- 
die  and  Simmons,  assemble  at  once  all  other  regiments,  given  in  your 
dispatch  of  yesterday,  at  Harrisburg,  where  they  will  be  immediately 
mustered  into  service.  They  will  then  immediately  proceed  to  the 
seat  of  war  as  previously  ordered.  Their  services  being  imperatively 
demanded  there.  If  it  is  not  done  promptly  these  regiments  will  be 
prevented  from  taking  part  in  the  battle  and  the  responsibility  will  rest 
on  yourself. 

Iv.  THOMAS,  Adjutant  General. 

This  pleased  the  Governor.  He  had  accomplished  his 
object,  and  replied  as  follows  : 


THE  PENNS  YL  VANIA  RESER  VES.  2  7 1 

HARRISBURG,  July  19,  1861. 
To  Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War : 

All  the  regiments  have  been  ordered  to  Harrisburg,  in  obedience  to 
your  dispatch,  just  received,  and,  on  arrival,  will  be  immediately  for 
warded  to  the  seat  of  war,  as  previously  ordered.  If  there  is  not  time 
to  muster  them  in  at  this  place  mustering  officers  can  follow  them  to 
the  field. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

The  Governor  used  every  endeavor  to  concentrate  the 
Reserves,  but  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  fought  in  two 
days  after  he  received  notice  of  their  acceptance,  and 
the  disaster  attending  our  army  in  that  engagement 
made  the  authorities  at  Washington  frantic,  as  the  fol 
lowing  dispatches  from  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  As 
sistant  Secretary  of  War,  attest : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  21,  1861. 
Hon.  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

Get  your  regiments  at  Harrisburg,  Easton  and  other  points  ready 
for  immediate  shipment.  Lose  no  time  preparing.  Make  things 
move  to  the  utmost. 

THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  21,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Forward  all  you  can  to-night ;  transportation  will  be  provided  by  the 
Northern  Central  Company.  Press  forward  all  available  force. 

THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  21,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Do  not  lose  a  moment  in  loading  Wisconsin  and  your  own  regi 
ments.  Start  them  before  daylight  in  the  morning. 

THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  21,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Stop  regiment  at  Greencastle  and  send  it  to  Washington  to-night. 
Do  not  fail. 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  21,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

I  will  do  all  I  can  for  them.     Send  on  the  men. 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 


272  ANDREW  G.    CUR  TIN. 

HARRISBURG,  July  21,  1861. 
Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,   Washington,  D.  C.  : 

One  regiment  left  for  Washington  at  noon  ;  one  from  Pittsburg  and 
one  from  West  Chester  have  just  arrived.  One  from  Pittsburg  and 
two  from  Easton  will  arrive  to-morrow.  The  others  as  rapidly  as  they 
can  be  transported  to  and  from  this  place. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1861. 
A.  G.  Cur  tin  : 

To-morrow  won't  do  for  your  regiments.  We  must  have  them  to 
night.  Load  them  to-night.  It  is  of  utmost  importance. 

T.  A.  vScoTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1861. 
A.  G.  Curtin  : 

Let  me  know  how  your  regiments  are  moving.  .  What  have  you 
started,  and  how  fast  will  they  leave 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.   Curtin  : 

Mustering  will  receive  attention  here.  We  understand  your  regi 
ments  have  arms  and  accoutrements.  Please  give  me  immediately 
the  number  of  regiment  and  colonel  commanding  that  reached  Balti 
more  last,  and  like  information  in  regard  to  all  other  regiments.  This 
is  important  in  order  to  give  them  instructions  on  the  way.  Send 
troops  rapidly.  Has  the  Wisconsin  regiment  received  their  arms  ? 
When  will  they  leave  Harrisburg?  Answer. 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 

HARRISBURG,  July  22,  1861. 
Hon.  Sitnon  Catneron,   Washington  : 

Will  you  send  direct  order  to  Colonel  John  S.  McCalmont  at  this 
office  to  march  his  regiment  forthwith  to  Baltimore  ?  The  cars  are 
waiting  for  him  and  he  refuses  to  march. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1861. 
Hon.  A.  ('.  Curtin  : 

Please  have  following  official  order  delivered  to  Colonel  John  S.  Mc 
Calmont :  "  War  Department. — To  Colonel  J.  S.  McCalmont. — You 
will  provide  transportation  and  proceed  direct  to  Washington  \\itli 
your  regiment." 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretarv  of  War. 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  273 

HARRISBURG,  July  22,  1861. 
Colonel  T.  A.  Scott,   Washington  : 

Our  regiments  are  uniformed,  armed  and  equipped.  Fourth  Regi 
ment,  Colonel  Robert  G.  March  commanding,  arrived  in  Baltimore 
last  night.  First  Regiment,  same  corps,  Colonel  R.  B.  Roberts  com 
manding,  and  Eighth  Regiment,  Colonel  George  S.  Hays  command 
ing,  are  between  here  and  Baltimore.  Tenth  Regiment,  Colonel  J.  S. 
McCalmont  commanding,  and  Seventh,  Colonel  E.  B.  Harvey  com 
manding,  will  also  arrive  in  Baltimore  this  evening.  Will  see  and 
advise  you  about  Wisconsin  regiment. 

A.  G.  CURTIN. 

HARRISBURG,  July  22,  1861. 
Hon.  Simon  Cameron,  Washington  : 

I  have  seen  your  letter  to  Mr.  Chase,  of  seventeenth  date.  Under  the 
circumstances  I  cheerfully  accept  the  commission  of  brigadier  general, 
offered  by  yourself,  and  shall  leave  without  delay  for  Washington.  I 
take  with  me  my  staff,  Major  H.  J.  Biddle,  assistant  adjutant  general, 
and  lieutenants,  H.  A.  Scheetz  and  E.  McConkey,  aides-de-camp,  trust 
ing  you  wrill  appoint  the  former,  who  is  a  gentleman  highly  qualified 
by  West  Point  education. 

GEO.  A. 


HARRISBURG,  July  22,  1861. 
T.  A.  Scott,   Washington,  D.  C.  : 

Two  of  our  regiments  besides  the  one  sent  yesterday  are  just  leav 
ing  Bridgeport,  9  a.  in.  Should  have  left  at  I  and  6  a.  m.  Cause  of 
delay  in  one  case,  giving  out  of  an  engine  and  burning  of  the  regi 
ment's  baggage  car  on  Pennsylvania  Railroad  ;  in  the  second  case, 
failure  of  Northern  Central  Railroad  to  furnish  cars.  Two  more  of 
our  regiments  will  leave  this  morning  ;  one  as  soon  as  cars  are  fur 
nished  by  Northern  Central  Railroad,  which  will  be  about  10  o'clock, 
the  other  as  soon  as  Pennsylvania  Railroad  arrives  with  it  from  West 
Chester.  Please  have  an  order  sent  from  the  proper  authority  for  the 
mustering  officers  to  follow  our  regiments  and  complete  their  enlist 
ment  in  the  United  States  service. 

A.  G.  CURTIX. 

HARRISBURG,  July  23,  1861. 
Thos.  A.  Scott,  Washington  : 

One  regiment  left  to-day,  for  Washington,  and  one  is  on  the  way  as 
far  as  Greencastle,  two  will  leave  here  to-morrow,  and  a  third  for 
Hagerstown.  All  the  other  regiments  of  the  Reserve  Corps  are  ordered 
here  and  will  be  forwarded  from  here  as  rapidly  as  transportation  can 
be  furnished.  The  regiments  are  in  very  fine  condition,  except  their 
arms.  A.  G.  CURTIN. 

18 


274  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

WASHINGTON,  July  23,  1861. 
A.  G.  Curt  in  : 

Glad  to  hear  Ricketts  is  on  the  way,  also  that  you  will  send  three 
more  regiments  from  Pennsylvania  to-day.  Pennsylvania  is  respond 
ing  nobly. 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  23,  1861. 
J.  D.  Cameron  : 

We  heard  a  regiment  was  at  Greencastle  ;  if  so,  we  want  it  here. 
Who  was  colonel  that  refused  to  go  when  transportation  was  ready  ? 

T.  A.  SCOTT. 

HARPER'S  FKRRV,  July  23,  1861. 
His  Excellency,  A.  G.  Cur  tin  : 

Will  you  send  a  regiment  of  the  reserve  force  of  Pennsylvania  to 
Hagerstown  for  the  protection  of  the  supplies  at  that  place  ?  I  desire 
to  remove  at  once  the  force  now  at  that  point. 

R.  PATTERSON,  Major  General. 

WASHINGTON,  July  24,  1861. 
His  Excellency,  Governor  Cur  tin  : 

The  Secretary  of  War  desires  that  the  remainder  of  the  thirteen 
Pennsylvania  regiments  be  sent  to  Major  General  Banks  at  Harper's 
Ferry.     Please  report  to  the  secretary  as  you  send  them.     By  order, 
GEO.  M.  RUGGL,ES,  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

NEW  CREEK  BRIDGE,  Va.,  July  25,  1861. 
Governor  Cur  tin  : 

We  trust,  Governor,  that  you  will  have  us  ordered  to  join  General 
McCall's  division  at  Washington.  The  Ohio  troops  are  near  enough 
to  amply  protect  this  line. 

CHAS.  J.  BIDDLE,  Colonel  Commanding. 

PIEDMONT,  Va.,  July  25,  1861. 
Major  General  McCall : 

The  Ohio  troops  are  in  force  at  the  next  station  west  of  us  ;  trans 
portation  has  been  provided  for  4000  men  as  far  as  Cumberland,  this 
evening  or  to-morrow  Now  that  we  are  no  longer  needed,  shall  we 
not  be  ordered  to  fight  under  you  in  defence  of  our  homes? 

THOMAS  L.  KANE. 

WASHINGTON,  July  25,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

The  Secretary  of  War  directs  me  to  say  to  you  that  he  will  take  the 
batteries  of  artillery,  if  soon  ready.  A  battery  at  a  time  as  equipped. 

GEO.  A.  McCAU,. 


THE  PENNS  YL  VA  NIA  RESER  VES.  275 

WASHINGTON,  July  26,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

Please  dispatch  orders  to  Colonel  C.  J.  Biddle's  regiment,  and  the 
other  from  Pennsylvania,  lately  at  Cumberland,  to  hasten  to  Harper's 
Ferry.  WIN  FIELD  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  26,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

The  Secretary  is  much  gratified  with  the  prompt  response  from 
Pennsylvania.  He  has  ordered  General  Meigs  this  morning  to  author 
ize  you  to  secure  cavalry  horses  for  new  regiment,  to  be  inspected  at 
Harrisburg  by  Captain  Hastings.  Get  them  together  promptly  and 
let  us  have  a  crack  regiment — now  is  the  time  to  redeem  Pennsylvania. 

THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  26,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

I  have  attended  to  you  by  mail.  A  formal  requisition  for  full  regi 
ment  of  artillery,  fully  equipped,  guns  and  all,  as  authorized  by  your 
war  bill,  if  furnished  within  twenty  days  ;  also  to  send  on  at  once 
Campbell's  battery,  if  it  is  organized  and  in  condition  for  immediate 
service.  Can  I  do  anything  more  for  you  ? 

Have  started  a  movement  this  afternoon  to  have  the  arms  of  your 
regiments  inspected,  and  if  deficient,  good  ones  to  be  furnished.  Will 
do  what  I  can  to  push  it  through. 

THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

WASHINGTON,  July  26,  1 86 1. 
Hon.  A.  G.  Curtin : 

When  may  we  expect  the  Pennsylvania  i3th,  I4th  and  I5th  regi 
ments  of  infantry  to  be  ready  ?  Give  names  of  colonels  and  place 
where  orders  will  reach  them.  When  will  cavalry  be  ready  ?  Please 
answer  immediately.  THOS.  A.  SCOTT. 

BEDFORD,  July  28,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Colonel  Biddle's  regiment  arrived  here  at  2  this  afternoon  and  will 
go  on  or  not  this  evening  as  weather  may  permit.  Colonel  Simmons' 
regiment  not  expected  before  noon  to-morrow.  The  whole  expect  to 
take  railroad  at  Hopewell  for  Baltimore. 

FR.  JORDAN. 

WASHINGTON,  July  29,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curtin: 

You  are  right  in  paying  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps  up  to  time  when 
regiments  received  marching  orders  from  this  department. 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretarv  of  War. 


276  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

HUNTINGDON, «July  30,  1861. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curtin  : 

Colonel  Biddle's  regiment  left  here  to-day  at  3.30  for  Harrisburg. 
Second  will  leave  about  same  time  to-morrow. 

J.  J.  LAWRENCE. 

HoPEWELI,,  July  31,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

Colonel  Simmons'  regiment  leaves  at  12  o'clock  noon.  Wagons 
will  follow  soon  on  cars.  I  will  return  to-night. 

FRANK  JORDAN. 

And  this  crowning  dispatch  from  General  McCall 
showed  that  Governor  Curtin  had  succeeded  in  preserv 
ing  the  unity  of  the  division,  and  that  General  McCall 
was  to  lead  the  Reserves  : 

WASHINGTON,  August  i,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin  : 

General  McClellan  has  placed  the  Reserve  Corps  intact  under  my 
command  and  desires  me  to  request  Your  Excellency  to  send  forward 
the  1 2th  Regiment,  Colonel  Taggart,  and  the  battalion  of  artillery, 
Captain  Campbell,  to  report  to  me  without  delay.  I  request  you  to 
send  with  Campbell  the  two  James  guns,  ammunition,  etc.,  and 
eighteen  bronze  guns.  The  government  will  furnish  horses  at  once. 
Please  also  send  forward  Major  Owen  Jones  and  his  men,  and  Captain 
Clymer's  company  and  the  other  companies  of  cavalry  as  fast  as 
organized. 

GEO.  A.  McCAivL. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  Adjutant  Gen 
eral's  report  of  1861  : 

At  the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  convened  on  the  thirtieth  of 
April,  in  pursuance  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Governor,  was  passed 
the  Act  of  May  15,  1861,  for  organizing  the  "  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps 
of  the  Commonwealth,"  to  be  composed  of  thirteen  regiments  of 
infantry,  one  regiment  of  cavalry  and  one  regiment  of  light  artillery. 

This  corps,  under  the  direction  of  Major  General  George  A.  McCall, 
was  speedily  organized,  and  in  conformity  with  law  was  placed  for 
military  instruction  in  camps  at  Easton,  West  Chester,  Pittsburg  and 
Harrisburg. 

The  exigencies  of  the  service  required  that  this  force  not  long  remain 
inactive,  for  on  the  twenty-second  of  June,  two  regiments  commanded 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  277 

by  Colonel  Charles  J.  Biddle  and  Colonel  S.  G.  Simmons,  and  two 
companies  of  artillery  under  Captain  Campbell,  were  ordered  to  Cum 
berland,  Md.,  to  reinforce  the  nth  Indiana  Regiment,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Wallace.  These  troops  rendered  important  service  at  New 
Creek,  Piedmont,  etc.,  in  Western  Virginia,  until  ordered  to  the  lower 
Potomac.  On  the  twenty-second  day  of  July,  the  day  after  the  mem 
orable  disaster  at  Bull  Run,  a  requisition  was  made  on  this  State  for 
the  immediate  service  of  its  "Reserve  Corps."  This  urgent  demand 
of  the  general  government  resulted  in  sending,  as  rapidly  as  means  for 
their  transportation  could  be  furnished,  about  11,000  of  those  troops, 
fully  armed  and  equipped,  to  the  timely  relief  of  the  national  capital. 
Within  a  few  days  after  this  the  entire  body  was  mustered  into  the 
United  States  service.  The  time  for  these,  and  all  subsequent  enlist 
ments,  was  for  three  years  of  the  war.  The  aggregate  number  of  offi 
cers  and  men  in  these  regiments  is  15,856. 

The  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps  of  Pennsylvania,  organ 
ized  by  Act  of  Pennsylvania  Legislature,  of  May  15, 
1861,  and  called  into  United  States  service  July  22, 
1861  : 

Regiment.  Original  Commander. 

First  Reserves  (Thirtieth) Colonel  R.  Biddle  Roberts. 

Second  Reserves  (Thirty-first)    .    .    .  Colonel  William  B.  Mann. 
Third  Reserves  (Thirty -second)  .    .    .  Colonel  H.  G.  Sickles. 
Fourth  Reserves  (Thirty-third)  .    .    .  Colonel  Robert  G.  March. 
Fifth  Reserves  (Thirty-fourth)    .    .    .  Colonel  S.  G.  Simmons. 
Sixth  Reserves  (Thirty -fifth)  ....  Colonel  W.  W.  Ricketts. 
Seventh  Reserves  (Thirty -sixth)     .    .  Colonel  E.  B.  Harvey. 
Eighth  Reserves  (Thirty-seventh)     .  Colonel  George  S.  Hays. 
Ninth  Reserves  (Thirty-eighth)  .    .    .  Colonel  C.  F.  Jackson. 
Tenth  Reserves  (Thirty-ninth)    .    .    .  Colonel  J.  S.  McCalmont. 
Eleventh  Reserves  (Fortieth)  ....  Colonel  T.  F.  Gallagher. 
Twelfth  Reserves  (Fort}-- first)     .    .    .  Colonel  J.  H.  Taggart. 
Thirteenth  Reserves  (Forty-second)  .  Colonel  C.  J.  Biddle. 
Fourteenth  Reserves  (Forty-third)    .  Colonel  C.  F.  Campbell. 
Fifteenth  Reserves  (Forty-fourth)     .  Colonel  George  D.  Bayard. 
Aggregate  strength,  15,856. 

Thus  ends  the  history  of  the  origin,  organization  and 
acceptance  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  a  division  that 
was  unique,  from  the  fact  that  every  county  in  the  State 


278  ANDRF^W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

was  represented  in  its  ranks.  Every  man  before  being 
enlisted  was  compelled  to  pass  the  ordeal  of  a  physical 
examination,  in  such  a  condition  that  the  least  blemish 
on  his  person  could  be  easily  detected. 

No  one  can  read  the  messages  of  the  Governor,  together 
with  the  correspondence  and  dispatches  herewith  pre 
sented,  and  for  a  moment  doubt  as  to  who  conceived  and 
suggested  the  grand  idea  of  organizing  the  Reserve  Corps. 

These  papers  are  authentic,  being  transcribed  from  the 
records  in  the  Adjutant  General's  Office,  and  are  pub 
lished  as  much  as  a  matter  of  preservation  as  well  as  to 
give  due  credit  to  the  memory,  wisdom  and  foresight  of 
Pennsylvania's  great  War  Governor.  But  little  com 
ment  accompanies  these  historical  papers,  as  the  reader 
will  be  able  to  make  his  own  deductions,  the  chain  of 
the  narrative  being  complete. 

An   Act  authorizing  the  organization    of  the  Reserve  Volunteer 
Corps.     Approved  bv  Governor  Curtin,  May  /J.  1861. 

SKCTION  i. — That  the  commander-in-chief,  in  conjunction  with 
the  officers  composing  the  grand  staff  of  the  militia  of  this  common 
wealth,  are  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  organize  a  military 
corps,  to  be  called  the  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps  of  the  Commonwealth, 
and  to  be  composed  of  thirteen  regiments  of  infantry,  and  one  regi 
ment  of  cavalry,  and  one  regiment  of  light  artillery.  The  said  regi 
ment  shall  severally  be  composed  of  companies  of  like  number,  and 
to  be  armed  and  equipped,  clothed,  disciplined,  governed  and 
officered  as  similar  troops  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
shall  be  enlisted  in  the  service  of  the  State  for  a  period  not  exceed 
ing  three  years,  or  for  the  war,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  shall 
be  liable  to  be  called  into  the  service  of  this  State  at  such  times  as 
the  commander-in-chief  may  deem  their  services  necessary  for  the 
purpose  of  suppressing  insurrections  or  to  repel  invasions,  and 
further  to  be  liable  to  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  at  such  times  as  requisitions  may  be  made  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States. 

SECTION  2. — That  the  commander-in-chief,  in  conjunction  with 
the  officers  aforesaid,  shall  cause  two  or  more  camps  of  instruction, 


THE  PENNSYLVANIA  RESERVES.  279 

not  exceeding  eight,  to  he  formed  in  different  sections  of  the  State 
for  the  accommodation  and  instruction  of  said  troops;  and  the 
governor  shall  appoint  suitable  officers,  or  drill  masters,  with  the 
rank  and  pay  of  captain,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  instruct  such 
troops  in  the  military  art,  conforming,  as  near  as  may  be,  to  the 
plan  of  instruction,  rules,  regulations  and  discipline  adopted  for 
similar  troops  in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

SECTION  3. — That  the  commander-in-chief  shall  cause  the  troops 
aforesaid  to  be  drilled  and  instructed,  in  such  encampments,  for 
and  during  such  periods  of  time  as  he  may  deem  necessary  to 
perfect  them  in  the  military  art. 

SECTION  4. — That  the  said  corps  shall  receive  the  same  pay  and 
rations  when  under  such  instructions  in  said  camps,  or  in  the  active 
service  of  the  State  as  similar  troops  receive  when  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  said  troops  shall,  when  not  under  such 
instruction  in  camp,  or  in  the  service  of  the  State  or  United  States, 
at  all  times  hold  themselves  in  readiness  at  their  respective  resi 
dences  to  be  called  into  the  service  of  the  State,  or  upon  requisition 
of  the  President  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be 
required  to  provide  and  keep  in  repair  suitable  armories  for  the 
safe  keeping  and  preservation  of  their  arms  and  accoutrements. 

SECTION  5. — That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  commander-in-chief 
and  adjutant  general  to  procure  and  furnish  arms  and  accoutrements, 
and  a  uniform  dress  suitable  for  said  troops,  at  the  charge  of  the 
State;  and  the  captains  of  the  several  companies  composing  said 
regiments  shall  be  required  to  receipt  to  the  adjutant  general  for 
said  arms,  accoutrements  and  uniform  dress,  and  shall  further  give 
bond  to  the  commonwealth,  with  surety  in  such  sum  as  the  governor 
shall  direct,  to  be  approved  by  the  president  judge  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas  of  the  county  in  which  such  captains  may  reside, 
conditioned  for  safe  keeping  and  delivery  over  to  the  adjutant 
general  of  such  arms  and  accoutrements  as  may  be  received  by  them 
for  their  respective  companies,  upon  demand  legally  made  by  the 
adjutant  general,  and  the  said  bonds,  when  so  approved,  shall  be 
filed  in  the  office  of  the  adjutant  general. 

SECTION  6. — That  the  several  companies  and  regiments  composing 
said  volunteer  corps  shall  be  entitled  to  elect,  and  the  governor  shall 
commission,  officers  similar  in  number  and  rank  to  those  allowed 
like  troops  in  the  army  of  the  United  States;  provided,  that  the 
governor  shall  have  powrer  to  appoint  and  commission  chaplains 
for  said  corps,  and  to  designate  their  rank. 

SECTION  7.— That  no  troops  shall  be  kept  in  camp  longer  than 
three  months  at  any  one  time,  except  the  governor  shall,  upon  the 


280  AX  DREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

expiration  of  said  three  months,  deem  the  loug?r  continuance  of 
said  troops  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  commonwealth,  or 
shall  have  a  requisition  for  troops  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States. 

SECTION  8. — That  the  commander- in-chief,  in  conjunction  with 
the  grand  staff  aforesaid,  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to 
make  and  adopt  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  for  the  speedy  and 
efficient  organization  of  said  Reserve  Volunteer  Corps,  and  for  arm 
ing  and  equipping  the  same  with  the  most  approved  style  of  arms 
and  equipments ;  and  the  officers  and  rank  and  file  composing  said 
volunteer  corps  shall  be  sworn  or  affirmed  to  support  the  Constitution 
of  this  State  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  organization  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Reserve  Corps,  taken  from  the  official  records 
of  the  State.  I  need  not  here  dwell  upon  its  achieve 
ments  in  the  field.  It  lost  more  men  in  battle  than  any 
other  like  number  of  men  serving  together  for  three 
years  during  the  war,  and  its  heroism  illumines  almost 
every  page  of  the  history  of  our  civil  conflict. 


THE 


BY  (r.   HARRY  DAVIS. 


Tha  n  k  s  g  i  v  i  n  g 
Day  of  1863  was 
mem  orable  and 
momentous  for  the 
orphans  of  the 
soldiers  of  the 
State  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  On  that 
day  t  w  o  ragged 
little  ones  c  o  n- 
fronted  the  then 
Governor  Cur  tin, 
as  he  stepped  from 
his  doorway,  and 
appealed  to  him  for 
alms.  They  told 
him  in  their  child 
ish  way,  a  mournful  tale  of  their  father's  death  on  the 
battlefield,  of  their  mother's  broken  health,  and  her  con 
sequent  inabilitv  to  provide  them  with  the  necessaries 
of  life. 

He  was  the  governor  of  a  great  State,  and  toward  him 
the  eyes  of  the  nation  had  turned  in  anxious  expectancy 
in  the  hour  of  that  nation's  peril.  But  in  his  own  home  he 
was  a  man  only,  whose  heart  was  touched  by  the  distress 
and  suffering  of  others.  As  the  man,  he  had  been  the 
soldiers'  friend  ;  as  the  governor,  he  had  given  them  the 

(283) 


G.  HAKRY  DAVIS. 


284  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

^ 

pledge  of  the  State  to  care  for  their  children.  It  grieved 
him  to  see  these  children  begging  food,  while  the  echoes 
of  the  very  battles  in  which  their  fathers  had  fallen 
still  lingered  in  the  streets  and  homes  of  that  common 
wealth. 

It  was  a  memorable  day,  because  it  marked  the  begin 
ning  of  that  great  plan  of  beneficence  which  emanated 
from  him,  which  Pennsylvania  was  the  first  amone  the 

j  o 

States  of  the  country  to  adopt,  and  by  which  the  orphans 
of  the  soldiers  have  ever  since  been  cared  for,  maintained 
and  educated  and  uplifted  from  possible  beggary  and 
pauperism  into  an  intelligent  and  useful  citizenship.  It 
was  a  momentous  day,  because,  humanly  speaking,  on 
his  action,  to  a  large  extent,  depended  the  future  of  those 
children.  This  project  became  at  once  the  desire  of  his 
heart,  and  to  its  successful  development  he  gave  the 
tremendous  energy  of  his  rugged  nature.  He  never 
ceased  his  work  until  these  orphans  were  recognized  as 
wards  of  the  State,  and  their  maintenance  and  education 
an  acknowledged  element  in  the  life  of  the  common 
wealth.  He  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  system  crystal 
lized  into  the  Soldiers'  Industrial  School,  where  this  great 
beneficence  shall  end.  Soldiers'  orphans  will  soon  be 
only  a  memory  of  the  past,  but  it  will  stand  for  ages  the 
grandest  monument  to  his  worth  that  could  have  been 
raised,  save  that  which  exists  in  the  deep  affection  had 
for  him  by  the  graduates  of  these  schools  who  will 
recount  to  their  own  children  their  cherished  recollec 
tions  of  his  kindness  and  sympathy,  and  teach  them  in 
loving  reverence  to  lisp  his  name. 

He  attended  Thanksgiving  services  that  day,  heavily 
oppressed  with  the  reflections  thus  forced  upon  him, 
and  when  again  with  his  family  his  deep  regret  burst 


SOLDIERS*  ORPHANS.  285 

forth  in  the  agonized  expression  :  "  Great  God  !  is  it 
possible  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  can  feast  this 
day,  while  the  children  of  her  soldiers  who  have  fallen 
in  this  war  beg  bread  from  door  to  door  ?  " 

At  once  he  determined  that  something  should  be  done 
to  remove  such  disgrace  from  the  State,  and  fulfill  the 
pledge  made  to  the  soldiers  as  they  went  to  the  front. 
Though  oppressed  with  the  cares  of  an  especially  busy 
administration,  and  surrounded  by  the  wearing  trials  of 
those  exciting  and  critical  times,  he  never  forgot  this 
resolve — "and  I  really  believe,"  he  afterward  wrote, 
"  I  am  safe  in  saying  that  at  some  period  of  each  day, 
until  accomplished,  it  crossed  my  mind."  It  was  a  ques 
tion  the  solution  of  which  was  necessarily  fraught  with 
trouble  and  filled  with  perplexities.  What  he  wished 
to  do  he  knew  well,  but  how  to  do  it  was  a  serious  and 
puzzling  problem.  He  met  with  embarrassments  from 
the  people,  from  the  Legislature,  and,  at  times,  from  the 
very  mothers  of  the  children.  Yet  he  did  not  waver, 
but  insisted  that  in  some  way  these  children  should  be 
removed  from  environments  tending  to  seal  them  as 
paupers,  and  raised  to  that  higher  level  which  should 
recognize  them  as  wards  of  the  State,  entitled  to  its 
care  and  its  protection,  and  that,  too,  not  in  payment, 
but  in  recognition  of  the  great  and  loyal  sacrifices  of 
their  fathers.  To  do  this  money  was  needed  immedi 
ately,  and  in  large  amounts,  so  that  proper  provision  for 
clothing,  maintenance  and  education  might  be  made. 
Legislatures  are  not  always  liberal  in  appropriations,  nor 
do  all  men  think  alike,  and  many  of  his  friends,  both  in 
and  out  of  the  Legislature,  differed  from  him  in  the 
details  at  least  of  his  design.  Money  must  be  had,  how 
ever,  and  appropriations  must  be  made,  but  how  to  get 


286  A  NDRE  W  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

the  one  by   compelling  the  other  was  the  aggravating 
question. 

His  idea  did  not  mature  at  once,  but  it  was  the  inspira 
tion  that  finally  brought  success.  About  this  time 
Henry  Ward  Beecher  had  returned  from  England,  and  in 
recognition  of  his  endeavors  to  create  an  enlightened 
public  opinion  in  England  as  to  the  true  issues  before 
this  country,  he  was  given  a  public  reception  at  the 
Academy  of  Music,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  presided,  and  took  occasion  in  the  address 
he  then  made  to  refer  to  the  "  uncared  for  who  were  left 
at  home  by  the  gallant  fellows  who  had  gone  forward," 
and  to  impress  upon  those  present  the  duty  of  lifting 
the  orphans  of  the  soldiers  into  positions  of  honor,  rather 
than  of  leaving  them  in  degradation.  Said  he,  "  Let 
the  widow  and  her  dependent  offspring  become  in  fact, 
and  in  truth,  the  children  of  the  State,  and  let  the 
mighty  people  of  this  great  commonwealth  nurture  and 
maintain  them." 

It  happened  that  in  1862,  when  President  Lincoln 
called  for  300,000  more  men,  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
Company,  through  its  president,  Mr.  Edgar  M.  Thomson, 
tendered  the  State  the  sum  of  $50,000  to  be  used  in  the 
organization  and  equipment  of  troops.  This  offer  was, 
however,  refused,  as  the  State  was  not  in  need  of  funds, 
but  at  the  subsequent  request  of  Mr.  Curtin  the  proffered 
amount  was  allowed  to  be  expended  in  the  education 
and  maintenance  of  the  orphans  of  the  soldiers.  This 
oenerous  gift  thus  became  not  onlv  the  nucleus  of  the 

fe  O 

immense  sums  subsequently  disbursed,  but  the  means 
whereby  the  development  of  the  scheme  became  possible, 
and  the  adoption  of  the  idea  was  guaranteed. 

Calling  around  him  his  own   and   the   friends  of  the 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  287 

movement,  he  sought  advice  and  counsel.  Through  the 
columns  of  the  public  press,  the  editors  of  which  he 
sought  to  inspire  with  the  loftiness  of  his  own  devotion, 
he  again  brought  the  matter  to  the  notice  of  the  people. 
He  interested  representative  men  of  business  and  politics 
in  its  success,  and  in  January,  1864,  brought  the  whole 
subject  once  more  before  the  Legislature.  u  I  commend," 
said  he,  "  to  the  prompt  attention  of  the  Legislature  the 
subject  of  the  relief  of  poor  orphans  of  our  soldiers,  who 
have  given,  or  shall  give,  their  lives  to  the  country  during 
this  crisis.  In  my  opinion  their  maintenance  and  educa 
tion  should  be  provided  for  by  the  State.  Failing  other 
natural  efforts  of  ability  to  provide  for  them  they  should 
be  honorably  received  and  fostered  as  children  of  the 
commonwealth.  The  $50,000  heretofore  given  by  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company,  referred  to  in  my  last 
message,  is  still  unappropriated,  and  I  recommend  that 
this  sum,  with  such  other  means  as  the  Legislature  may 
think  fit,  be  applied  to  this  end  in  such  manner  as  may 
be  thought  most  expedient  and  effective.  In  anticipa 
tion  of  the  adoption  of  a  more  perfect  system,  I  recom 
mend  that  provision  be  made  for  securing  the  admission 
of  such  children  into  existing  educational  institutions, 
to  be  there  clothed,  nurtured  and  instructed  at  the  pub 
lic  expense.  I  make  this  recommendation  earnestly, 
feeling  sure,  that  in  doing  so,  I  represent  the  wishes  of 
the  patriotic,  the  benevolent  and  the  good  of  the  State." 
Nothing,  however,  was  done,  and  this  part  of  his  mes 
sage  was  allowed  unjustly  to  sleep  in  the  desk  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  Subsequently  Professor 
J.  P.  Wickersham,  then  principal  of  the  State  Normal 
School  at  Millersville,  Lancaster  County,  at  the  request 
of  Governor  Cuftin  prepared  a  bill,  providing  for  the 


288  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

% 

appointment  of  an  officer,  to  be  called  the  Superintendent 
of  Schools  for  Orphans,  who  was  therein  empowered  to 
select  from  institutions  then,  or  which  might  thereafter 
be,  established  in  the  commonwealth,  suitable  schools 
or  homes,  for  the  instruction  and  training  of  destitute 
orphans,  children  of  soldiers,  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  Governor ;  and  who  should  have  further  authority, 
with  the  consent  of  the  mother,  to  bind  such  children 
as  apprentices.  This  bill  was  presented  on  the  eighth  of 
April,  1864,  and  to  it  there  was  proposed  an  amendment, 
which  placed  the  whole  matter  in  the  control  of  the 
Board  of  School  Directors  of  the  townships,  wards  and 
boroughs  of  the  commonwealth.  The  adoption  of  this 
amendment  would  have  taken  from  the  Governor  and 
his  appointed  officers  the  responsibility  of  caring  for  the 
children,  and  divided  it  among  these  many  boards. 
Much  and  serious  debate  was  had  upon  the  questions 
involved  in  the  original  bill  and  in  the  proposed  amend 
ment,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  neither  would  be 
adopted.  A  substitute  was  then  offered,  and  passed  by 
both  branches  of  the  Legislature,  to  the  effect  that  the 
Governor  was  thereby  authorized  to  accept  the  sum  of 
$50,000  offered  by  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company, 
for  the  education  and  maintenance  of  the  destitute  chil 
dren  of  deceased  soldiers,  and  sailors,  and  appropriate 
the  same  in  such  manner  as  he  might  deem  best  calcu 
lated  to  accomplish  the  designated  object. 

It  would  seem  at  this  late  day  that  the  refusal  of  the 
State  to  assume  the  care  and  responsibility  of  these  chil 
dren,  and  thus  fulfill  the  pledge  made  to  their  fathers, 
was  unreasonable  and  intensely  unpatriotic.  We  must 
bear  in  mind,  however,  that  those  were  times  which 
tried  not  only  men's  souls,  but  their  intellects  as  well. 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS. 

The  refusal  does  not  seem  to  have  been  so  much  due  to 
a  disinclination  to  care  for  the  children,  as  to  inability 
to  unite  upon  a  method.  Possibly,  and  probably,  there 
entered  into  the  discussion  an  element  of  jealousy, 
which  is  too  prone  to  exist  between  the  different  portions 
of  the  same  commonwealth.  The  bill,  as  presented, 
would  have  made  the  children  wards  of  the  State,  as 
the  Governor  desired  they  should  be.  The  tendency  of 
the  amendment  was  to  equalize  them  with  the  pauper 
children  of  the  commonwealth,  and  place  them  on  this 
lower  level.  The  result  of  the  substitute  was  to  rob  the 
State  of  the  glory  within  her  grasp,  of  being  the  prac 
tical  originator  of  a  movement  which  afterward  became 
one  of  the  brightest  stars  in  her  crown.  It  remains  to 
be  said,  that  to  the  unswerving  loyalty  and  devoted 
determination  of  Mr.  Curtin,  and  the  great  liberality  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  we  are  indebted  for  the  first 
practical  commencement  of  the  movement. 

Mr.  Curtin  lost  no  time  in  complaints  or  regrets,  but, 
accepting  the  action  of  the  Legislature  as  the  best  he 
could  obtain  at  that  time,  he,  on  the  sixteenth  of  June, 
commissioned  the  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Burrows,  LL.  D.,  as 
Superintendent  of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans,  and  that  gen 
tleman  at  once  formulated  a  plan  to  carry  the  design 
into  practical  effect.  He  found  comparatively  little 
difficulty  in  placing  the  younger  children,  those  ranging 
from  six  to  ten  years  of  age,  in  the  charitable  institutions 
of  the  State.  The  Northern  Home  for  Friendless  Chil 
dren,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  which  had  previously 
opened  its  doors  to,  and  welcomed,  the  children  of  the 
soldiers,  at  once  responded  to  the  appeal  of  Mr.  Burrows, 
and  was  the  first  Soldiers'  Orphan  Home  established  in 
the  State.  The  Children's  Home,  in  Lancaster ;  the 
19 


290  AN  ORE  IV  G.  CURTIN. 

Soldiers'  Orphan  Home,  in  Pittsburg ;  the  Pittsburg  and 
Allegheny  Home  for  the  Friendless,  and  the  Pittsburg 
and  Allegheny  Orphan  Asylum  soon  followed.  With 
the  larger  children  the  task  was  more  difficult.  A  belief 
seemed  to  exist  that  the  intention  was  to  rob  the  mothers 
of  their  children,  take  the  latter  from  all  parental  con 
trol,  and  subsequently  bind  them  out,  or  apprentice  them 
without  parental  sanction.  The  subject  of  religion  was 
also  made  an  obstacle,  and  it  was  for  some  time  thought 
by  many  people  that  the  religious  faith  in  which  the 
children  had  been  reared  would  not  receive  proper  atten 
tion,  and  that  they  would  be  compelled  to  adopt  the 
faith  of  those  in  authority  over  them. 

The  amount  of  money  at  the  disposal  of  Dr.  Burrows 
was  so  meagre,  in  view  of  the  stupendous  task  before 
him,  and  the  time  when  it  was  then  supposed  the  system 
would  end  so  short,  that  the  building  of  new  schools  was 
not  contemplated.  Hence,  after  having  quieted  the 
other  difficulties  that  had  confronted  him,  he  endeavored 
to  secure  the  admission  of  the  older  children  to  the 
normal  schools  of  the  State.  In  this  effort,  however,  he 
failed,  as  the  amount  which  he  could  allow  per  capita 
was  not  sufficient,  in  their  wisdom,  to  warrant  the 
authorities  of  these  schools  in  assuming  this  new  respon 
sibility.  After  much  labor,  however,  he  secured  the 
attention  of  five  boarding  schools, — the  Paradise  School 
in  Lancaster  County,  the  McAllisterville  in  Juniata 
County,  the  Mount  Joy  in  Lancaster  County,  the  Quaker- 
town  in  Bucks  County  and  the  Orangeville  in  Columbia 
County.  These  institutions  finally  received  the  orphans 
at  $150  per  year  per  pupil,  in  payment  of  instruction  and 
board,  and  everything  necessary  thereto  and  therefor, 
clothing  excepted. 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  291 

The  system  had  now  been  put  into  practical  operation, 
but  it  had  taken  much  time  and  tedious  effort  to  reach 
that  point.  Unexpected  difficulties  and  obstacles  were 
met  with  on  every  hand,  and  the  faith  of  the  Governor 
was  taxed  to  the  utmost,  yet  he  never  wavered  from  his 
first  intention  or  deviated  from  the  plan  he  had  originally 
formed.  Truly  there  was  not  much  in  this  small  begin 
ning  to  demonstrate  either  the  practicability  of  the 
intention  or  the  feasibility  of  the  plan.  There  was  little 
upon  which  could  be  based  another  appeal  for  further  and 
better  legislation.  More  than  a  year  had  elapsed,  and 
throughout  the  State,  with  its  thousands  of  orphans, 
there  were  but  five  schools  for  the  older  and  four  homes 
for  the  younger  ones,  while  in  all  these  there  was  not 
an  aggregate  of  one  hundred  pupils.  From  this  small 
seed,  however,  grew  that  magnificent  tree  which  subse 
quently  spread  its  branches,  and  shed  its  beneficent 
influence  through  all  the  borders  of  this  grand  old  com 
monwealth.  It  was  the  darkest  hour  of  the  night,  but 
the  dawn  was  soon  to  break,  and  the  sunlight  of  a  better 
morning  to  warm  the  hearts  of  the  legislators  into  action, 
and  gladden  the  homes  of  the  little  ones  with  the  promise 
of  a  brighter  future. 

As  the  true  intent  of  the  design  became  better  known, 
and  the  people  more  thoroughly  understood  its  methods 
and  its  utility,  the  number  of  applications  for  admission 
rapidly  increased.  New  homes  and  new  schools  became 
a  necessity,  so  that  at  the  close  of  the  year  1865  there 
were  eight  schools  for  the  older  and  seventeen  homes 
and  asylums  for  the  younger  children,  and  a  total  of 
1329  pupils  under  their  care. 

In  his  annual  message  to  the  Legislature,  in  January, 
1866,  Mr.  Curtin  again  called  the  attention  of  the 


292  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 
senators  and  representatives  to  the  subject,  still  evidencing 

his  warm  interest  in,  and  his  determination  to  success 
fully  carry  out,  his  project.  Among  other  things,  he 
said :  "  When  we  remember  that  every  sort  of  public 
and  private  pledge  that  the  eloquence  of  man  could 
devise  or  utter  was  given  to  our  soldiers  as  they  went 
forward,  that,  if  they  fell,  their  orphans  should  become 
the  children  of  the  State,  I  cannot  for  a  moment  sup 
pose  that  you  will  hesitate  to  continue  an  appropriation, 
which  is  to  bless  their  little  ones  and  provide  them  with 
comfortable  homes,  instead  of  leaving  them  to  want  and 
destitution  ;  many  of  them  to  fall  victims  to  vice  and 
crime."  He  had  hoped  that  the  matter  would  command 
the  immediate  attention  of  both  branches  of  the  Assem 
bly,  and  that  an  appropriation,  sufficiently  large  to  meet 
the  expenses,  would  at  once  and  willingly  be  passed. 
Again  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  He  had,  it  is 
true,  more  supporters  than  in  the  past,  but  the  presenta 
tion  of  the  bill  in  the  interest  of  the  schools  was  the 
signal  for  determined  opposition.  There  were  those 
,  who  were  frightened  at  the  expense  ;  others  who  disbe 
lieved  in  the  efficacy  of  the  system,  or  were  in  gross 
ignorance  thereof;  others  who  criticised  the  manage 
ment  of  the  schools.  Possibly  their  motives  were  pure, 
and  at  any  rate  they  are  entitled  to  this  charitable  con 
struction,  but  the  fact  remains,  that  with  all  the  efforts 
put  forth  upon  the  part  of  Mr.  Curtin  and  his  sympa 
thizing  friends,  he  had  only  succeeded  in  having  an  act 
passed,  appropriating  $75,000  for  the  maintenance  and 
education  of  the  soldiers'  orphans.  This  act,  however, 
went  beyond  the  appropriation  in  one  important  element, 
in  that  it  confirmed  the  plan  then  going  into  operation,  and 
added  one  vear  to  the  term  of  the  children  in  the  schools. 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  293 

Before  the  end  of  the  year  this  fund  proved  too  small, 
and  in  December  the  principals  of  the  various  schools 
and  the  authorities  of  the  institutions  in  which  the 
smaller  children  had  been  placed,  were  notified  that  by  the 
first  of  the  new  year  the  sum  would  all  have  been  con 
sumed,  and  that  future  payments  must  depend  upon  a 
further  appropriation.  Still,  neither  Mr.  Curtin  nor 
his  noble  coadjutor  in  the  work  lost  faith  in  the  same  or 
hope  in  the  future,  but  by  every  method  in  their  power 
endeavored  to  infuse  their  faith  and  hope  into  others,  so 
that  the  children  could  be  cared  for  until  such  additional 
appropriation  was  made.  In  this  they  finally  succeeded. 

In  this  emergency  the  Governor  decided  that  as  the 
principles  laid  down  in  his  messages,  and  his  added  per 
sonal  work,  had  failed  to  bring  forth  the  expected 
response,  he  would  give  the  senators  and  representa 
tives  an  object  lesson,  by  which  they  might  be  taught 
their  duty  in  the  premises,  and  be  reminded  of  the 
pledge  given  by  the  State.  So,  on  the  sixteenth  of 
March,  1866,  he  brought  from  the  schools  of  McAllis- 
terville,  Mount  Joy  and  Paradise  345  soldiers'  orphans, 
dressed  in  the  uniform  of  the  schools  and  carrying 
the  flag  under  which  their  fathers  had  fallen.  On  the 
afternoon  of  that  day  he  presented  them  to  the  mem 
bers  of  both  the  Houses,  and  to  a  number  of  invited 
guests,  assembled  in  the  hall  of  the  House,  which  was 
crowded  in  every  part.  The  children  pleaded  their  own 
cause ;  not  in  well  prepared  addresses,  or  rhetorical 
efforts,  but  by  the  pathos  of  their  presence  and  the 
appeal  which  their  innocence  made  to  the  love  of  every 
father  in  that  assembly.  Ruddy  and  rosy-cheeked,  they 
gave  evidence  of  kindly  and  careful  treatment ;  intelli 
gent  in  declamation  and  musical  in  song,  of  thorough 


294  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

• 

training  ;  and  quiet  and  unassuming  in  demeanor,  of 
proper  discipline.  The  Governor,  at  the  close  of  the 
meeting,  related  the  incident  with  which  this  chapter 
begins.  The  enthusiasm  was  tremendous,  and  the  ap 
plauding  cheers  wrhich  followed  the  exercises  of  the 
children  and  the  address  of  Mr.  Curtin  betokened  the 
success  of  the  appeal,  and  assured  the  adoption  of  the 
scheme.  The  head  and  the  heart  had  both  been  touched, 
and  the  desired  end  reached.  The  whole  system  had 
been  imperiled  by  the  conservatism  of  the  law-makers, 
but  it  was  saved  by  the  children  themselves.  Thereafter 
success  was  assured,  and  the  necessary  appropriations 
were  guaranteed. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  April,  of  the  same  year, 
there  was  convened  at  Lancaster  the  first  Council  of  the 
Officers  and  Principals  of  the  Schools. 

As  the  result  of  this  conference  Dr.  Burrows  formu 
lated  a  series  of  general  rules  and  regulations  for  the 
government  of  the  schools  having  in  charge  the  advanced 
scholars.  These  rules  formed  the  model  which,  with 
little  deviation,  has  been  since  followed.  At  the  close 
of  the  year  1866  there  were  twenty-four  homes  for  the 
younger  pupils  and  twelve  schools  for  the  advanced 
scholars,  accommodating  in  all  2686  orphans.  In  1867, 
the  Legislature  enacted  the  law  under  the  authority  of 
which  the  system,  as  thus  organized  and  recognized, 
should  proceed.  That  act  provided  for  the  placing  of 
the  destitute  soldiers'  orphans  in  such  homes  and  schools, 
possessing  such  good  and  sufficient  accommodations  as  the 
superintendent  might  provide,  and  in  such  other  institu 
tions  as  might  be  necessary  for  their  proper  maintenance 
and  education,  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  until  they 
should  arrive  at  the  age  of  sixteen  years  ;  after  such  age 


SOLDI-ERS'  ORPHANS.  295 

should  have  been  reached,  each  of  such  orphans  who  did 
not  desire  to  be  apprenticed  to  a  trade  or  employment 
was  to  be  returned  to  the  mother,  guardian  or  friend, 
with  a  full  outfit  of  clothing,  and  a  certificate  of  his 
or  her  standing  in  the  school. 

Governor  Curtin  was  succeeded  in  his  office,  in  1867, 
by  General  John  W.  Geary,  and  his  public  connection 
with  the  schools  was  thus  terminated.  His  official  life 
had  continued  long  enough,  however,  to  convince  him 
of  the  recognition  by  the  State  of  the  truth  and  force 
of  his  principle,  and  to  demonstrate  that  his  great  desire 
would  be,  as  it  was,  further  developed  and  expanded  by 
legislation.  Still  his  active  interest  in  the  schools  was 
continued  during  all  the  years  of  his  life,  and  when  that 
was  ended,  and  his  body  was  borne  to  the  grave,  it  was 
accompanied  by  Mr.  C.  Day  Rudy,  the  president,  and 
Ed.  T.  Taylor,  Ed.  W.  Grier  and  Alva  S.  Grow,  mem 
bers  of  the  "  Sixteeners  "  Association  and  graduates  of 
the  schools.  The  commonwealth,  nay  !  even  the  whole 
nation,  lamented  his  death,  and  his  burial  was  accom 
panied  by  all  the  pomp  and  ritual  at  the  command  of 
the  State.  But  he  was  by  none  more  sincerely  mourned 
than  by  those  whom  he  had  thus  befriended,  and  none 
walked  more  sadly  to  his  grave  than  did  these  repre 
sentatives  of  the  children  whom  he  loved,  and  who  had 
placed  the  tribute  of  their  affection  on  the  breast  of 
their  dead  friend ;  the  palms  and  roses  of  the  graduates 
of  the  soldiers'  orphan  schools  being  the  only  offering 
upon  his  body  as  it  lay  in  state  in  the  court  house  at 
Bellefonte. 

As  this  chapter  was  written  in  a  desire  to  emphasize 
the  value  of  Mr.  Curtin's  personality  in  the  work,  and 
as  an  humble  memorial  thereof,  rather  than  as  a  detailed 


296  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

history  of  the  same,  one  might  be  inclined  to  think  this  a 
proper  place  for  its  ending.  Yet,  though  he  was  assisted 
in  the  undertaking  by  many  noble  men  and  women,  whose 
aid  was  great  and  at  times  important,  his  was  the  genius 
of  the  whole  project.  His  single  aim  for  its  advancement, 
and  his  determined  energy  in  its  development,  were  the 
greatest  factors  in  its  final  success,  and  so  it  will  be 
proper  to  look  a  little  further  at  its  varied  fortunes,  the 
legislation  surrounding  it,  and  its  subsequent  culmina 
tion  to  its  present  condition.  It  is  not  intended  that 
praise  shall  be  taken  from  any  one.  The  veterans  of  the 
war,  as  comrades  of  the  Grand  Army,  had  given  great 
assistance  and  help  by  their  warm  and  practical  sympa 
thy,  and  their  active  participation  in  the  necessary  labor 
connected  with  the  schools.  The  governors  who  suc 
ceeded  him  were,  for  the  most  part,  men  who  had  fought 
upon  the  field,  who  knew  the  sorrows,  the  sacrifices  and 
the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers,  who  could  take  a  deep  and 
practical  interest  in  the  success  of  the  plan,  and  who 
did  all  that  in  them  lay  to  make  that  success  complete. 

All  honor  to  these,  but  still  greater  honor  to  the  mind 
that  conceived  the  idea,  the  heart  that  loved  it,  as  did 
his,  and  the  will  and  activity  which  neither  slumbered 
nor  slept  until  it  became  an  admitted  and  accepted  duty 
of  the  State. 

For  four  years  the  schools  were  continued  as  thus 
constituted,  but  by  an  act  of  assembly,  passed  in  1871, 
the  method  was  altered,  in  so  far  that  the  supervision 
was  changed,  and  the  duties  at  first  performed  by  the 
superintendent  of  the  soldiers'  orphan  schools  were 
directed  to  be  performed  by  the  superintendent  of  com 
mon  schools.  This  was  a  backward  step,  and  was  the 
very  action  that  had  been  so  pertinaciously  condemned 


SOLDIERS  ORPHANS.  297 

and  so  vigorously  opposed  by  Mr.  Curtin.  The  schools 
were  thus  continued,  until  the  year  1889,  when  the  final 
change  took  place,  which,  in  1893,  crystallized  into  the 
present  Industrial  School. 

After  a  time  criticisms  of  the  management  and  sug 
gestions   of   improper  treatment  of    the   children   were 
heard.     For  a  while  they  were  vague  and   uncertain, 
but  they  gradually  assumed  more  certainty,  and  finally 
appeared  as  definite  charges  in  the  public  press.     In  con 
sequence  of  these  charges  General  J.  P.  S.  Gobin,  then 
commanding  the   Department   of   Pennsylvania,   Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic,  early  in  1886  appointed  a  com 
mittee  to  investigate  the   management  of  the  schools. 
This  committee  had  but  organized  when  it  was  ascer 
tained  that  Governor  Pattison  had  taken  upon  himself 
"  the  thorough  personal  examination  of  the  schools  and 
the   conduct   of  those   connected   with   them."     In  the 
same  year  the  Governor  dismissed  the   then  inspector 
and  appointed  General  Louis  Wagner  in  his  place  and 
stead.     General  Wagner  had  for  man}*  years  been  prom 
inent  in   the   Grand  Army  of    the  Republic,  and  had 
always  taken  a  warm  and  active  interest  in  the  schools. 
He  was,  and  is  still,  one  of  the  trustees  having  in  charge 
the  Soldiers'  Home,  at  Erie,  Pa.,  and  as  a  member  for 
many  years  of   the  Board  of  Managers  of   Girard  Col 
lege  for  boys,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  had  acquired 
the^  peculiar  experience   necessary   to  fit  him  for  such 
position.     He  continued  as  inspector  until  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  April,  1887,  serving  without  pay. 

It  is  neither  my  province  nor  desire  to  enter  into  the 
merits  of  this  dispute,  or  discuss  the  propriety  or  im 
propriety  of  the  criticisms  then  made.  I  allude  to  them 
only  to  suggest  that  these  charges  and  the  resultino- 


298  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 
investigations  were   at   least  the   indirect  cause  of  the 

subsequent  change  in  the  management  of  the  system, 
and  that  thus  they  became  the  link  connecting  the  old 
with  the  present  administration.  The  result  of  this  dis 
turbance  was  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  1889,  similar  in 
most  of  its  provisions  to  that  of  1885,  which  instituted 
the  trustees  of  the  Soldiers  and  Sailors'  Home,  at  Erie. 
The  management  of  the  schools  was  therein  removed 
from  the  Department  of  Common  Schools  and  placed  in 
the  hands  of  a  commission,  composed  of  the  Governor 
and  five  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  together 
with  five  honorably  discharged  soldiers,  members  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  who  should  serve  without 
compensation,  thereby  distinctly  recognizing  the  original 
desire  and  intention  of  Mr.  Curtin,  that  the  system  should 
constitute  a  distinct  department,  the  responsibility  and 
control  of  which  should  rest  primarily  with  the  Governor 
and  his  appointees. 

It  was  soon  evident  to  this  commission  that  the  system 
was  weak  and  faulty  in  one  of  its  most  important  ele 
ments.  As  fast  as  they  arrived  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
years  the  scholars  were  graduated,  and  all  control  over 
them  then  ceased.  The  girls  had  but  reached  an  age 
peculiarly  tender  and  susceptible  to  evil  influences,  whilst 
the  boys  were  compelled  to  face  the  world,  and  look  for 
ward  into  the  future,  without  such  equipment  as  would 
enable  them  to  maintain  themselves.  This  imperfection 
had  been  noted  long  before,  and  had  been  alluded  to  in 
the  reports  of  the  superintendent  as  early  as  1881. 
Whilst  the  matter  of  industrial  training  had  always  been 
considered  a  part  of  the  education  of  the  scholars,  no 
appropriation  had  been  made  therefor,  and  nothing  ever 
done  to  carry  the  theory  into  practice. 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  299 

The  buildings  then  in  use  were  totally  inadequate  for 
any  such  purpose,  and  the  life  of  the  system  was  neces 
sarily  so  uncertain,  and  the  time  of  the  closing  of  the 
schools  so  indefinite,  that  it  would  hardly  have  been  fair 
to  compel  those  having  them  in  charge  to  erect  the  nec 
essary  plants,  and  thus  tie  up  large  amounts  of  money 
in  buildings  and  machinery,  which  would  certainly  soon 
become  comparatively  valueless. 

The  fact  remains,  however,  that  apart  from  an  occa 
sional  detail  to  work  upon  a  farm,  assist  the  shoemaker 
at  his  bench,  or  study  dressmaking  in  the  rooms  of  the 
matron,  nothing  was  taught  these  children  beyond  the 
ordinary  subjects  of  a  common  school  education.  They 
might  fit  themselves  for  teachers,  but  were  unprepared 
for  most  of  the  methods  of  earning  a  livelihood.  The 
matter  was  laid  before  the  Legislature  by  the  commis 
sion,  in  its  annual  reports,  and  in  the  year  1893  the  defect 
was  remedied  by  an  act,  which  provided  for  the  erection 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Soldiers'  Orphan  Industrial  School, 
the  necessary  appropriation  for  the  equipment  thereof, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  children  admitted  therein. 
Such  a  school,  with  the  necessary  buildings,  is  now  in  pro 
cess  of  erection,  at  the  village  of  Scotland,  about  four 
miles  north  of  Chambersburg,  in  Franklin  County.  Its 
Administration  Building  is  so  nearly  completed  that  it  is 
expected  to  be  opened  to  the  scholars  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  fall  term  of  the  year  1895,  and  thereafter 
a  part  of  the  curriculum  of  that  school  will  be  a 
thorough  and  practical  mechanical  education. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  this  industrial  school  is 
the  completion,  or  rather  the  fulfillment  of  the  project,  as 
originally  planned  by  Mr.  Curtin  ;  and  that  for  the  first 
time  in  its  history  the  State  has  become  the  owner,  as 


300  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

he  contended  it  should  be,  of  the  buildings  and  the  plant, 
wherein  the  scholars  are  maintained  and  educated.  This 
Soldiers'  Industrial  School  will  be  a  monument  to  Mr. 
Curtin  for  generations  yet  to  come,  and  when  the  suffer 
ings  and  agony  of  the  war,  with  its  consequent  orphanage 
of  children,  shall  have  become  but  a  memory,  a  para 
graph  in  the  history  of  the  age  and  the  nation,  that  school, 
-standing  as  it  does,  in  the  beautiful  Cumberland  Valley, 
full  of  the  traditions  of  that  strife,  will  emphasize  the 
personality  of  Mr.  Curtin  in  this  great  and  beneficent 
movement  of  the  State.  It  will  tell  the  world  that 
republics  are  not  necessarily  ungrateful,  as  in  this  com 
monwealth,  at  least,  the  orphans  of  the  soldiers  were 
cared  for  by  the  State,  in  defence  of  which  her  sons  as 
soldiers  fought  and  died. 

The  Act  of  1867,  which,  as  has  been  suggested,  was 
the  first  recognition  of  the  system  by  statutory  law,  con 
cerned  only  the  destitute  orphan  children  of  deceased 
soldiers  and  sailors,  who  had  died  in  the  service  ;  and 
prior  to  the  year  1874,  children  born  after  the  first 
of  January,  1866,  were  not  admitted  to  the  schools.  In 
that  year,  however,  this  restriction  was  removed,  and  in 
1875-6,  the  door  was  opened  to  the  destitute  children  of 
sick  and  disabled,  as  well  as  of  deceased  soldiers.  These 
provisions  were  subsequently  still  further  broadened,  to 
allow  the  admission  of  any  destitute  soldier's  orphan, 
whose  father  had  died  from  any  cause  whatsoever.  The 
Act  of  1893,  authorizing  the  erection  of  the  State  Indus 
trial  School,  more  fully  provides  for  the  care  of  all, 
irrespective  of  the  date  of  their  birth  or  the  time  of  the 
death  of  the  father. 

Surprise  is  often  expressed  that  there  should  be  sol 
diers'  orphans  at  the  present  time,  and  that  these  schools 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  301 

are  still  necessary  for  their  education  and  support.  The 
idea  undoubtedly  was,  at  first,  to  care  only  for  the  chil 
dren  of  soldiers  who  had  died  in  battle,  or  from  wounds 
or  disease  incurred  in  the  service  ;  but  the  truth  of  the 
principle  soon  became  recognized,  that  the  men  who 
returned  were  often  as  incapacitated  by  their  hardships 
as  were  those  who  had  died.  Many,  too,  who  in  the 
strength  of  their  young  manhood  could  successfully  fight 
against  disease,  were  weakened  as  years  grew  upon  them, 
and  were  finally  utterly  powerless  to  care  for  their  little 
one.  It  would  seem  to  be  but  honorable  and  proper  to 
remember  and  care  for  the  children  of  the  faithful  who 
had  since  died,  and  are  dying  now,  and  that  there  should 
be  no  line  of  demarcation  between  the  loyalty  and 
heroism  of  the  living  and  the  dead.  Those  who  returned 
were  as  brave,  as  heroic  and  as  self-sacrificing  as  those 
who  did  not ;  all  were  good,  brave  and  true,  and  in  the 
schools  to-day  the  orphans  of  all  are  welcome  and  will 
be  cared  for,  until  the  last  shall  have  been  graduated. 

O 

There  are  now,  under  the  care  of  the  commission, 
about  eight  hundred  and  forty  children,  ranging  from 
extreme  childhood  to  the  years  that  approach  the  gradua 
tion  period.  At  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  Scotland 
School  there  \vill  be*  upward  of  one  thousand.  There 
were  admitted,  up  to  the  thirty-first  day  of  May,  1894, 
15,268  boys  and  girls.  The  total  cost  of  the  system,  as 
shown  by  the  annual  reports  up  to  the  same  date,  was 
$9,974,900.12.  The  approximate  cost,  under  the  Act  of 
1889,  does  not  exceeed  $140  per  capita,  whilst  the  amount 
allowed  to  be  expended  upon  each  child  in  the  Industrial 
School  is  $200  per  annum.  Although  this  aggregate  may 
seem  to  be  large,  and  it  certainly  commends  to  us  the 
liberality  of  the  State,  it  is  nevertheless  an  economy, 


302  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

which  will  prove  its  value  in  the  next  generation.  The 
amount  of  good  that  has  been  clone  by  instilling  higher 
and  more  intelligent  ideas  of  living  into  these  children, 
many  of  whom  must  otherwise  necessarily  have  fallen 
into  the  lower  strata  of  society  and  become  an  expense, 
if  nothing  worse,  to  the  State,  cannot  be  measured  by 
any  mathematical  calculation.  They  have  been  saved 
by  the  State,  and  for  the  State,  and  they  bid  fair  to 
leave  a  good  impression  upon  its  citizenship.  Thousands 
of  them  have  gone  forth  leaving  behind,  and  making 
for  the  future,  records  as  high  as  are  reached  at  any 
university,  college,  high  school  or  similar  institution  in 
the  land.  It  is  not  contended  that  all  have  lived  up  to 
the  hopes  entertained  for  them.  There  are  some  who 
prefer  to  wallow  in  the  mire  of  idleness  and  sloth,  which 
certainly  leads  to  crime,  rather  than  to  adopt  the  methods 
of  honest  toil  and  industry.  Others  have  fallen  away  and 
drifted  back  again  into  environments  which  lead  to  evil, 
but  they  are  so  few  as  to  make  the  exceptions  noticeable. 
By  far  the  greater  number,  however,  have  on  the  con 
trary  made  of  themselves  respected  men  and  fathers  and 
honored  women  and  mothers.  They  are  to  be  found  in 
all  the  professions  and  pursuits  of  the  commonwealth. 
Some  have  gained  high  positions 'of  honor  and  confi 
dence,  some  are  to-day  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  whilst 
many  are  pursuing  their  quiet  ways  in  the  business  walks 
of  life.  It  is  no  degradation  to  have  been  a  member  of 
these  schools,  for  their  graduates  carry  with  them  the 
undoubted  stamp  of  the  loyalty,  the  suffering  and  the 
heroism  of  their  fathers.  They  were  honored  by  the 
State  in  its  great  liberality  and  care,  not  as  those  who 
besought  its  charity,  but  as  its  wards,  and  in  full 
recognition  of  the  heroism  of  their  fathers.  They  honor 


SOLDIERS'  ORPHANS.  303 

the  State  in  the  lives  they  are  leading,  and  in  the  great 
future  will  bring  more  enduring  glory  to  the  system,  in 
their  appreciation  of  this  liberality  and  in  the  higher 
lives  resulting  therefrom.  The  work  was  a  great  and 
grand  one,  belonging  to  great  and  grand  times,  and  his 
tory  has  never  recorded  any  movement  of  greater  majesty 
or  glory.  The  author  of  this  system  and  its  unswerving 
friend  in  the  time  of  its  trouble  and  extremity,  its  always 
faithful  adviser  and  guide,  and  the  one  who  never  faltered 
in  season  or  out  of  season,  who  was  determined  upon 
its  success,  who  ceased  not  his  work  till  this  success 
was  assured,  and  who  should  be  honored  therefor,  was 
Andrew  G.  Curtin  ;  and  the  brightest  leaf  in  the  coro 
net  of  his  great  life  is  the  one  placed  there  in  lov 
ing  affection  by  the  graduates  of  the  Soldiers'  Orphan 
^Schools. 

A  proper  closing  of  this  chapter  is  the  record  of  the 
action  of  the  commission  upon  his  death,  as  follows  : 

The  Commission  of  Soldiers'  Orphan  Schools  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  recognizing  in  the  late  Andrew 
Gregg  Curtin  the  genius  and  inspiration  of  the  move 
ment  that  crystallized  in  the  establishment  of  the  Sol 
diers'  Orphan  Schools  of  this  State,  at  their  first  meeting 
since  the  death  of  the  lamented  ex-governor  of  the 
commonwealth,  desire  to  bear  testimony  to  his  unselfish 
devotion  and  persistent  energy,  which  continued  with 
unflagging  determination  through  all  the  mutations  that 
visited  these  schools  until  at  last  they  were  developed 
into  that  system  which  was  his  original  intention.  These 
schools  carried  out  the  pledge  given  to  the  fathers  of 
these  children  when  they  went  to  battle  for  the  union, 
and  will  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  greatest  movements 
in  the  life  of  the  commonwealth. 


304  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

Andrew  Gregg  Curtin  deserved  and  was  the  recipient 
of  many  honors,  and  was  an  important  factor  in  many 
great  works.  He  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  history 
of  a  great  commonwealth,  but  no  greater  work  was  done, 
or  higher  honor  achieved,  than  the  creation  of  the  schools 
which  care  for  and  educate  the  orphans  of  Pennsylvania's 
soldiers,  as  the  wards  of  the  State. 


BY  JOHN  RUSSELL  YOUNG. 

No  incident  in 
the  civil  phases  of 
the  rebellion  is 
more  notable  than 
what  was  known  as 
the  Altoona  Con 
ference.  It  took 
place  at  the  darkest 
hour  of  the  war. 
Apart  from  one  or 
two  successes  in  the 
West  —  Donelson, 
for  instance — the 
South  had  shown 
herself  in  the  field 
masterful  and  dom 
inant.  Lee  had  in- 

cted  upon  us  the  disasters  of  Manassas,  our  armies 
under  Pope  huddling  under  the  Washington  fortifica 
tions.  Antietam  proved  to  be  a  drawn  battle,  a  check 
to  the  South,  but  not  in  any  fruitful  sense  a  victory  to 
the  North.  European  powers  headed  by  Napoleon  were 
proposing  intervention.  Over  the  North  spread  a  senti 
ment  of  despair,  intensified  by  the  abnormal  activity  of 
20  (305) 


JOHN  RUSSELL  YOUNG. 


306  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

that  large  section  of  the  North  whicn  sympathized 
with  the  Confederacy  and  would  have  rejoiced  in  its 
success. 

Governor  Curtin,  with  a  deeper  insight  into  the  public 
heart  than  perhaps  any  statesman  of  the  time,  saw  that 
what  the  government  needed  even  more  than  material 
aid  was  the  moral  reinforcement  that  would  come  from 
an  expression  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  Governors 
of  the  loyal  States.  These  magistrates  believed  in  the 
Union,  but  there  were  differences  of  opinion  upon 
emancipation,  confiscation,  habeas  corpus  and  other  col 
lateral  questions,  and  it  required  tact  to  attain  a  con 
census  of  action.  The  border  States  were  for  gentler 
methods  of  warfare  than  their  brethren  of  the  East,  to 
whom  war  was  a  sentiment  rather  than  an  apparent  fact. 
They  were  safe  from  the  immediate  horrors  which  at 
times  distressed  the  border  States,  and  there  was  like 
wise  the  natural  sympathy  which  could  not  be  rended 
between  such  commonwealths  as  Delaware,  Kentucky 
and  Maryland,  for  instance,  where  families  were  often 
divided  under  contending  flags,  kinsmen  and  neighbors 
like  Virginia  and  Tennessee  in  active  rebellion. 

There  was  an  impatience  with  President  Lincoln  in 
commonwealths  like  Massachusetts  and  Vermont.  They 
saw  a  supposed  lassitude  on  the  question  of  slavery. 
New  York,  a  commercial  State,  with  her  own  especial 
interests  always  in  view,  had  been  proud,  reserved  and 
indifferent.  There  was  furthermore,  in  New  York,  a 
volcanic  element,  menacing,  resenting  the  war,  threat 
ening  mutiny,  and  soon  to  break  out  into  those  wanton 
draft  riots,  ever  to  be  deplored  as  the  one  ignominious 
experience  of  the  war. 

Curtin,  ever  an  optimist,  ever  worshiping  the  l/nion 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  307 

with  an  almost  oriental  fervor,  enthusiastic,  untiring, 
magnanimous  and  resolute,  always  seeing  with  the  eye 
of  the  statesman  and  from  Pennsylvania's  point  of  view, 
that  prudence  was  the  highest  wisdom,  and  that  the 
Union  would  only  be  preserved  by  reconciling  the 
opinions  and  consolidating  the  forces  that  composed  the 
Union,  divined  the  thought  that  Mr.  Lincoln  could  have 
no  surer  support  than  what  would  coin^  from  a  confer 
ence  between  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States.  It 
would  at  least  result  in  a  frank  and  genuine  exchange  of 
opinions,  the  attainment  of  a  common  ground  upon 
which  the  North  could  stand  as  a  unit.  The  suggestion 
of  Governor  Curtin  was  the  genius  of  compromise  and 
common  sense.  He  saw,  as  Henry  Clay  had  seen  before 
him,  that  in  compromise  alone  could  the  ultimate  suc 
cess  of  the  Union  cause  be  attained. 

The  only  known  record  of  this  conference  is  that  of 
Governor  Austin  Blair,  of  Michigan.  The  Governor 
deemed  it  desirable  that  the  story  should  be  told  by  one 
of  those  who  took  part  in  it.  It  was  wholly  private  and 
informal.  No  records  were  kept  of  its  objects  or  its 
doings,  and  no  reporters  were  present  to  give  to  the  public 
press  what  \vas  said  or  done.  The  only  history  attain 
able  therefore  rests  upon  the  memory  of  the  gentlemen 
who  took  part. 

There  was  no  formal  organization,  no  secretary,  and 
no  record  even  made  at  the  time  of  the  names  of  those 
present  who  formed  the  conference. 

As  will  be  seen  there  were  governors  of  the  loyal 
States  absent,  because  of  public  reasons,  but  in  entire 
sympathy.  The  majority  of  them  were  present,  and 
took  part  in  the  deliberations.  The  names  of  thirteen 
of  those  appear  .attached  to  the  address  to  President 


308  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

Lincoln,  and  some  of  them  subscribed  after  the  adjourn 
ment. 

The  invitation  and  correspondence  were  by  telegraph 
entirely  and  began  at  the  instance  of  Governor  Curtin, 
addressed  to  Governor  John  A.  Andrew,  of  Massachu 
setts,  dated  September  6,  1862,  as  follows : 

"In  the  present  emergency  would  it  not  be  well  if  the  loyal  gov 
ernors  should  meet  at  some  point  in  the  border  States  to  take  meas 
ures  for  a  more  active  support  of  the  government?'' 

To  this  Governor  Andrew  replied  on  the  same  day, 
that  should  a  meeting  be  called  he  would  attend. 

o 

On  the  fourteenth  of  September,  1862,  a  call  was, 
issued  in  these  words  : 

' '  We  invite  a  meeting  of  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  to  be 
held  at  Altooua,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  twenty-fourth  instant." 

A.  G.  CURTIN,   Pennsylvania, 

DAVID  TOD,  Ohio, 

F.  H.  PIERPONT,  Virginia. 

This  call  was  sent  to  all  the  governors  by  telegraph, 
and  was  accepted  by  most  of  them.  Governor  Edwin 
D.  Morgan,  of  New  York,  declined. 

The  suggestion  of  the  meeting  of  the  governors  had 
been  made  to  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  by  Gov 
ernor  Curtin,  in  a  conversation  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
immediately  after  the  disastrous  Peninsular  campaign. 
Governor  Curtin  happening  to  be  in  New  York,  asked 
for  a  conference  at  the  Astor  House,  where  they  met. 
Mr.  Seward  had  with  him  the  Mayor  of  Philadelphia, 
had  called  upon  the  Mayor  of  New  York,  and  was  in 
tending  to  visit  Boston  to  see  the  Mayor  of  that  city, 
upon  some  plan  of  increasing  the  army  with  the  view  of 
a  more  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war. 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  309 

At  this  interview  between  Governor  Curtin  and  the 
Secretary  of  State,  the  Governor  suggested  that  it  would 
be  better  if  action  should  be  taken  not  by  the  mayors  of 
large  cities,  but  by  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States. 
Mr.  Seward  brightened  at  the  thought,  telegraphed  its 
purport  to  President  Lincoln,  who  warmly  approved  of 
the  plan.  At  this  meeting  was  the  first  inception  of 
what  was  known  as  the  Altoona  Conference. 

It  was  a  memorable  company  that  assembled  in  that 
little  Pennsylvania  town.  There  was  Curtin  in  his 
prime,  a  face  radiant  with  glorious  youth  and  in  his 
splendid  eyes  a  courage  and  fascination  that  few  could 
escape.  Here  he  is  as  sketched  in  a  pen-picture  by  the 
vigilant  correspondent  of  a  New  York  journal :  "  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  six  feet  in  stature, 
well  proportioned,  easy  and  somewhat  careless  in  his 
manner,  every  motion  denoting  energy  ;  a  playful  ex 
pression  in  his  mouth  and  eyes  that  would  indicate  that 
he  could  tell  humorous  stories  ;  face  smoothly  shaven  ; 
wearing  a  slouch  hat  most  of  the  time,  well  pulled  over 
his  forehead  ;  walking,  his  head  inclined  forward,  hands 
in  his  pockets  ;  easy  and  familiar  in  his  manner  and 
having  the  mark  of  superior  intelligence." 

Conspicuous  as  the  champion  of  that  stern,  implacable 
anti-slavery  sentiment  which  inspired  and  swayed  the 
Union  cause,  was  John  Albion  Andrew,  Governor  of 
Massachusetts.  Andrew  was  a  young  man,  forty-four, 
and  to  the  great  loss  of  his  party  and  the  State,  to  pass 
away  at  forty-nine.  He  was  an  Abolitionist,  and  to  be 
an  Abolitionist  even  then,  the  war  upon  us,  slavery 
doomed  by  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  was  a 
questionable  if  not  a  hated  name.  He  had  been  nom 
inated  as  governor  against  the  wishes  of  his  party  and 


3 1  o  ANDRE  W  G.    CUR  TIN. 

• 

because  of  the  impulse  arising  out  of  the  war,  the  in 
candescent  spirit  of  Massachusetts  which  no  political 
genius  could  temper  or  curtail,  was  elected  by  the  largest 
vote  ever  cast  for  a  candidate.  He  represented  what 
might  be  called  the  conscience  of  the  Abolition  cause. 
He  was  to  be  chosen  four  times — to  send  the  first  regi 
ments  to  the  relief  of  Washington  and  the  first  colored 
troops  to  the  field — to  be  the  embodiment  of  the  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  in  the  war.  Andrew  we  find  described 
in  the  newspaper  reports  as  "  rather  below  medium 
height,  somewhat  stoutly  built ;  full,  reddish  face,"  an 
ticipating  perhaps  the  sudden  death  too  soon  so  sadly  to 
befall  him  ;  "  hair  brown  and  curly,  but  very  thick  ;  a 
solid  teeming  energetic  figure ;  deeply  religious,  the 
incarnation  of  the  Puritanism  of  the  war." 

There  was  David  Tod,  of  Ohio,  a  memorable  man  in 
many  ways.  Past  the  middle  age  ;  u  a  decided  substan 
tial  man,"  as  the  reporters  saw  him  walking  about  with 
Curtin  on  the  Altoona  byways.  He  had  been  an  earnest 
Democrat,  Minister  to  Brazil,  president  of  the  Demo 
cratic  convention  which  nominated  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
after  Caleb  Gushing  skipped  from  the  chair  and  ran  over 
to  a  seceding  convention  to  nominate  Breckenridge. 
Tod  was  the  representative  leader  of  the  War  Democracy 
of  the  North,  and  as  such,  dear  to  Lincoln,  who  vainly 
sought  to  make  him  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  upon  the 
resignation  of  Mr.  Chase. 

There  was  Washburn,  of  Maine,  head  of  a  famous 
house  ;  brother  of  the  Elihu  B.  Washburn.  who  was  to 
be  Minister  to  France ;  of  Cadwalader,  the  gallant 
soldier  ;  of  Charles,  the  diplomatist,  and  of  William,  who 
has  just  withdrawn  from  an  honorable  service  as  senator 
from  Minnesota.  Yates,  of  Illinois,  was  there  ;  "  Dick 


A L  TOON 'A  CONFERENCE.  311 

Yates  "  as  everybody  would  call  him;  "showy  in 
dress  ;  "  as  our  newspaper  friends  discerned,  "  probably 
more  dressy  than  most  public  men  of  the  West ;  smooth 
face,  dark  eyes  and  hair,  the  latter  brushed  with  the 
utmost  care."  Yates  was  then  in  his  forty-fourth  year,- 
had  served  in  Congress  as  "  the  youngest  member,"  thus 
attaining  that  not  always  to  be  valued  gift  "  of  universal 
popularity."  It  is  not  his  smallest  title  to  renown  that 
he  discovered  Grant  and  gave  that  illustrious  captain 
his  first  commission. 

Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  who  was  to  linger  long  in  public 
life,  was  there.  "  The  most  careless  man  in  his  dress," 
as  is  likewise  reported,  "  large  slouch  hat,  with  a 
fanner-like  coat  and  vest."  A  cautious,  considerate, 
and  successful  statesman.  Born  in  Maryland,  he  cast 
his  fortunes  with  the  West.  He  declined  high  office 
under  Lincoln,  preferring  to  govern  Iowa.  Governor, 
senator  and  governor  once  more,  Kirkwood  left  the 
Senate  to  enter  the  Cabinet  of  Garfield. 

Nathaniel  Springer  Berry,  Governor  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  "large,  plain,  farmer-like,"  perhaps  the  oldest 
member  of  the  conference,  had  in  his  veins  the  blood  of 
the  Revolution.  Tanner  and  currier,  colonel  of  militia 
and  judge.  He  had  been  a  Democrat  until  freedom 
became  an  issue,  when  he  was  elected  Republican  gov 
ernor.  His  energy  in  sending  troops  was  phenomenal. 

Among  the  others  who  took  part  in  the  conference, 
either  by  their  personal  attendance  or  by  representation, 
as  in  the  case  of  Morton,  of  Indiana,  detained  in  his 
State  by  threats  of  imminent  invasion,  were  Austin 
Blair,  of  Michigan.  Blair  was  a  young  man,  a  New 
Yorker,  who  had  floated  into  Michigan  to  be  governor  and 
hold  other  high  employments  ;  a  painstaking  and  just 


312  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN 

• 
man.     Olden,  of  New  Jersey,  formerly  a  merchant,  the 

friend  of  Princeton  College,  a  moderate  Republican, 
resting  somewhat  under  the  shadow  of  the  cynical, 
commercial  Republicanism  of  New  York,  gave  the 
movement  a  reserved  sympathy.  There  likewise  was 
Buckingham,  of  Connecticut,  high  in  temperance  move 
ments  and  church  councils,  advanced  in  years,  touching 
the  seventies,  a  lofty  and  impressive  figure,  dear  to  all 
who  value  what  his  incomparable  little  State  did  for 
the  Union. 

There  also  was  Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  the  boy 
of  the  conference,  and  with  some  sad  thought,  I  fancy 
the  last  survivor  of  the  company.  Head  of  one  of  the 
great  manufacturing  institutions  of  New  England, 
"  wearing  a  military  fatigue  cap,"  says  the  reporter, 
"  looking  like  a  boy  of  eighteen ; "  silent,  taciturn, 
famous  for  a  personal  courage  which  he  had  shown  under 
fire  at  Bull  Run  ;  an  original,  intrepid,  if  at  times  an 
eccentric  genius. 

The  answers  of  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States  are 
worthy  of  consideration.  Governor  Andrew,  of  Boston, 
responded  promptly  and  in  telegraphing  to  Governor 
Washburn,  of  Maine,  expressed  the  hope  that  all  New 
England  governors  might  be  able  to  be  present.  Gov 
ernor  Buckingham,  of  Connecticut,  replied  in  the  same 
spirit.  The  Governor  of  Vermont  said  :  u  It  would  cer 
tainly  be  a  pleasure  to  attend  that  meeting,  but  my 
labors  are  now  constant  and  arduous,  inasmuch  in 
addition  to  getting  our  nine-months  troops  into  camp 
and  ready  for  marching  orders,  the  session  of  the  Leg 
islature  commences  in  less  than  three  weeks,  and  I 
have  not  yet  found  time  to  make  the  least  preparation 
for  it." 


A  L  TOON  A  CONFERENCE.  313 

We  can  understand  the  value  of  the  suggestion  of 
Governor  Curtin  which  led  to  the  Altoona  Conference 
when  we  remember  that  the  advent  of  the  Rebellion 
brought  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States  into  unusual 
and  commanding  prominence.  Upon  them,  under  our 
State  system,  devolved  the  raising  and  equipment  and 
direction  of  the  troops  summoned  by  the  President  to 
defend  the  Union.  To  these  governors  a  call  for  troops 
was  sent  and  upon  their  loyalty  rested  the  responsibility 
of  meeting  that  call  with  promptness  and  efficiency. 
The  governors  enlisted  the  volunteers,  organized  the 
regiments,  commissioned  the  officers  and  sent  them  so 
organized  to  the  army  at  the  front  of  the  battle. 

The  importance  of  such  a  service  and  its  economy 
and  efficiency  could  not  be  over-estimated.  It  brought 
the  governors  at  once  into  intimate  relations  with  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  War. 

The  consequence  was  that  being  loyal  men,  devoted  to 
the  Union,  they  became  many  of  them  trusted  advisers 
of  the  President  in  everything  pertaining  to  the  war, 
especially  raising  of  the  troops  in  the  several  States.  It 
was  a  matter  of  honor  that  they  should  be  successful  in 
raising  the  quotas  of  the  State,  and  as  a  consequence  it 
was  found  necessary  to  visit  the  department  at  Washing 
ton  from  time  to  time  when  these  quotas  were  under 
discussion.  Consultations  among  the  governors  on 
informal  matters  became  frequent  as  they  came  together 
at  the  War  Department  or  the  White  House  and  out  of 
these  discussions  naturally  was  evolved  the  whole  course 
of  the  war. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion  there  had  been  a 
conference  of  the  governors  of  the  Northwestern  States, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Governor  William  Dennison,  of 


3 1 4  ANDRE  W  G.   CL  rR  TIN. 

• 

Ohio.  This  was  attended  by  governors  of  Indiana, 
Michigan,  Illinois  and  Wisconsin,  or  their  agents.  It 
was  at  this  conference  that  it  was  learned  for  the  first 
time  that  George  B.  McClellan  had  been  appointed 
general  of  the  troops  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 

The  result  of  this  Altoona  Conference  was  not  intended 
as  an  influence  upon  the  administration.  It  was  rather 
a  moral  pressure  than  a  direct  suggestion.  The  gov 
ernors  were  careful  to  avoid  anything  that  might  seem  to 
embarrass  the  government  or  invade  the  prerogative  of 
the  President.  They  were  rather  a  moral  force  submitted 
by  the  great  States  of  the  Union,  as  individual  advisers 
as  to  the  policy  of  the  government.  There  were  some 
eminent  men,  and  all  men  of  influence  and  authority  in 
the  States.  Therefore  as  a  consequence  of  this  con 
ference,  the  personal  friendships  and  exchanges  of 
opinion,  it  was  natural  that  the  Altoona  meeting  should 
take  place. 

There  was  to  be  entire  liberty  of  action,  and  no  pre 
conceived  policy  to  be  laid  out  and  enforced.  The 
governors  came  as  in  effect  rulers  of  their  respective 
commonwealths,  compelled  to  no  absolute  interest ;  their 
one  aim  to  reach  a  conclusion  as  to  what  would  be  best 
to  recommend  to  Mr.  Lincoln  toward  a  more .  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  war. 

Many  and  perhaps  a  majority  of  the  governors  believed 
that  the  time  had  come  for  ordaining  the  freedom  of 
the  slaves  and  for  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  to 
extend  over  the  whole  Confederacy  and  break  the  force 
of  the  negro  support  of  the  war.  Negro  labor,  on 
plantations  especially — raising  food  and  providing  sup 
plies  for  the  armies  of  the  Southern  Confederacy — was 
as  potent  an  influence  against  the  North  as  the  most 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  315 

powerful  of  the  Southern  armies.  It  was  felt  that 
Emancipation  alone"  could  destroy  that  force.  That 
question  might  have  been  considered  in  the  conference 
with  entire  respect  to  the  President,  but  it  was  rendered 
unnecessary  by  the  proclamation  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  declar 
ing  Emancipation.  In  other  words,  the  President  an 
ticipated  what  might  have  been  an  outcome  of  the 
Altoona  Conference  by  ordaining  Emancipation. 

It  was  a  military  situation  that  summoned  the  con 
ference.  What  the  governors  had  to  consider  was 
this  :  That  the  campaign  that  had  opened  in  the  spring 
of  1862  with  brilliant  success,  had  failed.  While  in  the 
West  there  had  been  triumph  under  the  armies  of  Grant 
and  other  commanders,  General  McClellan,  with  a  great 
army,  carefully  organized  and  drilled,  had  not  captured 
the  Confederate  capital.  This  movement  of  McClellan, 
coming  after  the  achievements  of  the  Western  armies, 
led  the  country  to  expect  the  highest  results  ;  nothing 
less  than  the  downfall  of  the  Confederate  capital  and  a 
collapse  of  the  Rebellion.  History  will  tell  how  com 
pletely  these  hopes  were  broken.  Failure  was  written 
upon  every  movement  of  the  army  ;  its  final  retreat  to 
James  River,  and  back  to  Washington,  crouching  under 
the  guns  of  the  forts  of  the  capital.  Gloom  was  spread 
over  the  loyal  States  on  account  of  these  disasters,  and 
the  movements  of  General  Lee's  armies  into  the  border 
States  occasioned  depression  and  apprehension.  It  was 
necessary  to  relieve  the  situation  promptly,  and  nothing 
could  be  accomplished  so  completely  and  effectually  as 
the  energetic  action  of  the  War  Governors.  This  was  the 
thought  of  Curtin,  and  as  a  consequence,  the  conference 
was  summoned. 

Therefore  on  the  twenty-fourth  of   September,  1862, 


3i6  ANDREW  G.  CCKTIN. 

• 

in  answer  to  Governor  Curtin,  these  magistrates  met 
at  Altoona.  During  the  interval  between  the  call  and 
the  meeting  the  skies  had  brightened,  and  on  Septem 
ber  17,  1862,  Antietam  was  fought.  This  was  a  sub 
stantial  victory  so  far  as  the  invasion  of  the  North  was 
concerned.  Lee  was  compelled  to  cross  the  Potomac 
again,  falling  back  upon  his  Virginia  strongholds.  This 
retreat  was  followed  by  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  issued  on  the  twenty-second  day  of 
December,  1862.  There  was  still  much  to  be  done,  for 
\vhile  General  Lee  had  been  compelled  to  retreat,  the 
danger  was  not  passed  by  any  means.  As  military 
critics  well  say,  he  had  retreated  with  an  army  in  fair 
condition,  but  an  army  which  should  have  been  de 
stroyed.  It  was  falling  back  to  refresh  itself,  to 
gain  new7  strength,  and  fight  other  battles  against  the 
Union. 

As  I  have  said,  speaking  from  the  record  of  one  who 
was  present  at  the  Altoona  Conference,  it  was  wholly 
informal.  There  were  no  minutes,  no  debates.  The 
results  were  carefully  embodied  in  an  address  to  Presi 
dent  Lincoln.  This  was  written  by  Governor  Andrew 
and  signed  by  most  of  the  governors  who  were  present. 
It  was  afterward  sent  to  those  who  had  not  been  able 
to  attend  the  conference,  although  their  sympathy  with 
its  purpose  was  accepted,  with  the  request  that  they 
would  sign,  if  they  approved  of  it,  which  most  of  them 
did. 

There  were  many  subjects  considered  at  the  conference 
at  Altoona,  not  mentioned  in  the  address  to  President 
Lincoln.  Governor  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  in  an  article 
referring  to  the  deliberations  of  this  patriotic  body,  has 
since  recorded  that  its  members  discussed  the  condition 


A  L  TOON  A  CONFERENCE.  317 

of  military  affairs  and  especially  the  fitness  of  General 
McClellan  for  supreme  command.  On  this  point  the 
Governor  reports  some  difference  of  opinion,  but  the 
recollection  of  Governor  Blair,  of  Michigan,  is  that  a 
decided  majority  of  governors  present  were  of  the 
opinion  that  the  public  welfare  would  be  promoted  by 
the  retirement  of  General  McClellan  from  the  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  According  to  Governor 
Blair,  there  was  not  the  same  accord  of  opinion  upon 
this  point  as  there  was  in  regard  to  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation.  It  was  therefore  decided  that  the  address 
to  President  Lincoln  should  not  include  any  expression 
of  opinion  as  to  the  military  fitness  of  McClellan. 

It  was  also  resolved  that  the  governors  should  visit 
Washington  and  meet  President  Lincoln,  and  that  each 
should  be  at  liberty  to  say  to  him  what  he  thought  best 
on  that  or  any  other  subject.  The  Altoona  Conference 
adjourned  on  the  second  day  of  its  meeting,  to  meet 
again  at  Washington  the  next  day.  In  pursuance  of 
that  resolution,  the  governors  visited  Washington  and 
called  on  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  body. 

President  Lincoln  received  the  governors  and  the 
interview  was  entirely  private.  There  were  no  reporters 
present,  not  even  the  President's  secretaries.  No  re 
port  of  what  occurred  or  what  was  said  at  the  inter 
view  was  made  public  outside  of  the  address.  This 
was  read  to  President  Lincoln  by  Governor  Andrew, 
as  folio \vs  : 


318  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

ADDREvSS  OF  THE  LOYAL  GOVERNORS. 

To  the  President,  Adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  Governors  of  Loyal  States, 
held  to  Take  Measures  for  the  More  Active  Support  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  at  Altoona,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  Twenty-fourth  day 
of  September,  1862: 

After  nearly  one  year  and  a  half  spent  in  contest  with  an  armed 
and  gigantic  rebellion  against  the  national  government  of  the  United 
States,  the  duty  and  purpose  of  the  loyal  States  and  people  continue, 
and  must  always  remain  as  they  were  at  its  origin — namely,  to  restore 
and  perpetuate  the  authority  of  this  government  and  the  life  of  the 
nation.  No  matter  what  consequences  are  involved  in  our  fidelity, 
this  work  of  restoring  the  Republic,  preserving  the  institutions  of 
democratic  liberty,  and  justifying  the  hopes  and  toils  of  our  fathers 
shall  not  fail  to  be  performed. 

And  we  pledge  without  hesitation,  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  the  most  loyal  and  cordial  support,  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  in 
the  exercise  of  the  functions  of  his  great  office.  We  recognize  in  him 
the  Chief  Executive  Magistrate  of  the  nation,  the  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  their  responsible  and 
constitutional  head,  whose  rightful  authority  and  power,  as  well  as 
the  constitutional  pow7ers  of  Congress,  must  be  rigorously  and  reli 
giously  guarded  and  preserved,  as  the  condition  on  which  alone  our 
form  of  government  and  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people  themselves  can  be  saved  from  the  wreck  of  anarchy  or  from 
the  gulf  of  despotism. 

In  submission  to  the  laws  which  may  have  been  or  which  may  be 
duly  enacted,  and  to  the  lawful  orders  of  the  President,  co-operating 
always  in  our  own  spheres,  with  the  national  government,  we  mean  to 
continue  in  the  most  vigorous  exercise  of  all  our  lawful  and  proper 
powers,  contending  against  treason,  rebellion,  and  the  public  enemies, 
and  whether  in  public  life  or  in  private  station,  supporting  the  arms  of 
the  Union,  until  its  cause  shall  conquer,  until  final  victory  shall  perch 
upon  its  standard,  or  the  rebel  foe  shall  yield  a  dutiful,  rightful  and 
unconditional  submission. 

And,  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  an  army  of  reserve 
ought,  until  the  war  shall  end,  to  be  constantly  kept  on  foot,  to  be 
raised,  armed,  equipped  and  trained  at  home,  and  ready  for  emergen 
cies,  we  respectfully  ask  the  President  to  call  for  such  a  force  of 
volunteers  for  one  year's  service,  of  not  less  than  one  hundred  thousand 
in  the  aggregate,  the  quota  of  each  State  to  be  raised  after  it  shall 
have  filled  its  quota  of  the  requisitions  already  made,  both  for  volun 
teers  and  militia.  We  believe  that  this  would  be  a  measure  of  military 


A  L  TOON  A  CONFERENCE.  319 

prudence,  while  it  would  greatly  promote  the  military  education  of  the 
people. 

We  hail  with  heartfelt  gratitude  and  encouraged  hope  the  procla 
mation  of  the  President,  issued  on  the  twenty -second  instant,  declaring 
emancipated  from  their  bondage  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  as 
slaves  in  the  rebel  States,  whose  rebellion  shall  last  until  the  first  day  of 
January  now  next  ensuing.  The  right  of  any  person  to  retain  author 
ity  to  compel  any  portion  of  the  subjects  of  the  national  government, 
to  rebel  against  it,  or  to  maintain  its  enemies,  implies  in  those  who  are 
allowed  possession  of  such  authority  the  right  to  rebel  themselves  ;  and 
therefore  the  right  to  establish  martial  law  or  military  government  in 
a  State  or  Territory  in  rebellion  implies  the  right  and  the  duty  of  the 
government  to  liberate  the  minds  of  all  men  living  therein  by 
appropriate  proclamations  and  assurances  of  protection,  in  order  that 
all  who  are  capable,  intellectually  and  morally,  of  loyalty  and  obedi 
ence,  may  not  be  forced  into  treason  as  the  unwilling  tools  of  rebellious 
traitors.  To  have  continued  indefinitely  the  most  efficient  cause, 
support  and  stay  of  the  rebellion,  would  have  been,  in  our  judgment, 
unjust  to  the  loyal  people  whose  treasure  and  lives  are  made  a  willing 
sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  patriotism — would  have  discriminated  against 
the  wife  who  is  compelled  to  surrender  her  husband,  against  the  parent 
who  is  to  surrender  his  child,  to  the  hardships  of  the  camp  and  the 
perils  of  battle,  in  favor  of  rebel  masters  permitted  to  retain  their 
slaves.  It  would  have  been  a  final  decision  alike  against  humanity, 
justice,  the  rights  and  dignity  of  the  government,  and  against  sound 
and  wise  national  policy.  The  decision  of  the  President  to  strike  at 
the  root  of  the  rebellion  will  lend  new  vigor  to  the  efforts  and  new  life 
and  hope  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Cordially  tendering  to  the 
President  our  respectful  assurances  of  personal  and  official  confidence, 
we  trust  and  believe  that  the  policv  now  inaugurated  will  be  crowned 
with  success,  will  give  speedy  and  triumphant  victories  over  our 
enemies,  and  secure  to  this  nation  and  this  people  the  blessing  and 
favor  of  Almighty  God.  We  believe  that  the  blood  of  the  heroes  who 
have  already  fallen,  and  those  who  may  yet  give  their  lives  to  their 
country,  will  not  have  been  shed  in  vain. 

The  splendid  valor  of  our  soldiers,  their  patient  endurance,  their 
manly  patriotism,  and  their  devotion  to  duty,  demand  from  us  and 
from  all  their  countrymen  the  homage  of  the  sincerest  gratitude  and 
the  pledge  of  our  constant  reinforcement  and  support.  A  just  regard 
for  these  brave  men,  whom  we  have  contributed  to  place  in  the  field, 
and  for  the  importance  of  the  duties  which  may  lawfully  pertain  to  us 
hereafter,  has  called  us  into  friendly  conference.  And  now,  present 
ing  to  our  national  Chief  Magistrate  this  conclusion  of  our  deliberations, 


320  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

we  devote  ourselves  to  our  country's  service,  and  we  will  surround  the 
President  with  our  constant  support,  trusting  that  the  fidelity  and  zeal 
of  the  loyal  States  and  people  will  always  assure  him  that  he  will 
be  constantly  maintained  in  pursuing  with  the  utmost  vigor  the  war 
for  the  preservation  of  the  national  life  and  the  hope  of  humanity. 

A.  G.  CURTIN, 

JOHN  A.  ANDREW, 

RICHARD  YATES, 

ISRAEL  WASHBURN,  JR., 

EDWARD  SOLOMON, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD, 

O.  P.  MORTON  (by  D.  G.  ROSE,  his  representative) , 

WM.  SPRAGUE, 

F.  H.  PIERPONT, 

DAVID  TOD, 

N.  S.  BERRY, 

AUSTIN  BLAIR. 

The  address  was  sent  to  all  the  loyal  governors. 
Governor  Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  accepted  the  same 
day.  Governor  Olden,  of  New  Jersey,  declined  to  sign. 
Addison  C.  Gibbs,  of  Oregon,  and  Governor  Robinson, 
of  Kansas,  assented.  Governor  H.  R.  Gamble,  of  Mis 
souri,  declined  on  account  of  his  "  apprehension  of  any 
good  from  the  proclamation  of  the  emancipation." 
Governor  Robinson,  of  Kentucky,  said :  "  While  I 
cordially  approve  of  many  of  the  sentiments,  I  dissent 
from  that  portion  which  endorses  President  Lincoln's 
proclamation,  and  therefore  decline  signing  the  address, 
reserving  to  myself,  the  right  hereafter  to  give  my 
reasons."  Governor  Ramsay,  of  Minnesota,  assented. 
Governor  William  Borden,  of  Delaware,  "  declined 
respectfully  to  append  his  name  to  the  address,  not  be 
lieving  in  the  policy  of  emancipation."  Governor  Buck 
ingham,  of  Connecticut,  cordially  approved  of  the  loyal 
address,  as  well  as  Governor  Holbrook,  of  Vermont. 
Governor  Morgan,  of  New  York,  dissented  because,  u  it 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  321 

would  be  more  in  accordance  with  his  sense  of  propriety 
to  express  his  views  in  another  manner  than  subscribing 
to  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  at  which  he  had  not 
been  present" 

After  Governor  Andrew  had  read  the  address,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  made  a  short  and  pleasant  reply,  somewhat 
conservative,  based  upon  the  all-engrossing  subject  of 
the  military  situation. 

Governor  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  then  arose,  and  address 
ing  President  Lincoln,  said  substantially  as  follows : 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,  as  I  suppose  the  business  for 
which  we  came  here  as  a  body  has  been  concluded,  there 
are  a  few  words  that  I  desire  to  speak  for  the  people  of 
Iowa,  and  on  my  own  account.  That  in  the  opinion  of 
our  people  George  B.  McClellan  is  unfit  to  command 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  people  of  Iowa  fear, 
and  I  fear,  that  the  administration  is  afraid  to  remove 
General  McClellan  from  his  command.  And  I  know  it 
would  be  a  great  comfort  to  the  people  of  Iowa  if  on  my 
return  I  can  say  to  them  that  the  President  believes  in 
the  loyalty  of  George  B.  McClellan.  His  army  is  well 
clothed,  \vell  armed,  well  disciplined,  and  fighting  in  as 
good  a  cause  as  men  ever  fought  for,  and  fought  as 
bravely  as  men  ever  fought,  and  yet  are  continually 
whipped,  and  our  people  did  not  think  he  was  a  good 
general  who  was  always  whipped."  And  in  closing, 
Governor  Kirkwood  repeated  that  it  would  be  a  gratifi 
cation  to  the  people  of  Iowa  if  he  could  say  to  them 
that  the  President  believed  in  the  loyalty  of  George  B. 
McClellan. 

When  Governor  Kirkwood  had  finished,  President 
Lincoln  arose  immediately,  and  in  his  speech,  show 
ing  more  excitement  than  was  usual  to  him,  at  once 


322  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

proceeded  to  reply.  He  said  :  "  Do  I  believe  in  the  loy 
alty  of  General  McClellan?  Of  course  I  believe  in  his 
loyalty.  I  have  the  same  reason  to  believe  in  his  loyalty 
that  I  have  to  believe  in  the  loyalty  of  you  gentlemen 
before  me  now.  I  suppose  you  to  be  loyal,  and  I  believe 
he  is  loyal.  I  cannot  dive  into  the  hearts  of  men  to  find 
what  is  in  them." 

Then  the  President  paused  for  a  moment,  and  con 
tinued  :  "  Now,  gentlemen,  after  saying  so  much  in 
favor  of  General  McClellan,  I  do  not  want  you  to  think 
I  do  not  know  his  deficiencies  ;  I  think  I  do  know  them. 
He  is  very  cautious,  and  lacking  in  confidence  in  him 
self  and  his  ability  to  win  victories  with  the  forces  at 
his  command.  He  fights  the  battle  about  as  well  as 
any  of  them  when  he  does  fight,  but  when  a  substantial 
victory  is  won  he  seems  incapable  of  following  it  up  so 
as  to  reach  the  fruits,  and  it  -does  not  seem  to  do 
us  any  good.  But  if  I  remove  him,  some  one  must  be 
put  in  his  place,  and  who  shall  it  be  ?  " 

When  President  Lincoln  sat  down,  Governor  Blair,  of 
Michigan,  asked,  coolly  :  "  Why  not  try  another  man, 
Mr.  President  ?  "  to  which  the  President  replied  :  "  Oh, 
but  I  might  lose  an  army  by  that." 

The  excitement  that  arose  out  of  this  discussion  and 
the  suggestion  of  General  McClellan's  command  dis 
appeared,  and  the  interview  closed  pleasantly  ;  the  hopes 
of  the  President  and  his  confidence  unshaken.  This 
was  equally  true  of  the  governors,  and  they  immediately 
returned  to  their  States  to  fulfill  the  promise  of  their 
address  ;  and  they  did  fulfill  them  to  the  letter,  as  the 
country  well  knows. 

Governor  Blair,  of  Michigan,  the  historian  of  the  con 
ference,  as  far  as  the  records  of  the  country's  history 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  323 

reveal,  writes  as   follows  of  the   effect   of  the   conven 
tion  : 

"  What  effect,"  says  Governor  Blair,  "  the  conference 
had  upon  the  country  and  upon  the  administration  is 
mainly  a  matter  of  inference.  The  publication  of  the 
address  to  the  President  at  once  made  known  to  the 
people  the  vigorous  policy  recommended  by  the  govern 
ors  ;  and  that  it  had  some  influence  in  restoring  confi 
dence  in  the  ability  of  the  government  to  sustain  itself 
is  undoubted.  That  it  promoted  enlistments  in  the 
States  and  infused  greater  activity  into  the  recruiting 
service,  and  tended  greatly  to  strengthen  the  armies  in 
the  field,  and  to  silence  discontent  amongst  the  disloyal 
elements  in  the  loyal  States,  there  can  be  no  question. 

u  It  was  also  very  evident  at  the  time  that  the  unani 
mous  agreement  of  the  loyal  governors  to  sustain  the 
administration  in  its  efforts  to  increase  the  army  rapidly 
and  promote  its  strength,  both  in  numbers  and  activity, 
were  very  grateful  to  the  President,  and  not  by  any 
means  without  its  influence  upon  the  future  policy  of 
the  administration. 

u  There  had  existed  from  the  commencement  of  the 
war  a  considerable  party  in  the  Northern  States  that 
professed  to  believe  that  the  South  could  not  be  con 
quered  ;  but  that  at  last  a  compromise  would  have  to 
be  made  that  would  leave  to  the  South  the  institution  of 
slavery  intact,  and  with  more  effectual  guarantees  for  its 
protection  in  the  future.  This  party  was  greatly  en 
couraged  by  the  failure  of  McClellan  in  the  Peninsular 
Campaign  and  the  disasters  that  followed  it. 

u  The  unanimity  of  the  governors  and  the  vigorous 
address  of  the  conference  in  favor  of  a  more  energetic 
prosecution  of  the  war,  together  with  the  Emancipation 


324  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 
Proclamation  of  the  President,  had  a  great  effect  to  shut 

the  mouths  and  paralyze  the  efforts  of  the  so-called  peace 
party.  The  conference  showed  no  signs  of  discourage 
ment,  but  its  action,  on  the  contrary,  proved  its  absolute 
confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  country  to  put  down  the 
rebellion,  as  well  as  a  determination  to  employ  the  entire 
power  of  the  loyal  States  to  that  end. 

"  Some  illy  informed  persons  have  asserted  that  the 
call  for  the  conference  had  occasioned  the  issue  of  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation.  The  proclamation  itself 
was  issued  and  published  to  the  country  two  days  before 
the  conference  assembled. 

"  That  assertion  was  certainly  not  true.  It  was  well 
understood  by  all  men  in  any  way  conversant  with  the 
views  of  President  Lincoln,  that  he  had  for  a  long  time 
contemplated  the  proclamation  and  only  waited  for  a 
favorable  occasion  to  put  it  forth." 

Governor  Blair  continues  with  this  suggestive  historical 
incident :  "  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,"  he  writes, 
"  the  '  conscription  bill'  being  under  consideration  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  Washington,  a  discus 
sion  arose  upon  this  subject.  It  was  begun  by  Mr. 
Mallory,  a  member  of  the  House,  from  Kentucky.  He 
was  attacking  the  policy  of  the  administration  in  regard 
to  slavery,  and  in  that  connection  he  said  : 

"  '  A  set  of  factious  governors  of  Northern  States,  after 
having  in  conjunction  with  leading  radical  traitors,  in 
vain  urged  and  pressed  the  President  to  change  his 
policy,  met  at  Altoona,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  informed  the  President  that  unless  his  policy  was 
changed,  unless  the  extermination  of  slavery  was  made 
the  object  and  purpose  of  the  war,  and  not  the  restora 
tion  of  the  authority  of  the  constitution  and  laws  over  the 


ALTOONA  CONFERENCE.  325 

rebellious  States  ;  that  if  slavery  was  not  put  in  process 
of  extirpation  they  would  stop,  the  war  ;t  hat  not  one  of 
their  States  would  rally  to  the  standard  he  had  raised 
for  the  purpose  of  vindicating  the  constitution  and  the 
laws.  Then,  as  if  by  magic,  the  policy  of  the  govern 
ment  changed. 

"  '  I  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  it  was  that  meeting  of 
factious  governors,  at  Altoona,  and  the  pressure  they 
brought  to  bear  and  had  previously  with  others  brought 
to  bear  on  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  is 
weaker  than  a  man  ought  to  be  who  sits  at  the  head  of 
our  government  and  holds  the  reins  of  power  in  a  nation 
like  the  United  States,  that  caused  him  to  abandon  his 
original  policy,  which  was  successful,  which  was  admir 
able  ;  and  to  take  up  that  other  policy  which  has  failed, 
and  which  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  acknowledge  to 
have  failed/  ' 

Governor  Blair  then  proceeds  to  point  out  the  fallacy 
of  this  argument.  "  It  is  evident,"  he  wrote,  u  that  Mr. 
Mallory  knew  nothing  accurately  concerning  the  con 
ference  at  Altoona,  had  never  read  the  address  to  the 
President,  nor  considered  the  fact  that  the  proclamation 
was  issued  before  the  conference  assembled,  and  was  in 
fact,  the  act  of  the  President  alone,  though  it  met  with 
a  hearty  response  from  the  conference  and  the  people  of 
the  loyal  States  as  well,  and  now  has  become  one  of  the 
principal  supports  of  the  great  and  ever  increasing  fame 
of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  Mr.  Mallory  was  merely  talking  politics  and  very 
much  at  random,  but  before  the  discussion  closed  Mr. 
Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  corrected  the  error  of  this 
*  gentleman  from  Kentucky '  very  fully  in  substance, 
though  falling  himself  into  the  error  of  admitting  that 


326  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

% 

the  conference  assembled  at  Altoona  before  the  procla 
mation  was  issued,  which  was  a  mistake  by  the  space  of 
two  days." 

But  the  statement  of  Mr.  Bout  well  that  the  conference 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  issuing  of  the  proclamation 
was  entirely  correct. 

The  whole  history  of  that  proclamation,  its  consider 
ation  by  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  and  its  final  issue 
on  the  twenty-second  day  of  September,  1862,  is  now 
well  known  and  has  become  a  matter  of  current  history. 

The  conference  at  Altoona  had  a  distinct  purpose,  and 
that  purpose  it  fully  accomplished.  A  small  number  of 
the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  for  reasons  of  personal 
prudence,  declined  to  sign  the  address,  but  there  was 
substantially  no  opposition  to  the  policy  it  set  forth. 

That  the  government  was  to  be  triumphant  in  the  end, 
and  that  chattel  slavery  would  peiish  with  the  rebellion, 
none  of  them  doubted,  and  they  immediately  returned 
to  their  States  and  again  set  in  more  active  motion  all 
the  powers  they  possessed  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  the 
army,  add  vigor  and  strength  to  the  government  and 
hasten  the  downfall  of  a  rebellion  that  was  both  cause 
less  and  wicked. 

The  position  of  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts, 
a  distinguished  and  loyal  statesman,  is  perhaps  worthy 
of  an  especial  word  of  comment. 

The  Governor  was  among  the  first  to  accept  an  invita 
tion  of  Governor  Curtin  to  attend  the  conference.  Some 
thing  happened,  however,  possibly  a  publication  in  the 
New  York  Herald,  to  excite  a  suspicion  as  to  the  entire 
candor  of  a  movement  that  brought  the  governors  to 
Altoona,  and  out  of  this  arose  a  correspondence  which  I 
print : 


ALTO  ON  A  CONFERENCE.  327 

COMMONWEALTH  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 
EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT. 

BOSTON,  October  22,  1862. 
To  Daniel  Henshaw,  Esq., 

Boston. 

My  dear  Sir :  In  reply  to  your  note,  which  was  received  this  even 
ing,  I  have  the  honor  to  say  that  the  loyal  governors,  who  met  at 
Altoona  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  September  last,  were  called  together 
by  the  joint  invitation  of  the  governors  of  Ohio,  Virginia  and  Penn 
sylvania,  by  telegrams,  of  which  the  following  are  copies,  and  I  annex 
also  copies  of  my  replies  : 

"  HARRISBURG,  September  6,  1862. 
"  Governor  Andrew,  Boston,  via  New  York  : 

"  In  the  present  emergency  would  it  not  be  well  that  the  loyal  gov 
ernors  should  meet  at  some  point  in  the  border  States  to  take  measures 
for  the  more  active  support  of  the  government  ?  An  immediate  reply 
is  requested,  that  as  early  a  day  as  possible  may  be  named  for  the 

meeting,  if  approved. 

"A.  G.  CURTIN." 

"  BOSTON,  September  6,  1862. 

"  To  Governor  Curtin,  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  via  New  York  : 
"  Should  any  meeting  be  called  I  will  attend. 

"JOHN  A.  ANDREW." 

"  COLUMBUS,  Ohio,  September  14,  1862. 
"To  Governor  Andrew : 

"  We  invite  a  meeting  of  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  to  be 
held  at  Altoona,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  twenty-fourth  instant.  Please 
reply  to  Governor  Curtin. 

"  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN, 

"  DAVID  TOD, 

"  F.  H.  PIERPONT." 

"  BOSTON,  September  15,  1862. 

"  To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin,  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania  : 
4 '  I  have  received  your  invitation  and  accept  it. 

"JOHN  A.  ANDREW,  Governor  of  Massachusetts." 

The  meeting  was  one  which,  whether  as  citizens  or  as  magistrates,  we 
had  a  right  to  hold.  And,  in  the  discharge  of  our  duties,  many  of 
which,  connected  with  the  military  service  of  the  United  States  (whose 
government  relies  wholly  on  the  States  for  the  raising  and  recruitment 
of  the  army),  are  difficult  and  complicated,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  how 
mutual  consultation  might  be  advantageous.  It  is  even  more  easy  to 


328  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

^ 

see  how  natural  it  is  for  the  governors  of  Ohio,  Virginia  and  Penn 
sylvania,  at  the  time  this  invitation  was  issued,  to  feel  the  grave  im 
portance  to  our  States  of  lively  and  efficient  support  from  every  quarter 
to  the  national  cause.  Nor  do  I  suppose  that  any  person  has  ever 
doubted  the  propriety  of  the  conduct  of  the  Governor  of  Massachu 
setts  in  joining  that  consultation  of  governors,  except  the  very  persons 
who  were  swift  to  observe  and  exclaim  that  his  name  did  not  appear 
with  the  names  of  many  other  governors  on  a  certain  petition  to  the 
President  last  July.  And  had  not  the  President's  proclamation  of  free 
dom  appeared,  as  it  did  (just  one  day  before  our  meeting),  sadly  dis 
appointing  certain  gentlemen  who  had  rightly  declared  it  a  great  merit 
and  public  duty  to  stand  by  the  President,  and  had  the  Altoona  con 
ference  been  held  and  its  address  published  without  my  name  or  pres 
ence,  I  have  no  manner  of  doubt  that  I  should  have  felt  the  heat  of 
their  burning  indignation  at  my  slowness  to  unite  with  the  conserva 
tive  governors  who  summoned  us  to  Altoona,  in  helping  to  strengthen 
the  arm  of  the  President  and  to  increase  his  disposable  force.  As  it 
was,  those  gentlemen  were  disturbed.  They  were  cut  off  from  making 
war  on  the  President  by  their  own  recent  avowals  and  declarations. 
But  it  was  desirable  that  somebody  should  be  abused.  I  was  the  Re 
publican  candidate  fora  re-election  ;  I  was  a  supporter  of  the  President's 
proclamation  and  policy  ;  was  the  most  convenient  scapegoat,  .and  so 
they  took  me.  I  believe  Judge  Parker  indicted  me  before  his  conven 
tion  for  causing  the  President's  proclamation  by  going  to  Altoona  the 
day  after  it  was  printed.  And  I  presume  that  Mr.  Saltonstall  intro 
duced  the  supposed  proof  that  I  imagined  the  removal  of  General 
McClellan  as  evidence  in  support  of  Judge  Parker's  indictment. 
For  since  Judge  Parker  seems  to  have  reversed  the  order  of  cause  and 
effect,  in  the  making  of  his  allegation,  I  can  see  no  way  of  supporting 
it  save  by  a  similar  muddle  of  logic  and  the  confusion  of  truth  with 
its  opposite. 

And  now,  my  dear  sir,  the  sober  truth  is  simply  this  :  (i).  I  read  the 
President's  proclamation  in  print  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third, 
with  as  much  surprise  as  Judge  Parker  did,  though  perhaps  with  more 
pleasure.  (2).  I  did  not  either  formally  or  informally,  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  at  any  time,  move  or  suggest  that  the  governors  should  inter 
fere  with  the  position  of  Major  General  McClellan,  or  of  any  other 
officers  of  the  army  or  navy.  Nor  do  I  believe  that  any  such  motion 
was  proposed  by  any  one  else.  I  heard  none  whatever,  concerning 
that  or  any  other  general.  But  if  you  ask  how  so  great  a  blunder  has 
been  made,  I  can  only  reply  that  when  people  seek  to  make  a  point 
against  their  neighbor  by  a  sort  of  eavesdropping,  by  attempting  to 
penetrate  the  private  conversation  of  gentlemen  and  to  betray  their 


A  L  TOON  A  CONFERENCE.  329 

confidential  speeches,  great  blundering,  if  not  something  worse,  will 
always  be  close  at  hand.  They  will  usually  contrive  to  report  just  what 
they  hoped  to  hear. 

I  have  written  this  with  some  fullness,  and  with  entire  freedom. 
Your  venerable  character  and  long  devotion  to  the  cause  of  good  and 
just  principles  had  a  right  to  command  me.  But  now  I  beg  leave  to 
remark  :  i.  That  I  utterly  deny  the  moral  right  of  gentlemen  to  carry 
on  political  controversies  by  trying  to  penetrate  private  circles,  and  to 
promulgate  private  conversation,  which  cannot  affect  the  public  unless 
made  public. 

2.  That  the  gentlemen  in  question  need  not  have  sent  to  a  third  per 
son  to  find  out  what  I  said  at  Altoona.  I  could  have  told  them  myself, 
if  they  had  asked  me.  And  they  know  me  well  enough  to  know  that 
I  am  accustomed  to  act  openly,  without  disguise  or  concealment,  and, 
when  convinced  what  I  ought  to  do,  without  much  hesitation. 

In  conclusion,  I  cannot  but  regret  the  tendency  I  observe  to  obtrude 
matters  mainly  personal  upon  the  attention  of  the  people.  It  is  the 
great  cause  of  Democratic  constitutional  representative  government 
which  is  now  on  trial.  Not  the  cause  of  an}*  man  on  earth.  \Ve  are 
contending  for  the  very  hopes  of  a  future,  for  a  grand  and  wonderful 
people  over  whom  (fallen  ?)  angels  might  pause  to  weep.  The  interests 
of  no  public  man.  civil  or  military,  demand  the  thought  of  a  loyal 
human  being  among  us.  And  they  weaken  and  belittle  our  moral 
position,  while  they  tend  to  demoralize  the  public  heart  and  mind, 
who  attempt  to  hang  the  issue  of  national  life  on  the  sword  of  any 
leader.  Wisdom  will  still  live  when  all  of  this  generation  have  gone 
under  the  dust  ;  the  people,  country,  humanity,  will  live  when  all 
who  are  now  counted  great,  in  peace  or  war,  will  have  been  forgotten 
and  lost,  even  to  history. 

Believe  me,  sir,  with  high  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  A.  ANDREW. 

The  protest  of  the  resolute  and  impetuous  Andrew  is 
worthy  of  preservation  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  this 
memorable  event.  The  Altoona  Conference  was,  next  to 
the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  the  most  decisive 
civil  event  of  the  war.  It  aroused  the  latent  fires  of  the 
Union,  brought  discomfiture  to  those  in  the  North  who 
opposed  the  Union,  taught  the  insurgent  South  that  it 
must  deal  with  the  united  North,  that  President  Lincoln 


33°  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

spoke  as  the  voice  of  the  American  people.  It  gave 
new  strength  and  hope  to  our  brave  soldiers  in  the  field, 
and  made  sure  that  the  Union  cause  would  succeed. 
It  was  a  noble,  inestimable  service,  apt  to  be  overlooked 
in  the  rush  and  roar  of  noisier  events.  And  as  Pennsyl- 
vanians  we  proudly  and  reverently  owe  it  to  the  mag 
nanimous,  high-minded  and  undaunted  Curtin. 


STATE  CAPITOIv  IN  1860. 


BY    FITZ   JOHN    PORTER. 

The  death  of 
Hon.  Andrew 
Gregg  Curtin  re 
calls  events  of  in 
tense  interest,  com 
mencing  with  the 
opening  of  the  late 
contest  for  the  pres- 
ervatioii  of  the 
Union  and  extend 
ing  to  its  successful 
close.  Throughout 
this  momentous 
struggle  he  was  an 
an  active  partici 
pant  within  his 

FITZ  JOHN  PORTER.  , 

sphere,  advantage 
ous!}'  using,  as  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  every  personal 
influence  and  ever}'  appropriate  power  of  the  State  to 
sustain  the  government,  to  protect  the  State  from  inva 
sion  and  injury,  and  also  to  secure  the  comforts  and 
guard  the  interests  of  its  soldiers.  So  effective  was 
he  in  his  administration  that  he  justly  earned  the  title 
universally  bestowed  upon  him,  of  "The  War  Gov 
ernor,''  and  for  his  watchful  interest  and  care  the  well- 
earned  title  of  the  "Soldiers'  Friend/' 

(333) 


334  ^  XDRE  W  G.   CL  7?  TIN. 

• 
Among  the  first  marked  evidences  of  a  determination 

on  the  part  of  the  administration  of  1861  to  preserve 
the  general  government  in  all  its  constituted  vigor,  was 
the  President's  call  in  April  u  for  militia  of  the  several 
States  of  the  Union  to  suppress  an  unlawful  combina 
tion,  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested 
in  the  marshals  by  law,  and  to  cause  the  law  to  be  duly 
executed." 

The  condition  of  the  Southern  States  at  the  time  was 
well  known.  Many  had  passed  ordinances  of  secession  ; 
a  Southern  confederacy  had  been  formed  ;  demands  had 
been  made  of  the  federal  government  for  a  recognition 
of  their  independence,  and  a  military  establishment  had 
been  organized  to  sustain  and  enforce  their  asserted 
independence.  Arsenals  within  their  limits  had  been 
seized  and  forts  invested,  whose,  surrender  had  been 
demanded  but  refused  ;  the  military  supplies  of  a  depart 
ment  had  been  surrendered  to  their  control,  and,  eight 
companies  excepted,  the  portion  of  the  United  States 
Army  stationed  on  the  southwestern  frontier  had  been 
disarmed  and  was  virtually  held  prisoner  within  the 
State  of  Texas.  United  States  control  in  Southern  har 
bors  no  longer  existed  ;  imports  could  not  be  collected  ; 
their  revenue  cutters  had  been  seized  ;  free  access  to 
Fort  Suintcr,  held  by  United  States  troops,  was  resisted 
and  effort  to  subsist  its  garrison  had  met  armed  resist 
ance  and  proved  abortive.  A  naval  expedition  of  great 
power,  carrying  man}-  troops,  organized  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  and  sailing  to  its  relief,  was,  unknown  to 
him,  deprived  at  the  last  moment  of  its  commander 
(who  alone  was  instructed),  and  was  further  crippled  by 
its  principal  vessel  being  sent  to  a  distant  station,  while 


EARLY  WAR  TRIALS.  335 

the  object  of  the  expedition — a  cabinet  secret — was 
divulged  to  the  Confederate  authorities.  The  secession 
was  thereby  encouraged,  increasing  as  it  advanced  north 
ward,  and,  unobstructed,  was  buoyantly  passing  over  Vir 
ginia,  and  the  swelling  tide  was  being  sympathetically 
felt  in  Maryland.  The  almost  unguarded  capital  of  the 
country,  enveloped  by  two  States,  was  in  danger  of 
being  isolated  from  the  Northern  States,  its  only  sup 
port,  and  of  being  claimed  as  the  rightful  property  of 
the  South.  If,  with  all  its  insignia  of  power,  the  capital 
should  fall  into  Southern  hands,  its  possession  would  be 
urged  as  a  reason  for  the  recognition  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  by  foreign  governments. 

The  North  saw  all  the  dangers  ;  distrust  in  the  firm 
ness  and  vigor  and  promptness  of  the  administration 
began  to  be  expressed,  boding  it  no  good  ;  the  press 
demanded  prompt  and  energetic  action  and  a  call  upon 
the  North  for  troops.  Further  acquiescence  by  the 
administration  in  this  unfortunate  condition  was  impos 
sible  without  creating  the  suspicion  of  sustaining  those 
seeking  a  destruction  of  the  Union ;  hence,  on  the 
fifteenth  of  April,  1861,  the  President  issued  his  procla 
mation,  calling  for  troops  upon  all  States  which  had  not 
seceded — it  being  determined  to  regard  each  State  as  a 
supporter  of  the  government  until  declared  by  its  own 
act  an  opponent. 

The  sound  of  the  President's  call  echoed  from  every 
hill ;  it  penetrated  every  home,  rousing  the  ambition, 
the  pride  and  patriotism  of  the  North  and  stirring  to  as 
determined  counter  resistance  the  South,  who  looked 
upon  the  President  as  having  inaugurated  civil  war,  and, 
intending  to  subjugate  the  Southern  S tales,  to  invade  and 
destrov  homes  in  the  interests  of  the  abolitionists. 


336  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

The  Northern  States  were  prompt  to  respond.  Troops 
were  on  their  way  to  Washington  when  apprehensions 
were  aroused  of  opposition  to  their  passage  through  Bal 
timore,  and  fears  entertained  of  interruption  of  railroad 
communication  by  the  destruction  of  bridges  on  the 
roads  to  Philadelphia  and  Harrisburg  from  Baltimore. 

The  above  facts  were  well  known  in  Washington,  when 
late  in  the  afternoon  of  April  17,  General  Scott  directed 
me  as  the  authorized  representative  of  the  government, 
to  proceed  at  once  to  Harrisburg,  confer  with  the  State 
authorities,  and  hasten  the  mustering  of  the  State  troops 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States  and  forwarding 
them  to  Washington,  at  the  same  time  protecting  the 
line  of  railroads,  so  as  to  maintain  communication  with 
the  North  through  Baltimore. 

Stating  the  incentives  for  speedy  action,  General 
Scott  said  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  formidable 
preparations  were  being  made  to  invade  the  capital, 
seize  the  government  offices,  and  inaugurate  an  independ 
ent  government  in  the  interests  of  the  South,  and  that 
a  body  of  men  in  the  surrounding  counties  was  to  be 
employed  to  destroy  railroad  communication  with  the 
North  and  thus  delay  the  protection  of  the  city  designed 
by  the  proclamation  calling  for  troops.  I  was  .specially 
enjoined  to  stay  over  that  night  in  Baltimore  and  confer 
with  certain  influential  citizens  who,  though  Union  men, 
were  opposed  to  the  passage  of  State  troops  through 
Baltimore,  but  who,  he  believed,  would  use  their  influence 
with  the  city  authorities  and  citizens  to  prevent  obstnir- 
tions  and  probable  bloodshed,  and  to  secure  the  capital 
from  invasion.  I  was  privileged  to  use  his  name  and  that 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  if  authority  was  necessary,  but 
I  would  be  held  responsible  for  my  acts. 


EARLY  WAR  TRIALS,  337 

I  reached  Harrisburg  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth, 
having  conferred  with  certain  citizens  in  Baltimore,  and 
having  been  assured  that,  if  regular  troops  accompanied 
the  State  troops,  every  effort  would  be  made  to  maintain 
order  and  to  secure  peaceable  passage  through  the  city. 
I  at  once  repaired  to  the  Executive  Chamber  and  there 
met  Governor  Curtin,  who  had  just  returned  from  Wash 
ington,  and  who  understood  fully  the  conditions  threat 
ening  the  capital  and  surrounding  him.  The  situation 
was  critical  and  involved  his  vast  responsibilities.  He 
was  equal  to  the  emergencies,  and,  on  all  occasions,  was 
prompt  to  action  under  his  convictions  of  right,  convey 
ing  by  it  to  his  State  and  to  the  country  the  justice  of 
his  acts,  and,  also,  his  prompt  and  unswerving  energy 
and  determination,  so  far  as  in  his  power,  to  use  every 
facility  to  secure  the  capital  of  the  country  and  maintain 
the  integrity  of  the  Union. 

Several  companies  had  been  early  organized  and 
promptly  reported  at  Harrisburg,  in  response  to  the 
President's  proclamations,  but,  owing  to  Governor  Cur- 
tin's  absence  in  Washington,  conferring  with  the  Presi 
dent,  and  the  opposition  of  one  of  his  staff  to  troops 
being  sent  on  duty  outside  the  State,  they  were  held 
until  the  eighteenth,  when,  on  his  return,  in  my  presence, 
the  Governor  authorized  them  to  be  turned  over  to 
the  United  States,  to  be  mustered  into  service.  That 
day,  as  United  States  troops,  they  were  dispatched  to 
Washington,  by  rail,  in  company  with  a  detachment  of 
regular  artillery  soldiers.  They  reached  Washington 
that  day  (eighteenth),  after  a  most  trying  but  con 
trolled  ordeal  with  a  desperate  mob  while  passing 
through  Baltimore.  They  were  the  first  of  all  State 
troops  tendered  to  the  government,  and  the  first  to 


338  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

reach  Washington  in  answer  to  the  call  for  a  defence 
of  the  government. 

From  the  commencement  of  these  troubles  and  vast 
responsibilities,  Governor  Curtin,  in  addition  to  his  offi 
cial  staff,  had  called  to  his  counsel  and  support,  within 
their  respective  spheres,  Colonel  Alexander  McClure,  a 
firm  friend,  a  wise  and  discreet  citizen  of  Pennsylvania, 
well  acquainted  with  the  emergencies  of  the  period  and 
the  laws  applicable  to  the  necessities  of  the  occasion, 
and  well  known  and  highly  appreciated  by  the  citizens 
of  the  State  and  the  authorities  at  Washington  ;  also 
Thomas  A.  Scott  and  J.  Donald  Cameron,  able  managers, 
respectively,  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad  and 
Northern  Central  Railway,  connecting  Harrisburg  with 
Baltimore,  and  William  B.  Wilson,  an  able  and  discreet 
telegraph  operator.  To  these  was  added  the  able  and 
experienced  soldier,  General  Robert  Patterson,  of  Phila 
delphia,  whom  he  had  appointed  major  general  of 
militia,  and  authorized  to  organize  into  brigades  the 
volunteers  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  State.  Thus 
was  manifested  the  clear  and  prompt  foresight  of  this 
able  Governor  and  his  knowledge  of  the  responsibilities 
soon  to  fall  upon  his  shoulders  and  engage  his  active, 
bright  and  well-governed  mind. 

Governor  Curtin  untiringly  devoted  night  and  day  to 
the  many  duties  devolving  upon  him  to  organize,  arm, 
equip,  muster  into  service  and  render  comfortable  the 
troops  as  they  arrived  at  Harrisburg.  The  annoyances 
and  dangers  attending  the  passage  (April  18),  through 
Baltimore,  of  his  first  partly  armed  detachment ;  the 
attack  upon  the  Massachusetts  troops  on  the  nineteenth  ; 
the  destruction  of  railroad  bridges  near  Baltimore,  en 
forced  the  necessity  of  fully  arming  and  equipping  the 


EARLY  WAR  TRIALS.  339 

troops  for  defence  while  en  route  for  Washington,  and 
the  necessity  for  rebuilding  and  guarding  the  bridges  on 
the  Northern  Central  Railway.  The  State  had  few,  if 
an}*,  arms  and  equipments,  and  the  government  had  to  be 
relied  upon  for  the  supply.  Communication  with  the 
government  was  broken  and  the  State  was  helpless  ;  but 
by  use  of  the  name  and  authority  of  the  Secretary  of 
War,  all  needed  supplies  and  transportation  were  quickly 
provided  from  the  Ordnance  and  Quartermasters'  depots 
in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Frankford  and  Pittsburg. 
So  thoughtful  was  Governor  Curtin,  and  so  energetic  his 
management,  that,  on  AprM  21,  near  3000  troops,  com 
posed  of  intelligent,  brave  and  unselfish  patriots — not 
excelled  in  the  State — had  been  mustered  into  the  ser 
vice  of  the  government,  and,  under  command  of  General 
G.  C.  Wynkoop,  were  at  Cockeysville,  Maryland,  on  the 
Northern  Central  Railway,  only  waiting  the  arrival  that 
night  of  the  trains  loaded  with  lumber  to  rebuild  the 
bridges,  and  of  an  escort  of  regular  troops,  under  com 
mand  of  Major  George  H.  Thomas,  of  the  army,  to  push 
on  through  Baltimore  and  peaceably  re-establish  com 
munication  with  the  capital.  All  were  en  route  that 
evening  and  had  reached  York,  Pennsylvania,  when, 
unfortunately,  as  deemed  at  the  time,  and  greatly  to  the 
disappointment  of  Governor  Curtin  and  the  railroad 
authorities  as  well  as  of  the* "troops  and  of  the  gov 
ernment  agent,  progress  was  arrested  by  order  of  the 
President,  who,  "  to  avoid  collision  and  bloodshed '' 
u  directed  the  troops  to  return  to  Harrisburg  and  take  the 
route  to  Washington  via  Philadelphia,  to  Susquehanna, 
and  thence  to  embark  in  steamers  to  Annapolis,  and  to 
proceed  down  the  Delaware  and  through  the  Chesa 
peake  and  Delaware  Canal,  in  sufficient  tugs  or  other 


34°  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 
craft,   to  Annapolis,  as  Major  General  Patterson    shall 

direct." 

This  order,  as  I  have  said,  was  a  great  disappointment 
to  the  sensitive  and  sympathetic  heart  of  Governor  Cur- 
tin,  who  saw  in  it  delay  in  the  good  cause  of  re-establish 
ing  speedy  and  permanent  communication  between 
Washington  and  the  North  and  West ;  great  incon 
venience  and  expense  to  the  government,  the  State,  and 
to  the  railroads  running  to  Baltimore  ;  and  also  trials 
and  sufferings  to  the  troops.  The  execution  of  this 
order  was  still  further  a  surprise  to  Governor  Curtin 
when  he  saw  the  following  order  was  endorsed  on  the 
original  issued  by  the  President,  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  through  the  general-in-chief. 
Instead  of  a  cessation  of  troubles,  he  feared  their  pro 
longation,  if  not  wider  spreading,  threatening  the  safety 
of  the  government. 

The  endorsement  was  as  follows,  in  the  handwriting 
of  the  Secretary  of  War : 

Since  writing  the  within  order,  it  has  been  changed  by  the  Lieuten 
ant  General,  by  the  direction  of  the  President.  I  now  add  that  I 
direct  the  railroad  to  be  kept  open  at  all  hazards,  so  as  to  give  to  the 
United  States  the  power  to  send  troops  or  munition,  if  the  necessity 
for  bringing  them  by  that  route  shall  occur  by  the  failure  or  inability 
of  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  to  keep  his  faith  with  the  President. 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 

During  these  operations,  reports  were  received  by 
Governor  Curtin,  stating  that  men  sympathizing  with 
the  secessionists,  were  arranging  to  destroy  the  bridges 
across  the  Susquehanna,  at  Harrisburg,  and  thereby 
prevent  the  troops  being  sent  by  the  Northern  Central 
Railway  to  Baltimore,  and  also  cripple  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad.  This  seemed  to  confirm  reports  in  Washington, 


EARLY  WAR  TRIALS.  341 

and  the  Governor  at  once  took  the  necessary  steps  to 
secure  the  bridges  and  thwart  the  conspirators. 

Governor  Curtin  had  frequent  conferences  with  the 
members  of  his  staff,  all  aiding  with  unselfish  patriotism 
and  ardor  his  efforts  to  support  the  government  by  ad 
vice  and  every  means  of  the  State  to  suppress  insurrec 
tion  and  restore  peace  to  the  Union,  at  the  same  time 
running  affairs  smoothly  and  not  surpassing  authority 
in  or  outside  the  State. 

Governor  Curtin's  earnest  and  unselfish  interest  and 
patriotic  action  in  the  Union  cause  is  again  evidenced 
in  his  support  of  the  following  incident  involving  action 
in  another  State,  but  in  which  he  did  not  desire  to 
appear  as  going  beyond  his  powers.  While  sitting  with 
him  in  his  office  in  the  State  House,  he  handed  me  the 
following  dispatch — just  received — and  which  it  was 
impossible  to  send  to  Washington  and  secure  a  reply 
writhin  near  three  days.  Prompt  action  was  essential, 
and  I  at  once  wrote  and  gave  him  the  annexed  dispatches, 
which  he  approved  and  promptly  fonvarded.  The  dis 
patch  received  was  as  follows  : 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  April  21,  1861. 
Governor  Curtin,  Harrisburg,  Pa. : 

An  officer  of  the  army  here  has  received  an  order  to  muster  in  Mis 
souri  regiments.  General  Harney  refuses  to  let  them  remain  in  the 
arsenal  grounds  or  permit  them  to  be  armed.  I  wish  these  facts  to  be 
communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  by  special  messenger,  and 
instructions  sent  immediately  to  Harney  to  receive  the  troops  at  the 
arsenal  and  to  arm  them.  Our  friends  distrust  Harney  very  much. 
He  should  be  superseded  immediately  by  putting  another  commander 
in  the  district.  The  object  of  the  secessionists  is  to  seize  the  arsenal 
with  its  seventy  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  he  refuses  the  means 
of  defending  it.  We  have  plenty  of  men,  but  no  arms. 

FRANK  P.  BI<AIR,  JR. 


342  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

The  following  are  the  replies,  which,  some  years  after 
wards,  General  Blair  declared,  "  saved  Missouri  to  the 
Union  : " 

HARRISBURG,  PA.,  April  21,  1861. 
General  Harney,  Commanding  Department,  St.  Louis,  Mo.  ; 

Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon,  Second  Infantry,  is  detailed  to  muster  in 
the  troops  at  St.  Louis,  and  to  use  them   for  the  protection  of  public 
property.     You  will  see  that  they  are  properly  armed  and  equipped. 
By  order  of  Lieutenant  General  Scott. 

F.  J.  PORTER,  A.  A.  G. 

HARRISBURG,  PA.,  April  21,  1861. 
Hon.  Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  St.  Louis,  Mo.: 

Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon,  Second  Infantry,  has  been  detailed  to 
muster  in  the  troops  at  St.  Louis,  and  to  use  them  for  the  protection 
of  public  property. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

F.  J.  PORTER,  A.  A.  G. 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  many  acts  which  justly 
gave  to  Governor  Curtin  the  recognition  before  the 
country  as  "  The  War  Governor.'"  They  were  the 
opening  acts  in  the  service  of  the  State.  Other  and 
many  acts  showed  his  quick  foresight  and  ever  readiness 
to  meet  and  grapple  with  emergencies.  A  marked  one 
at  this  time  was  when,  in  anticipation  of  the  govern 
ment's  early  and  pressing  need  of  troops,  he  had  organ 
ized  the  eventually  renowned  u  Pennsylvania  Reserves," 
which,  though  the  government  persistently  refused,  as 
not  needed,  to  accept  and  enroll  into  service,  he  held  to 
meet  anticipated  trouble.  The  crisis,  as  expected,  soon 
and  suddenly  came,  and  his  Reserves,  earnestly  called 
for  by  the  government,  soon  established  an  enviable 
reputation  for  gallant  services  which  was  maintained 
throughout  the  war. 


EARLY  WAR  TRIALS.  343 

The  credit  due  Governor  Curtin  for  his  excellent  ad 
ministration  of  his  State  during  his  two  terms  of  great 
care,  anxiety  and  responsibility  ;  and  his  services  as  a 
citizen,  as  well  as  those  which  caused  him  to  be  enrolled 
as  the  "War  Governor"  and  the  "Soldier's  Friend," 
will  ever  cause  him  to  be  borne  in  memory  as  a  model 
governor  and  citizen,  a  firm  friend  and  an  ardent  patriot. 


'5  J^RST 


BY   WILLIAM    BENDER   WILSON. 

My  relations  with 
Governor  Curtin 
were  of  a  confiden- 
tial  nature,  and 
covered  most  of  the 
period  during 
which  he  was  the 
Chief  Executive  of 
Pennsylvania.  I 
had  been  in  the 
Southern  States 
keeping  watch  on 
the  movements  of 
the  leaders  of 
Southern  thought 
and  action,  report 
ing  their  trend  to 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  and  had  only  just  returned  to  Harris- 
burg  as  the  firing  upon  Sumter  awakened  the  world  to 
the  fact  that  the  greatest  conflict  of  modern  times,  in  its 
proportions,  heroisms  and  results,  had  been  opened.  Mr. 
Scott  took  me  to  the  Capitol  and  introduced  me  to  the 
Governor,  whom  I  met  for  the  first  time.  From  then 
until  the  close  of  the  war,  at  intervals,  or  rather  during 
special  emergencies,  I  served  him  as  military  and  cipher 
operator,  and  as  telegraphic  scout.  On  the  seventeenth 

(344) 


WILLIAM  BENDER  WILSON. 


FIRST  MILITARY  TELEGRAPH.  345 

of  April,  1 86 1,  with  a  relay  magnet  and  key  placed  on 
a  window-sill  in  the  Executive  Chamber  by  his  order,  I 
opened  the  first  military  telegraph  office  on  this  conti 
nent.  From  this  vantage  ground  a  great  part  of  the 
Governor's  actions  passed  under  my  notice. 

There  was  no  spot  in  the  United  States  where  so  much 
valuable  and  important  work  for  the  Union  was  being 
performed  as  in  the  Executive  Chamber  at  Harrisburg. 

Surrounded  by  such  active  and  aggressive  men  as 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  Alexander  K.  McClure,  John  A. 
Wright,  Eli  Slifer,  Alexander  L.  Russell,  and  Generals 
Hale  and  Irwin,  as  aides,  Curtin  was  an  ideal  leader.  To 
that  coterie  must  be  added  Major  Fitz  John  Porter,  able, 
distinguished,  patriotic  and  brave,  whose  arrival  on  the 
eighteenth  of  April  gave  a  confidence  that  had  been 
lacking  by  reason  of  the  wrant  of  military  knowledge. 
Events  rapidly  culminated  into  a  state  of  war,  and  Cur- 
tin  found  himself  in  reality  a  commander-in-chief,  with 
an  active  enemy  to  encounter.  He  not  only  became  one, 
but  he  never  hesitated  in  assuming  the  duties  and  respon 
sibilities  of  the  position. 

After  the  events  in  Baltimore  on  April  19  had  closed 
wire  communications  with  the  national  capital,  the 
patriotic  people  of  the  North  with  one  impulse  turned 
to  Curtin  for  aid,  information  and  advice.  From  the 
people  came  the  demand  to  be  enrolled,  and  their  de 
mands  were  gratified.  From  Philadelphia  came  alarms 
as  to  the  safety  of  the  Delaware  River  forts,  and  those 
alarms  were  quieted  by  Major  Porter  ordering  General 
Patterson,  on  April  20,  to  reinforce  Captain  Gibson  with 
volunteers. 

From  among  the  many  calls  from  out  of  the  State 
was  one  from  St.  L,ouis,  the  Philadelphia  of  the  West, 


3  4 6  A  NDRE  W  G.   CUR  TIN. 

• 

and  the  key  to  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  it  was 
promptly  attended  to.  Missouri  was  in  a  state  of  fer 
ment.  St.  Louis  was  apparently  in  the  hands  of  the 
secessionists.  In  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  there  were 
70,000  stands  of  arms  that  the  secessionists  were  prepar 
ing  to  seize.  Missouri  Union  volunteers  were  coming  to 
the  front,  and  Lieutenant  J.  M.  Schofield,  3d  Artillery, 
then  in  St.  Louis,  had  been  detailed  to  muster  them  in. 
General  Harney,  commanding  the  district,  standing  upon 
what  he  considered  neutral  ground,  refused  to  allow  the 
Missouri  Unionists  to  remain  in  the  arsenal  grounds  or 
to  be  armed.  It  was  a  critical  moment,  and  Frank  P. 
Blair,  Jr.,  using  the  telegraph  office  at  East  St.  Louis, 
sent  the  following  telegram,  which  I  received  at  Harris- 
burg  early  in  the  morning  of  the  day  it  was  dated  : 

ST.  Louis,  April  21,  1861. 
To  Governor  A.  G.  Ciirtin  : 

An  officer  of  the  army  here  has  received  an  order  to  muster  in  Mis 
souri  regiments.  General  Harney  refuses  to  let  them  remain  in  the 
arsenal  grounds  or  permit  them  to  be  armed.  I  wish  these  facts  to  be 
communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  by  special  messenger,  and  in 
structions  sent  immediately  to  Harney  to  receive  the  troops  at  the 
arsenal  and  arm  them.  Our  friends  distrust  Harney  very  much.  He 
should  be  superseded  immediately  by  putting  another  commander  in 
the  district.  The  object  of  the  secessionists  is  to  seize  the  arsenal  here 
with  its  seventy  thousand  stands  of  arms,  and  he  refuses  the.  means  of 
defending  it.  We  have  plenty  of  men,  but  no  arms. 

(Signed)  FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 

Governor  Curtin,  appreciating  the  gravity  of  the  situa 
tion,  which  was  increased  by  the  certainty  that  it  would 
require  two  or  three  days'  time  to  perfect  full  communi 
cation  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  believing  that 
the  delay  of  an  hour  might  place  St.  Louis  in  the  hands 
of  the  insurgents,  turned  to  Porter  and  delivered  Blair's 
appeal  to  him.  Major  Porter,  without  a  moment's 


FIRST  MILITARY  TELEGRAPH.  347 

hesitation,  used  the  name  of  Lieutenant  General  Winfield 
Scott  and  telegraphed  Captain  N.  Lyon,  2d  Infantry, 
then  at  St.  IvOtiis,  to  muster  in  the  Union  troops  and  to 
use  them  for  the  protection  of  public  property.  He  also 
notified  Harney  of  the  detail  and  instructed  him  to  see 
that  the  troops  so  mustered  should  be  properly  armed 
and  equipped.  Telegrams  of  the  same  import  were  sent 
to  Captain  Seth  Williams,  assistant  adjutant  general, 
and  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  arsenal  at  St. 
Louis,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Secretary  of  War  (Simon 
Cameron)  to  Mr.  Blair.  It  is  a  well-established  fact  that 
Captain  Lyon's  prompt  obedience  to  the  order  saved  St. 
Louis  to  the  Union. 

There  was  one  call  upon  the  Governor  which  he  did 
not  favorably  act  upon,  but  the  action  he  did  take  gave 
testimony  to  his  splendid  manhood.  It  was  customary 
in  those  days  for  the  Governor  to  remain  at  his  office 
until  long  after  midnight,  returning  to  it  at  break  of  day. 
I  took  such  sleep  as  I  obtained  by  laying  my  head  upon 
the  window  sill.  Early  one  morning  I  was  awakened 
by  his  calling  me  to  partake  of  a  sandwich  he  had 
brought  me.  Whilst  discussing  it  there  came  into  the 
Executive  Chamber  an  agent  accredited  from  Governor 
Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Curtin,  who 
announced  his  mission  to  be  the  obtaining  of  permission 
from  the  latter  allowing  a  son  of  John  Brown,  of  Har 
per's  Ferry  notoriety,  to  pass  through  Pennsylvania  with 
a  selected  company  of  men,  recruiting  secretly  on  the 
way  en  route  for  Virginia,  for  the  purpose  of  causing  an 
uprising  of  the  slaves  against  their  masters. 

As  the  horrors  of  a  servile  insurrection,  in  which 
innocent  women  and  children  would  be  the  chief  vic 
tims,  loomed  up  before  him,  Curtin  seemed  paralyzed 


348  ANDREW  G.  CURTfN. 

9 

for  a  moment  at  the  cold-blooded  proposition.  Then, 
recovering  himself,  his  frame  quivering  with  majestic 
anger,  his  tones  surcharged  with  indignation,  he  dis 
missed  the  agent,  saying,  u  No !  I  will  not  permit  John 
Brown's  son  to  pass  through  Pennsylvania  for  such  a 
purpose,  but  I  will  use  the  whole  power  of  this  common 
wealth  to  prevent  his  doing  so.  Go  !  tell  those  who  sent 
you  here  that  so  far  as  I  am  concerned  this  war  will  be 
conducted  only  by  civilized  methods." 

My  services  being  needed  in  Washington,  I  accompa 
nied  Colonel  Scott  there,  but  returned  to  Harrisburg 
with  him  in  the  summer  of  1862.  The  defeat  of  Pope 
at  the  gates  of  Washington  had  left  Pennsylvania  open 
to  invasion,  and  its  great  line  of  railroad  liable  to  be  cut 
in  twenty  different  places,  thus  threatening  the  destruc 
tion  of  a  necessary  artery  for  the  supplies  of  the  army. 
Governor  Curtiii's  appeal  to  the  national  authorities  for 
protection  met  with  the  response  that  Pennsylvania  must 
look  out  for  itself.  That  the  Governor  immediately 
organized  for  defence  is  well  known,  but  he  not  only 
did  that — he  also  organized  expeditions  to  search  for  the 
enemy,  so  that  McClellan,  who  was  moving  cautiously, 
but  almost  blindly,  up  the  Potomac,  might  be  advised 
of  its  whereabouts.  Captain  William  J.  Palmer,  of  the 
Anderson  cavalry,  and  myself  were  sent  for  and  ordered 
to  proceed  southward  through  the  Cumberland  Valley 
until  we  came  up  with  the  enemy,  to  keep  him  in  sight, 
learn  all  we  could  of  his  numbers  and  intentions  and  to 
report  frequently  to  the  Governor.  I  was  equipped  with 
a  small  pocket  relay  and  a  coil  of  fine  helix  wire,  with 
which  to  open  up  telegraphic  communication  whenever 
it  was  convenient  to  do  so.  My  offices  as  opened  were 
improvised  from  fence  rails,  tree  stumps  or  crevices  in 


FIRS  T  MIL  IT  A  R  Y  TELEGRAPH.  349 

decayed  trees.  This  combination  of  Palmer  and  myself 
was  the  medium  of  information  which  enabled  Governor 
Curtin  to  guide  McClellan's  army  in  the  Antietam  cam 
paign. 

On  the  ninth  of  September  we  arrived  in  Hagerstown, 
and  although  the  alarm  was  great  among  the  people,  it 
was  not  until  next  day  that  we  were  able  to  locate  the 
enemy  and  ascertain  that  Jackson's  corps  was  moving 
on  the  National  road  between  Middletown  and  Boons- 
boro,  and  in  the  direction  of  Marthisburg  and  Harper's 
Ferry.  On  the  same  day,  at  the  instance  of  the  Gov 
ernor,  I  sent  a  scout  named  Snokes  to  Martinsburg  to 
notify  General  White  in  command,  of  the  situation. 
White,  acting  upon  the  information,  evacuated  his 
position,  and  joined  Miles  at  Harper's  Ferry.  On  the 
morning  of  the  eleventh,  250  rebel  cavalry  of  the  ad 
vance  "'Hard  rode  into  Hagerstown.  Remaining;  long 

o  o  o  o 

enough  to  learn  that  they  were  part  of  Colonel  Brinn's 
command  moving  toward  his  home,  near  State  Line, 
and  that  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  were  at  Funks- 
town,  we  separated,  Palmer  going  by  country  road,  and 
I  by  railroad,  with  the  understanding  that  we  were  to 
meet  at  State  Line  and  the  railroad.  When  a  short 
distance  out  of  Hagerstown,  I  tapped  the  wires  and  for 
warded  the  Governor  the  information  we  had  obtained. 
I  soon  reached  the  rendezvous,  from  which  I  watched 
the  actions  of  Colonel  Brinn,  and  sent  out  scouts  in  even- 
direction,  who  brought  me  in  valuable  information, 
which  I  forwarded  to  the  Governor,  sometimes  through 

o 

Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  at  Harrisburg,  or  Colonel  A. 
K.  McClure,  A.  A.  G.  Volunteers,  at  Chambersburg. 
Palmer,  in  the  meantime,  was  making  a  personal  recon- 
noissance  of  the  enemy.  In  the  early  morning  of  the 


350  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

twelfth,  he  rejoined  and  gave  me  the  following  report  to 
be  wired  to  headquarters  : 

September  12,  1862,  4  a.  m. 

To  Major  A.  K.  McClure,  Assistant  Adjutant  General,  Chambers- 
burg  : 

I  have  just  returned  from  the  enemy's  cavalry  camp,  below  Hagers- 
town,  where  I  have  been  all  day.  I  left  there  at  8  p.  m.,  and  was 
obliged  to  walk  through  the  fields  to  avoid  the  pickets.  Only  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  rebel  cavalry  had  reached  Hagerstown  by  the 
Boonsboro  road,  but  at  3  p.  m.,  two  regiments,  say  fifteen  hundred 
infantry,  two  cannon  and  twenty-five  wagons  came  in  by  the  same 
road,  and  camped  in  town.  Owing  to  the  rebel  cavalry  having  selected 
the  farm  at  which  I  was  lodging  for  their  camp,  and  placed  guards 
around  the  house,  I  was  unable  to  ascertain  what  force  entered  by  the 
other  roads,  if  any,  but  my  impression  is  that  another  infantry  and 
cavalry  force,  etc.,  people  there  say  Longstreet's  corps,  came  in  by 
Cavetown  road.  I  could  not  ascertain  the  truth  of  this  personally. 
The  rebel  sentinels  told  me  the  main  body  of  Jackson's  cavalry,  with 
Jackson  himself,  turned  off  at  Boonsboro,  and  went  to  Williamsport, 
probably  to  flank  our  men  at  Harper's  Ferry.  This  was  confirmed  by 
the  statement  of  another  rebel  cavalryman  to  my  landlord,  whom  he 
knew  and  called  upon  on  first  reaching  Hagerstown.  A  sentinel  told 
me,  and  an  officer  informed  my  landlord,  that  their  cavalry  was  ordered 
out  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  at  between  twelve  midnight  and  two  o'clock 
this  morning,  and  that  their  infantry  would  follow  this  morning.  On 
learning  this,  I  left  immediately  for  Greencastle,  having  no  one  that  I 
could  send  with  a  message.  In  accordance  with  your  instructions,  and 
as  my  men  would  make  poor  show  in  a  fight,  with  untrained  horses  and 
miserable  saddles  and  bridles,  and  without  spurs,  I  have  instructed  my 
pickets  to  fall  back  slowly  and  shall  have  to  do  the  same  with  the 
small  mounted  force  here,  say  eighty  men,  in  case  the  enemy  approach. 
The  dismounted  men  will  be  sent  to  me  on  Greencastle  road  as  fast  as 
mounted.  Lieutenant  Spencer's  command  should  do  the  same,  and 
not  come  on  to  Chambersburg.  If  they  had  been  here  we  could  have 
held  the  rebel  cavalry  at  State  Line.  All  of  Jackson's  soldiers  say 
that  they  do  not  intend  to  injure  a  single  Marylander,  but  threaten  to 
do  all  sorts  of  bad  things  when  they  get  into  Pennsylvania.  This 
movement  may  be  a  feint,  but  the  rebel  soldiers  do  not  so  understand 
it,  and  the  fact  of  their  bringing  wagons  aud  infantry  shows  it  is  no 
mere  raid.  From  the  conciliatory  manner  toward  the  citizens  in 
which  the  rebels  behaved  yesterday  (they  even  went  without  grain  for 
their  horses,  when  plenty  could  have  been  seized),  I  think  they 


FIRST  MILITAR  Y  TELEGRAPH.  35 1 

imagine  they  will  hold  Maryland.  One  of  their  objects  in  invading 
Pennsylvania  is  to  let  the  North  know  how  invasion  feels,  and  their 
policy  may  be  to  treat  the  non-combatants  roughly,  but  I  hardly  think 
they  will,  except  in  the  matter  of  property.  The  enemy's  cavalry  was 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Brinn,  who  resides  near  State  Line, 
and  knows  all  the  byroads,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Drake.  It  numbers 
thirteen  hundred  men,  a  number  of  recruits  having  been  received  since 
entering  Maryland.  They  are  armed  with  pistol,  sabre  and  carbine, 
are  well  clothed  and  shod,  and  are  soldierly  looking  men.  Some  Mis 
sissippi  soldiers  were  reported  by  this  cavalry  as  being  on  the  Cave  town 
road,  and  the  soldiers  say  more  infantry  would  be  in  this  morning.  I 
tried  to  obtain  a  pass  to  Leitersberg  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  Drake,  of 
the  cavalry,  but  he  advised  me  to  wait  till  morning. 

4.30  a.  m. — A  messenger  from  my  pickets  at  State  Line  has  just  re 
ported  that  they  heard  the  reveille  blow  in  the  rebel  camp.  Mr.  Wilson 
will  put  up  his  telegraph  instrument  at  Marion,  four  miles  from  here, 
and  I  will  communicate  to  you  further  from  there.  The  train  will  go 
on  to  Chambersburg.  Is  there  a  clear  track  ?  Has  Lieutenant  Spen 
cer's  party  reached  you  ?  I  shall  endeavor  to  leave  three  men  in  citi 
zens'  clothing  in  Greencastle.  WM.  J.  PALMER, 

Captain  Commanding  Anderson  Cavalry. 

This  telegram  of  Palmer's  demonstrates  that  he  -yas 
not  only  acting  as  a  scout  within  the  enemy's  lines,  but 
that  he  was  also  directing  the  movements  of  the  advance 
guard  of  that  body  of  citizen  soldiery  which  Governor 
Curtin  was  assembling  on  the  border,  and  of  which  the 
nucleus  was  forming  around  Major  McClure,  at  Cham 
bersburg. 

Upon  Palmer's  withdrawal  from  Greencastle,  I  re 
mained  behind,  flying  the  American  flag  over  the  town, 
my  office  rigged  up  on  a  hand-car,  and  with  two  scouts 
comprising  the  garrison  ;  from  that  position  I  gathered 
information  from  far  and  near  which  was  promptly  com 
municated  to  Curtin,  who  was  closely  watching  the 
movements  of  the  enemy  and  conferring  with  the  War 
Department  at  Washington. 

From  this  unique  office  I  sent  the  following  among 
other  telegrams : 


352  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

GREENCASTLE,  September  12,  1862,  9.30  a.  m. 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  Harrisburg: 

Greencastle  evacuated.  Am  waiting  on  a  hand-car  to  see  the  enemy. 
Have  a  small  guard.  As  soon  as  Captain  Palmer  gives  the  order  I 
will  go  up  the  road  and  open  an  office.  The  captain  is  trying  to  find 
out  the  number  and  disposition  of  the  enemy.  W.  B.  WILSON. 

GREENCASTLE,  September  12,  1862,  12. 30  p.  m. 
Governor  A.  G.  Curtiu,  Harrisburg : 

An  enrolling  officer  of  Washington  County,  Maryland,  left  Williams- 
port  at  9  o'clock  this  morning.  He  saw  enemy  crossing  yesterday  at 
Williamsport.  Says  he  threw  some  fifteen  thousand  over  the  river 
and  seventy-five  pieces  of  artillery.  This  morning  he  saw  the  wagon 
train  returning.  There  were  no  camps  established  around  the  town. 
The  main  body  of  the  troops  that  inarched  on  Williamsport  entered 
there  at  n  a.  m.  yesterday  under  the  command  of  Jackson  in  person, 
and  immediately  began  to  cross  the  river.  A  rumor  prevailed  among 
rebels  at  Williamsport  that  a  Union  cavalry  force  of  5000  was  watching 
their  progress.  This  gentleman's  information  is  straight  and  reliable. 

WILLIAM  B.  WILSON. 

GREENCASTLE,  September  12,  1862. 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  Harrisburg  : 

From  some  half  dozen  refugees  from  Hagerstown  and  vicinity  I 
derived  the  information  that  the  enemy  are  crossing  in  a  body  at  Will 
iamsport.  A  citizen  picket  from  Clear  Spring,  though  a  man  of  not 
much  information,  just  in,  confirms  previous  reports.  They  will  keep 
their  cavalry  at  Hagerstown,  and  I  am  assured  by  a  paroled  Unionist 
that  the  infantry  is  still  there.  Palmer  is  now  advancing  his  pickets. 
Two  gentlemen  under  parole,  who  left  Hagerstown  at  8  o'clock  this 
morning,  represent  everything  pretty  quiet.  Stores  all  closed  and 
every  person  treated  well.  They  met  enemy's  pickets  three  or  four 
miles  out  of  Hagerstown.  I  do  not  apprehend  an  invasion  of  Penn 
sylvania,  but  think  a  cavalry  dash  this  far  more  than  probable,  and 
that  will  be  done  out  of  pure  impudence.  The  cavalry  at  Hagerstown 
this  morning  consisted  of  some  four  regiments.  My  informants  being 
under  parole  are  cautious  about  what  information  they  give  out  and 
desire  that  their  names  be  suppressed.  We  have  only  some  thirty  of  a 
force  here  at  present.  Some  of  the  citizens  wanted  to  haul  down  the 
flag  here  this  morning,  but  I  told  them  I  wanted  it  over  me  whilst  I 
remained,  and  she  still  floats.  W.  B.  WILSON. 

These  are  only  specimen  telegrams,  but  they  illustrate 
the  nature  of  the  work  the  Governor  had  engaged  us  in. 
After  this  I  so  disposed  of  myself  that  T  was  able  to  give 


FIRST  MIL ITA K  Y  TELEGRAPH.  353 

the  Governor  the  first  information  relative  to  the  fall  of 
Harper's  Ferry,  the  fight  at  Boonsboro  pass  of  the  South 
Mountain,  and  the  evacutionof  Hagerstown  by  Longstreet, 
whilst  Palmer,  skirting  the  flanks  of  the  latter,  kept 
himself  so  well  informed  that  when  he  reached  McClel- 
lan,  who  had  passed  the  South  Mountain,  he  was  able 
to  intelligently  advise  him  as  to  the  numbers  and  dis 
position  of  the  enemy  and  guide  him  to  what  became 
the  battlefield  of  Antietam. 

Whilst  the  details  of  our  work  were  left  with  ourselves, 
and  independent  and  free  action  was  allowed  us,  our 
plans  of  campaign  were  laid  by  Governor  Curtin. 

Not  only  did  Curtin  organize  the  telegraphic  scouting 
service  in  the  Cumberland  Valley  during  the  Antietam 
campaign,  but  he  extended  it  over  the  campaigns  in 
1863  and  1864,  and  I  had  the  honor  of  serving  him  in 
that  capacity  in  the  Gettysburg-  and  Early's  raid  cam 
paigns  and  the  burning  of  Chambersburg.  In  the  for 
mer  campaign,  from  the  time  Lee  crossed  the  Potomac 
until  his  advance  struck  the  Susquehanna  at  Oyster 
Point,  the  enemy  was  never  out  of  my  sight,  and  every 
step  of  his  advance  was  reported  to  the  Governor  and 
by  him  to  the  authorities  at  Washington.  This  service 
was  a  hard  one — ofttimes  in  hiding  with  the  enemy  all 
around  me,  my  little  instrument  in  circuit  doing  its 
work,  sleep  impossible,  hunger  gnawing  and  danger  of 
capture  imminent — but  it  was  performed  with  a  con 
sciousness  that  it  was  right.  This  narrative  had  of 
necessity  to  be  largely  personal,  for  without  that  color 
ing  the  story  telling  of  the  broad  and  comprehensive 
measures,  covering  every  detail,  taken  by  Curtin  in  his 
great  and  patriotic  efforts  in  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  could  not  have  been  well  told. 
23 


OF   THE 


BY    M.    S.    QUAY. 

I  had  the  best  opportunity  of  knowing-  the  inception 
and  execution  of  all  the  many  methods  adopted  by  Gov 
ernor  Curtin  to  protect  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  to  min 
ister  to  the  sick  in  the  hospitals,  to  insure  the  return  of 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  for  burial  with  their  kindred,  to 
provide  for  the  orphans  of  the  heroic  men  who  had  fallen 
in  the  conflict,  and  to  maintain  the  highest  measure  of 
discipline  throughout  the  ranks  of  the  Pennsylvania 
soldiers  by  the  just  promotion  of  all  who  specially  de 
served  it  when  it  was  possible  to  do  so.  Having  become 
connected  with  his  administration  immediately  after  the 
war  began,  as  secretary  of  the  Governor,  having  served  in 
the  field  in  command  of  a  regiment,  and  later  having  filled 
the  important  position  of  Military  State  Agent  at  Wash 
ington,  I  had  every  opportunity  of  knowing  how 
thoroughly  he  was  devoted  to  every  interest  of  the 
Pennsylvania  soldiers,  and  how  he  was  in  advance  of 
all  other  loyal  governors  in  conceiving  and  executing 
measures  to  meet  ever)-  requirement  within  the  power  of 
the  State  to  add  to  their  comfort  and  safety. 

It  is  probably  not  generally  known  that  in  all  the 
great  measures  proposed  by  Governor  Curtin,  and  through 
his  influence  enacted  into  legislation  that  carried  into 
execution,  by  agents  of  his  own  creation,  all  the  varied 
methods  of  caring  for  the  soldier,  whether  in  camp  or 
in  hospital,  Governor  Curtin  was  ever  in  the  advance. 

(354) 


M.  s.  or  AY. 


CAKE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  357 

Other  States  simply  imitated  Governor  Curtin  in  the 
many  laws  enacted  by  which  the  care  of  the  State  was 
given  to  the  soldiers  in  the  field,  in  the  hospital  and 
in  death,  and  in  all  these  beneficent  movements,  by  which 
the  highest  humanities  possible  in  war  were  carried  into 
effect,  Governor  Ctirtin  was  always  leader  and  other 
governors  followed. 

One  of  the  great  attributes  of  Governor  Curtin  was 
his  devotion  to  all  the  inspirations  of  humanity.  His 
heart  always  felt  every,  sorrow  that  came  upon  the  soldier 
and  his  loved  ones  at  home,  and  his  pride  in  the  heroic 
attitude  always  maintained  by  Pennsylvania  troops  at 
every  stage  of  the  wrar,  quickened  his  eloquence  on  every 
occasion  when  the  Pennsylvania  soldier  was  the  theme 
of  discussion.  He  was  the  first  governor  of  the  North 
to  provide  agents,  commissioned  by  the  State,  to  visit 
not  only  the  army  in  camp  wherever  there  were  Penn 
sylvania  soldiers  in  the  field,  but  also  to  visit  every 
hospital.  This  movement  \vas  resisted  with  considerable 
earnestness  at  first  as  the  exhibition  of  sentimentalism 
that  illy  accorded  with  the  savagery  of  war,  but  Governor 
Curtin  not  only  saw  his  State  take  a  front  rank  in  its 
great  offices  of  humanity,  but  he  saw  the  Sanitary  Com 
mission  and  the  Christian  Commission,  both  of  which 
were  encouraged  in  every  possible  way  by  the  State, 
help  to  make  Pennsylvania  pre-eminent  over  all  her 
sister  States  in  the  offices  of  humanity  to  the  sick  and 
suffering  soldiers.  In  no  State  of  the  Union  were  the 
humanities  of  war  so  grandly  exhibited  as  in  Pennsyl 
vania.  The  business  men  of  our  State  gave  of  their 
abundance  with  lavish  liberality  ;  the  agents  of  the  State 
were  supplemented  by  the  ministers  of  various  humane 
organizations,  all  acting  in  concert,  and  made  it  next  to 


358  ANDREW  G.  CURT1N. 

• 

impossible  for  a  Pennsylvania  soldier  in  any  section  of 
the  country  to  suffer  for  want  of  all  the  comforts  and 
necessaries  of  their  condition. 

As  Military  Secretary  to  Governor  Cnrtin  I  had  every 
opportunity  to  know  how  the  care  of  the  Pennsylvania 
soldiers  was  always  uppermost  in  his  mind.  Thousands 
and  thousands  of  letters  from  private  soldiers  were  writ 
ten  to  the  Governor  during  every  month  of  the  war, 
many  of  them  most  unreasonable  in  their  requests,  others 
simply  uttering  the  wail  of  despair,  but  not  one  was 
permitted  to  remain  unanswered.  Every  private  soldier 
who  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Governor,  whether  the 
purport  of  it  was  reasonable  or  unreasonable,  received  an 
answer  that  always  breathed  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and 
kindly  care,  and  if  the  request  was  not  complied  with, 
the  soldier  was  cheered  and  strengthened  by  the  devotion 
of  the  Executive.  Thus  every  Pennsylvania  soldier 
felt  that  whatever  misfortune  might  befall  him,  he  had 
in  Governor  Curtin  a  friend  upon  whom  he  could  rely, 
and  it  was  this  devotion  that  made  the  soldiers  in  the 
field  in  1863,  when  unable  to  return  to  their  homes  to 
vote  for  Curtin's  re-election,  control  the  decision  of  that 
contest  by  the  ceaseless  appeals  from  camp  and  hospital  to 
fathers,  brothers  and  friends  at  home  to  re-elect  Governor 
Curtin  because  he  was  the  soldiers'  friend.  He  earned 
that  title  fairly  ;  it  was  no  clap-trap  invention.  It  was 
given  to  him  by  the  spontaneous  utterances  of  the  hearts 
of  the  soldiers  of  Pennsylvania,  and  it  will  linger  in  the 
hearts  of  the  children  and  children's  children  of  soldiers  as 
long  as  patriotism  shall  have  worshipers  in  our  great  State. 

One  remarkable  feature  of  Governor  Curtin's  personal 
magnetism  and  influence  with  the  soldiers  of  Pennsyl 
vania  was  in  the  fact  that  he  could  name  from  memory 


CAKE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  359 

almost,  if  not  every  commissioned  officer  of  every  regi 
ment  of  the  State,  and  from  many  portions  he  had 
personal  acquaintance  with  a  large  number  of  the  private 
soldiers.  When  he  went  to  the  camp  he  was  always 
heartily  welcomed,  greeted  the  officers  and  many  men  by 
name,  and  his  first  efforts  when  he  reached  the  field  were 
to  avoid  the  exhibition  of  honors  to  himself  in  order 
that  he  might  inquire  exhaustively  into  ever}'  wrong  of 
the  soldiers  and  have  it  corrected.  No  private  soldier 
ever  appealed  to  him  without  response.  If  he  failed  to 
attain  what  he  requested  he  was  always  more  than  grati 
fied  at  the  interest  exhibited  by  his  Governor,  and  the 
assurance  that  whatever  was  possible  to  be  done  consist 
ently  with  military  service  would  be  done  for  each 
individual. 

There  never  was  a  time  when  a  private  soldier  could 
not  call  him  from  the  counsels  of  the  greatest  of  the  land. 
When  visiting  camp  he  would  leave  the  social  circle  of 
officers  on  the  instant  when  a  private  soldier  called  upon 
him,  and  when  in  the  Executive  Chamber  at  Harrisburg, 
cabinet  officers  and  all  connected  with  the  administration, 
or  visitors  of  the  highest  importance,  were  always  made 
secondary  when  a  private  soldier  appeared  at  his  office 
door.  He  did  not  seek  to  have  them  avoid  the  hard 
duties  of  military  life.  He  taught  each  and  all  that  the 
soldier  must  be  brave,  obedient,  and  offer  his  life  when 
necessary,  and  every  teaching  he  gave  inspired  them  to 
the  noblest  ambition  and  to  the  most  heroic  achieve 
ments.  In  like  manner  the  fathers,  mothers,  wives, 
brothers  and  sisters  of  soldiers  who  were  killed  or 
wounded,  or  suffering  from  sickness,  could  always  have 
the  readiest  access  to  his  personal  presence,  and  their 
appeals  took  precedence  of  the  greatest  questions  of 


360  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

state.  If  the  kinsman  soldier  was  sick  or  wounded,  he 
was  ministered  to  ;  if  he  had  fallen  in  the  conflict,  his 
body  was  brought  home  at  the  expense  of  the  State  for 
burial  in  the  God's  acre  where  the  loved  ones  of  the 
family  slept  who  had  gone  before  ;  and  if  wrongs  had 
been  suffered  in  any  way  by  those  who  wore  the  country's 
blue  under  the  flag  of  our  State,  it  was  only  necessary  to 
make  the  facts  known  to  the  Governor  and  the  wrongs 
were  redressed. 

One  of  Governor  Curtin's  methods,  by  which  commu 
nication  with  the  army,  reaching  to  the  need  of  the 
humblest  as  well  as  the  greatest  of  soldiers,  was  the 
organization  of  the  Military  State  Agency  at  Washing 
ton,  a  position  to  which  I  was  called  by  the  Governor 
after  having  served  as  his  secretary  and  in  the  field  ; 
and  thus  entirely  familiar  with  all  his  purposes  and  the 
varied  measures  adopted  to  carry  Into  effect  the  fullest 
measure  of  protection  to  the  sons  of  Pennsylvania  in 
the  field.  It  was  the  business  of  the  State  agent  to 
facilitate  every  proper  request  from  a  Pennsylvania  sol 
dier  made  to  the  authorities  in  Washington.  With  an 
army  of  a  million  of  men  in  the  field  it  was  only  rea 
sonable  to  assume  that  the  authorities  must  receive  hun 
dreds  of  communications  every  day  from  soldiers  of 
whom  they  had  no  knowledge,  and  the  merits  of  whose 
applications  could  not  be  properly  judged.  It  was  the 
duty  of  the  State  agent  to  receive  all  requests  from 
Pennsylvania  soldiers  to  the  general  government,  to 
deliver  them  in  person,  to  advise  freely  with  the  proper 
officials,  and  to  have  all  such  matters  determined  as  the 
justice  of  the  case  required.  By  this  means  there  was 
no  delay  when  any  appeal  from  a  Pennsylvania  soldier 
required  the  action  of  the  War  Department.  Special 


CARE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  361 

cases  requiring  furloughs,  all  the  complications  which 
often  arose  in  regard  to  promotions,  and  all  things  per 
taining  to  the  welfare  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops  in  the 
field,  no  matter  how  distant  from  the  capital,  were  thus 
promptly  attended  to  and  disposed  of  according  to  the 
equities  of  the  case.  This  method,  adopted  by  Governor 
Curtin,  was  generally  followed  by  the  governors  of  the 
other  Northern  States,  and  the  result  was  the  most  har 
monious  action  between  the  national  and  the  State  gov 
ernments  in  all  actions  relating  to  individual  soldiers. 
From  the  day  that  Governor  Curtin  delivered  in  person 
the  flags  of  his  State  to  the  Pennsylvania  regiments,  at 
the  opening  of  the  war,  until  the  Fourth  of  July,  1866, 
when  in  Independence  Square  he  received  these  tattered 
emblems  of  patriotism  from  General  Meade  to  be  treas 
ured  in  the  archives  of  the  State,  our  Pennsylvania 
Executive  stood  out  single  from  all  the  loyal  governors 
of  the  Union,  not  only  in  sentimental  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  the  soldier,  but  in  the  most  complete  and 
advanced  practical  methods  of  throwing  over  our  sol 
diers  in  the  field  the  highest  measure  of  guardianship 
from  the  great  State  they  represented. 

This  varied  and  complete  system  of  Governor  Curtin's, 
by  which  he  provided  for  every  want  of  the  soldier  that 
was  within  the  range  of  human  effort,  in  now  well-nigh 
forgotten,  as  the  generation  that  witnessed  the  war  has 
largely  passed  away.  There  are  grateful  memories  of 
the  Christian  Commission  and  the  Sanitary  Commission, 
and  of  the  general  measures  adopted  by  Governor  Curtin 
to  enforce  the  humanities  of  war,  but  there  are  no  endur 
ing  monuments  of  the  ceaseless  attention  he  gave  to  the 
wants  of  the  soldiers,  save  the  comparatively  few  griz 
zled  veterans  who  live  to  tell  the  story  to  their  children. 


362  A.MDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

His  care  of  the  orphans  of  the  fallen  soldiers  has  reared 
its  own  enduring  monuments,  and  they  stand  out  amongst 
the  most  brilliant  pages  of  the  annals  of  that  bloody 
history.  I  well  remember  when  he  urged  the  Legisla 
ture  to  adopt  the  orphans  of  our  soldiers  as  the  wards 
of  the  commonwealth.  There  was  much  hesitation  in 
accepting  this  additional  severe  tax  upon  the  people 
who  were  already  overburdened  by  the  cost  of  war.  In 
his  first  effort  he  was  defeated,  but  he  renewed  it,  threw 
into  it  all  his  magnetism,  his  eloquence  and  power,  and 
finally  carried  it.  The  history  of  these  orphan  schools 
is  unexampled  in  the  humane  achievements  of  any  other 
commonwealth.  Pennsylvania  stands  out  alone  amongst 
all  the  loyal  States  as  having  taken  the  greatest  care  of 
the  orphans  of  the  soldiers,  and  given  them  every  oppor 
tunity  for  a  hopeful  battle  in  life.  They  have  been  fed 
and  clothed  and  educated,  and  the  recent  establishment 
of  the  Scotland  School  will  stand  forever  in  our  State 
as  the  culmination  of  Curtin's  grandest  philanthropy  in 
caring  for  the  children  of  those  who  gave  their  lives  for 
the  safety  of  the  republic.  If  Governor  Curtin  had 
written  no  other  record  than  the  chapter  that  tells  of  the 
ceaseless  and  systematic  humanity  he  conceived  and 
enforced  from  the  beginning  to  the  close  of  the  war,  he 
would  stand  out  in  history  as  having  illustrated  the 
grandest  attributes  of  statesmanship,  and  taught  lessons 
of  patriotism  which  must  continue  throughout  ages  to 
impress  generation  after  generation  with  the  grandeur 
of  our  free  institutions. 

While  at  Harrisburg  rendering  what  assistance  I  could 
to  Governor  Curtin  in  organizing  and  forwarding  troops 
for  the  defence  of  the  Union,  the  organization  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserves  was  begun,  and  the  selection  of  a 


CARE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS.  363 

commander  for  that  important  military  organization  was 
a  matter  that  demanded  from  Curtin  the  gravest  consid 
eration.  My  recollection  is  that  his  first  determination 
was  to  appoint  General  William  B.  Franklin,  who  had 
then  just  been  appointed  a  colonel  in  the  regular  army, 
but  for  some  reason  Franklin  could  not  accept  it.  He 
next  considered  the  name  of  McClellan,  who  was  a 
Pennsylvania!!  and  had  rendered  conspicuous  service  in 
the  Mexican  War.  General  McClellan  was  then  chief 
engineer,  and  I  think  president,  of  the  Ohio  and  Missis 
sippi  Railroad  Company,  with  headquarters  at  Cincinnati. 
I  had  written  McClellan  when  in  Harrisburg,  intimating 
that  he  might  be  called  to  the  command  of  the  Reserves. 
Governor  Curtin  finally  decided  in  favor  of  McClellan 
and  tendered  him  the  appointment,  but  it  was  not  done 
until  McClellan  had  already  been  tendered  and  accepted 
the  command  of  the  Ohio  forces  with  a  commission  as 
major  general.  When  McClellan  received  the  tender 
from  Curtin  he  felt  bound  to  decline  it,  as  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Ohio  had  within  an  hour  passed  an  act  making 
him  eligible,  although  not  a  citizen  of  the  State,  to  the 
office  of  major  general,  and  he  had  accepted.  The  fol 
lowing  letter  was  received  by  me  at  Harrisburg  from 
General  McClellan  before  he  had  been  tendered  and 
accepted  the  appointment  of  Governor  Den'.son,  of  Ohio. 
The  letter,  as  will  be  seen,  was  written  hastily,  with  nj 
idea  that  it  should  ever  be  given  to  the  public,  but  it 
will  now  be  read  with  interest  by  the  many  friends  of 
General  McClellan  throughout  the  country  : 

EASTERN  DIVISION,  OHIO  AND  MISSISSIPPI  RAILROAD  COMPANY. 

PRESIDENT'S  OFFICE,  CINCINNATI,  Ohio,  April  18,  1861. 

My  dear  old  Fitz :   Your  \velcome  note  has  just  reached  me.      I 
have  already  received  an  intimation  that  I  have  been  proposed  as  the 


364  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

commander  of  the  Pennsylvania  forces,  and  asked  if  I  would  accept. 
Replied  yes.  If  General  Scott  would  say  a  word  to  Governor  Curtin 
in  my  behalf  I  think  the  matter  would  be  easily  arranged.  Say  to  the 
general  that  I  am  ready  as  ever  to  serve  under  his  command.  I  trust 
I  need  not  assure  him  that  he  can  count  on  my  loyalty  to  him  and  the 
dear  old  flag  he  has  so  long  upheld. 

I  throw  to  one  side  here  all  questions  as  to  the  past— political  parties, 
etc. — the  government  is  in  danger,  our  flag  insulted,  and  we  must 
stand  by  it.  Tho'  I  am  told  I  can  have  a  position  with  the  Ohio 
troops  I  much  prefer  the  Pennsylvania  service.  I  hope  to  hear  some 
thing  definite  to-day  and  will  let  you  hear  at  once.  Help  me  as  far  as 
you  can.  Kver  yours, 

McC. 


THE 


BY   THOMAS   V.  COOPER. 


The  North  was 
extremely  fortu 
nate  in  the  charac 
ter  of  the  governors 
of  its  States  just 
prior  to  and  during 
the  War  of  the  Re 
bellion,  and  none 
contributed  more  to 
this  good  fortune 
than  Pennsylvania. 
The  remarkable 
canvass  of  Andrew 
(T.  Curtin  in  1860 
did  as  much  as  any 
one  tiling  to  insure 
the  election  of  Lin 
coln  to  the  Presidency,  and  the  acquaintances  which 
Curtin  formed  in  that  most  active  of  all  our  guberna 
torial  campaigns  added  much  to  his  personal  strength 
and  that  of  his  administration. 

Pennsylvania  came  close  to  being  a  border  State,  and 
with  the  make-up  of  her  executive  forces  less  loyal  than 
they  were,  public  sentiment  might  have  gotten  adrift  at 
the  inception  and  in  the  darker  hours  of  the  war. 
Curtin  filled  the  Chair  of  State  with  a  popularity  greater 

(365) 


THOMAS   V.  COOI-KR. 


366  ANDREW  C.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

than  that  of  his  party,  with  a  power  greater  than  that 
of  his  great  office,  and  with  such  enthusiastic  and  ever- 
pervading  loyalty  to  the  Union,  and  with  such  marked 
attention  to  the  soldiers  who  had  gone  out  to  save  it, 
that  he  really  proved  to  be  one  of  the  great  forces  of  the 
war — probably  a  greater  force  than  if  he  had  been  a 
commanding  general  in  the  field. 

During  three  years  of  the  war  I  was  a  private  soldier, 
a  member  of  Company  C,  Twenty-sixth  Pennsylvania, 
and  I  had  ample  opportunity  to  gauge  the  sentiments  of 
the  rank  and  file.  The  New  Yorkers  boasted  of  Dix  and 
Morton  ;  the  Bay  State  boys,  of  Andrews  ;  the  prairie 
lads,  of  Yates  ;  but,  if  possible,  a  higher  pride  seemed  to 
pervade  the  ranks  of  every  Keystone  regiment,  in  Cur- 
tin.  His  visits  to  the  front  were  frequent,  and  in  these 
the  most  casual  observer  could  discover  the  secret  of  his 
popularity  and  power.  In  the  ranks  it  rested  less  upon 
his  eloquence,  his  power  in  communicating  appropriate 
stories,  than  in  his  manly  recognition  of  every  form  of 
loyalty,  whether  it  was  shown  by  the  little  or  the  great. 
The  finest  commander  in  the  world  could  not  more 
readily  bring  the  light  of  appreciation  to  his  eve  than 
the  simplest  act  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  the  private 
soldier. 

His  personal  acquaintance  was  wonderful  ;  his  ability 
to  recognize  and  call  by  name  was  marvelous.  Great 
politicians  and  statesmen — and  when  great  they  are  but 
two  of  a  kind — often  possess  the  latter  trait.  Great 
acquaintance,  the  opportunities  presented  by  public  life, 
generally  trains  the  memory  to  the  instant  recognition 
of  faces  and  names,  where  care  is  taken  in  early  life  to 
cultivate  the  faculty.  Blaine  had  it,  and  it  went  not 
oiilv  to  the  man  addressed  but  to  his  grandfather  and 


PRIVATE  SOLDIERS.  367 

grandmother  ;  the  elder  Cameron  had  it,  and  it  extended 
in  many  cases  to  a  knowledge  of  the  connections  of  every 
man  thought  to  be  of  any  importance  in  either  business 
or  political  life  ;  Senator  Quay  has  it,  as  to  the  person 
when  met  face  to  face,  and  he  can  likewise  recall  the 
post-office  address  and  the  political  power  of  the  minor 
districts  represented  by  the  individual  before  him  ;  the 
writer  spent  many  years  in  cultivating  it,  first  in  writing 
the  addresses  of  all  subscribers  to  the  Delaware  County 
American  upon  the  papers  as  they  were  sent  out,  forty 
years  ago,  and  up  to  the  invention  of  the  self-mailer. 

Beginning  editorial  life  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and  at 
first  knowing  comparatively  few  of  the  citizens  of  Dela 
ware  County  (having  been  raised  in  half  a  dozen  coun 
ties),  I  was  compelled  to  know  the  subscribers  when 
they  entered  the  office  or  when  I  went  out  to  see  them. 
Once  knowing,  I  would  thereafter  associate  the  face  and 
home  with  the  name,  and  could,  after  careful  training, 
readily  recall  all,  even  to  the  initials.  This  applied  in 
the  early  years  to  two  thousand  names.  Entering  upon 
legislative  life,  opportunities  increased,  and  when  in 
active  service  as  State  Chairman  of  the  Republican 
party  for  eight  continuous  years,  these  opportunities 
greatly  enlarged,  but  not  beyond  the  power  of  early 
training,  and  at  this  period  I  could  probably  call  by 
name,  upon  sight,  as  many  Pennsylvanians  as  could 
Senator  Quay. 

This  personal  detail  but  shows  the  appreciation  of  a 
faculty,  which  may  be  natural  or  acquired,  but  which 
when  possessed  as  it  was  by  Governor  Curtin,  to  an  ex 
tent  far  beyond  any  of  those  named,  adds  to  personal 
and  political  power  at  all  times,  and  greatly  aids  any 
cause  in  favor  of  which  it  is  fully  thrown. 


368  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

When  Governor  Curtin  visited  the  front  it  was  his 
habit  to  leave  to  the  officers  of  the  Pennsylvania  com 
mands  his  later  hours  and  pass  the  day  in  mingling 
with  the  soldiers.  Enjoying  his  personal  acquaintance 
at  that  early  period  of  my  life,  I  had  several  opportunities 
of  witnessing  the  results  of  these  visits.  I  have  seen 
him  at  Fal  mouth  linger  with  regiments  and  companies 
from  all  parts  of  the  State,  and  call  fully  one-fourth  of 
the  private  soldiers  by  name,  this  without  coaching  from 
any  quarter.  He  had  an  earnest  and  encouraging  word 
for  each  and  all,  for  many  an  amusing  story  ;  but  loyalty 
stamped  every  utterance  and  movement. 

I  saw  him  just  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  when  he 
visited  the  wounded.  He  found  his  way  to  each  and 
every  field  hospital  where  wounded  Pennsylvanians 
could  be  found.  More  than  a  third  of  the  Twenty-sixth 
had  been  wounded,  its  loss  in  the  Peach  Orchard  ex 
tending  to  nearly  two-thirds  killed  and  wounded,  not  a 
man  captured  or  missing!  Colonel  Bodine,  after  the 
battle,  had  placed  me  in  temporary  charge  as  acting 
hospital  steward  during  the  illness  of  that  officer.  I  had 
J  swept  out  a  doctor's  office,  being  his  sou,  and  had  some 
qualifications  for  a  detail  which  I  resigned  as  soon  as 
possible.  Curtin  came  directly  after  the  flooding  of  the 
creek  along  which  we  lay,  below  the  rebel  field  hospital. 
The  flood  quickly  followed  the  battle.  Many  of  the 
rebels  were  drowned,  some  of  our  own  were  saved  only 
with  great  effort.  It  was  a  depressing  time,  but  Curtin's 
arrival  brought  a  change.  He  walked  through  the  ranks 
of  the  wounded,  now  lying  high  upon  the  bank,  and 
I  noticed  his  marvelous  remembrance  of  names 


§ 
and  localities.      He  could  and  did  call  fully  one-fourth 

by  name,  and  when  given  the  names  of  others  he  would 


PRIVA  TE  SOL  n/ERS. 

cheerfully  recall  some  family  associate  or  incident,  and 
in  this  way  manifest  an  interest  always  gratifying,  but 
never  as  much  so  as  when  men  feel  that  they  are  making 
sacrifices  for  their  country.  We  had  110  less  than  ten 
men  afflicted  with  lock-ja\v — occasioned  by  wounds  in 
the  extremities — and  to  these  he  was  doubly  attentive. 
They  could  but  look  their  appreciation. 

In  this  way  he  traversed  the  entire  field,  those  well 
enough  cheering  upon  his  arrival  and  departure — carry 
ing  out  in  its  truest  sense  Shakespeare's  idea  of  hos 
pitality — "  Welcome  the  coming  and  speed  the  parting 
guest." 

Curtin  had  the  innate  power  which  could  ever  sustain 
patriotism  in  himself,  and  transmit  and  sustain  it  in 
others.  His  work  was  kept  within  this  great  groove, 
and  it  was  never  better  filled.  His  resources  seemed 
unlimited,  his  work  tireless,  and  every  loyal  act  was  but 
an  inspiration  to  the  thousands  of  Pennsylvanians  in  the 
field  who  knew  him  personally,  and  better  yet,  who  felt 
he  knew  them. 

My  service  as  hospital  steward  at  Gettysburg  led  to 
the  brain  fever.  I  was  taken  to  Annapolis  without 
knowing  how  or  when.  When  convalescing  there,  tired 
of  low  diet,  I  swam  around  the  wall,  bought  a  square 
meal,  and  upon  my  return  was  placed  upon  police  duty 
for  violating  the  rules.  The  punishment  went  even  to 
the  extent  of  trying  to  deprive  me  of  a  thirty  days' 
furlough  about  to  be  extended  to  all  Pennsylvania  con 
valescents.  These  were  hard  lines,  but  they  were  broken 
by  Governor  Curtin,  who  personally  saw  that  a  furlough 
was  carried  to  me  by  Surgeon  General  Hammond.  I 
was  home  for  a  time  and  took  the  stump  for  Curtin, 
"as  zt'/io 
24 


370  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

Curtin  was  great  in  many  respects,  but  especially 
great  in  the  greatest  of  all.  He  was  absolutely  free  from 
envy — the  vice  of  some  of  our  finest  characters.  He 
called  about  him  great  men  and  begrudged  none  of  them 
any  of  the  honors  incident  to  their  positions.  He  had 
Slifer,  Quay,  McClure,  great  friends  in  every  executive 
and  legislative  avenue. 

In  the  darkest  hours  of  the  war,  when  the  rebels  were 
threatening  Pennsylvania,  an  old  Adams  County  patriot, 
having  personal  acquaintance  with  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
telegraphed  him  at  Washington,  asking  how  to  stop 
them,  for  the  Union  army  was  in  the  rear.  Thad, 
hating  Curtin,  wired  :  u  Send  for  McClure  ;  he  will  stop 
them  at  the  first  toll-gate." 

If  they  had  been  stopped  at  that  toll-gate,  I  would 
have  lost  much  of  this  reminiscence  touching  one  of  the 
brightest  and  loveliest  characters  known  to  the  history 
of  State  or  nation. 


GOYKKXOK  DAXII-X  H.  ITASTIX< 


BY  DANIEL  H.   HASTINGS. 

When  I  was  requested  to  write  the  few  pages  which 
follow,  relating  to  Governor  Curtin's  u  social  and  home 
life,"  I  was  warned  that  other  chapters  would  tell  of 
his  political  campaigns,  of  his  course  of  practice  at  the 
Bar,  of  the  six  eventful  years  as  War  Governor,  of  his 
diplomatic  and  other  varied  public  services,  by  those 
who  were  his  contemporaries  and  shared  intimately  in 
his  public  life.  I  first  saw  him  in  the  fall  of  1867.  ^e 
had  just  returned  from  a  trip  to  Cuba,  whither  he  had 
gone  for  health  and  pleasure.  He  was  standing  upon  a 
corner  of  the  public  square,  in  the  town  of  Bellefonte, 
with  a  dozen  or  more  of  his  neighbors  about  him,  talking 
to  them  earnestly,  and  I  joined  the  interested  group  and 
listened  to  his  description  of  Cuba  and  its  inhabitants. 
He  looked  the  picture  of  health  and  manly  beaut}'.  The 
old  men  in  the  crowd  plied  him  with  questions  and 
familiarly  called  him  "Andy."  I  remember  he  closed 
his  talk  with  the  assertion  that  the  people  of  Cuba  ought 
to  be  as  free  as  those  of  the  United  States,  and  he  be 
lieved  they  sometime  would  be. 

The  personality  of  Governor  Curtin  was  admirable. 
If  it  were  possible  to  leave  out  of  sight  the  lawyer,  the 
War  Governor,  the  diplomat,  the  orator,  the  statesman, 
and  to  consider  only  his  personal  characteristics,  their 
charm  would  have  been  sufficient  to  make  him  famous 
in  his  generation. 

(373) 


374  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

In  his  youth  his  personal  appearance  was  most  marked 
and  captivating.  Several  inches  above  six  feet  in  height, 
broad  shoulders,  perfect  symmetry  of  figure,  smooth  sha 
ven  face,  black  hair,  perfect  teeth,  blue  eyes,  large,  well- 
shaped  head,  smooth  and  symmetrical  features,  and  an 
unusual  grace  and  dignity  of  manner,  he  was  the  dis 
tinguished  individual  in  every  assemblage  in  which  he 
appeared. 

In  him  the  quality  of  personal  magnetism  was  largely 
developed,  perhaps  in  a  more  marked  degree  than  in  any 
other  public  man  of  his  time.  There  was  a  charm  about 
his  presence,  a  quality  in  his  voice,  a  something  in  his 
bearing  that  seemed  to  attract  all  ages  and  classes  to  him 
unusually.  It  was  frequently  said  that  when  "  Andy  " 
Curtiii  appeared  on  the  streets  in  Bellefonte,  "  every 
child  smiled  upon  him,  and  every  dog  wagged  his  tail." 

Before  his  college  days  came  on,  Andrew  spent  his 
boyhood  with  the  sons  of  the  workmen  at  his  father's 
forge,  engaging  with  them  in  their  sports  and  in  time 
becoming  distinguished  among  them  as  an  athlete.  As 
a  wrestler  and  boxer,  he  was  foremost  among  his  com 
panions.  Many  times  he  threw  off  the  gloves  to  engage 
in  more  serious  conflicts  with  the  brawny  sons  of  the 
forgemen.  "  Dowdy's  Hole,"  a  deep  pool  in  the  stream 
known  as  the  Bald  Eagle,  which  flows  past  the  furnace, 
was  a  famous  swimming  pool,  and  Andrew,  the  most 
expert  swimmer  of  them  all,  became  a  hero  among  his 
fellows  by  saving  the  life  of  a  drowning  man.  In  these 
early  days  it  was  remarked  of  him  that  he  never  un 
necessarily  wounded  the  feelings  of  his  fellows.  He 
sought  to  win  their  confidence  and  their  applause.  He 
could  successfully  gauge  the  sentiment  of  the  community 
upon  all  public  questions.  He  was  quick  to  perceive 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  375 

and  to  take  his  place  on  the  strong  side,  and  in  almost 
every  relation  of  his  boyhood  was  looked  upon  as  a 
"  winner." 

When  he  appeared  before  his  first  jury  in  the  Centre 
County  Court,  after  his  graduation  in  the  Law  Depart 
ment  of  Dickinson  College  and  admission  to  the  Bar  in 
1837,  those  present  looked  upon  a  young  man  of  com 
manding  and  attractive  appearance,  possessed  of  an 
excellent  literary  education,  with  a  well-grounded  knowl 
edge  of  elementary  law,  an  unusually  handsome  physi 
cal  figure,  a  powerful,  musical  voice,  a  ready  command 
of  language,  an  endless  fund  of  humor  and  comraderie 
of  manner,  captivating  with  all  classes  of  people.  He 
had  the  quality  of  stating  facts  and  principles  in  simple 
and  clear  language.  In  those  days  lawsuits  were  gen 
erally  won  or  lost  by  the  character  of  the  speeches  to  the 
jury  after  the  evidence  was  closed.  The  niceties  of 
pleading,  the  subtle  law  points,  the  finely  drawn  con 
structions  and  the  strict  application  of  rules  of  evidence, 
weighed  not  so  much  with  judge  or  lawyer  as  the  power 
of  oratory,  and  this  was  likewise  true  of  the  twelve  men 
in  the  box.  When  it  was  announced  that  the  judge  was 
coming  to  hold  the  court,  great  preparations  were  made 
for  his  reception,  and  the  grand  jury,  headed  by  the 
high  sheriff  and  other  distinguished  citizens,  appeared 
upon  the  borders  of  the  town  to  escort  his  honor  in  state 
to  the  house  of  justice.  The  people  of  the  county 
arranged  their  work  or  business  weeks  in  advance,  so 
that  they  might  be  present  to  witness  the  daily  adminis 
tration  of  justice  during  the  sitting  of  the  court.  Law 
yers  of  note  from  neighboring  counties  generally  accom 
panied  the  judge  upon,  his  circuit,  and  where  home 
skill  was  mistrusted  either  by  lawyer  or  client,  the  foreign 


ANDREW  G.  CURTIN.  % 

talent  was  called  in  to  make  the  closing  speech  and  cap 
ture  the  jury. 

Curtin's  facility  as  a  speaker,  his  love  of  oratory  and 
his  keen  relish  for  forensic  combat  soon  brought  him 
into  prominence,  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  became 
the  peer  of  any  in  the  district,  and  by  far  the  most  pop 
ular  and  successful  orator  of  them  all.  The  legal 
principles  as  applied  to  his  cases,  he  grasped  with  in 
tuition,  and  he  was  never  known  to  waste  much  time 
upon  law  briefs,  or  fine  legal  distinctions.  He  bent  his 
mind  to  the  adjustment  and  presentation  of  the  salient 
facts  of  the  case,  and  no  one  in  his  day  ever  rivaled  him 
in  power  of  invective  or  ridicule,  nor  in  ability  to  bring 
himself  into  close  sympathy  with  the  jury.  He  could 
generally  find  something  in  the  case  by  which  to  hold 
the  opposing  suitor  up  to  scorn  or  ridicule,  and  at  the 
same  time  hit  upon  some  quality  in  his  own  client  or 
in  the  evidence  to  invoke  sympathy  or  pity.  Indeed, 
his  fame  so  grew,  that  he  was  upon  one  side  or  the  other 
of  every  important  trial,  and  when  the  time  came  for 
"  Andy  "  Curtin  to  speak,  people  left  their  homes  and 
their  business  and  rushed  to  the  court  house  to  hear  the 
rising  young  orator  pitted  generally  against  some  of  the 
foreign  talent.  With  dignity  of  manner,  voice  full  of 
solemnity,  and  with  great  deference  and  show  of  respect, 
he  argued  broadly  the  legal  questions  to  the  judge,  but 
with  the  jury  he  played  upon  their  emotions.  At  one 
time  in  pathetic  appeal  he  was  weeping  with  the  jury 
and  the  audience  with  both.  At  another,  he  was  in 
voking  applause  even  from  the  jury,  and  thunders  of 
applause  from  the  audience.  His  magnetic  qualities 
reached  beyond  the  jury,  even  to  the  audience,  and  in 
turn  the  manifestations  of  approval  or  disapproval  had 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  377 

their  due  weight  upon  both  jury  and  bench.  The  public 
sentiment  with  reference  to  the  issue  trying  and  the 
satisfying  of  the  same  were  principally  the  ambition  not 
only  of  the  jury,  but  generally  of  the  judge,  and  when 
Curtin  captured  his  audience,  and  thereby  made  manifest 
the  sympathy  of  the  populace,  its  reflex  was  all-power 
ful  upon  the  judge  and  the  jury.  A  father  denied  the 
parentage  of  a  child,  and  witnesses  were  called  in  large 
numbers  to  establish  a  seemingly  impregnable  alibi.  To 
clinch  the  proof,  a  daguerreotype  was  offered  in  evidence 
to  show  that  he  was  in  another  place  at  the  time  of  the 
alleged  offence.  u  Daguerreotypes  !"  said  Curtin,  "  estab 
lish  this  alibi  with  a  daguerreotype !  "  and  seizing  the 
babe  in  his  arms  he  carried  it  before  the  jury  and  in  a 
voice  of  thunder  said  :  "  Gentlemen  of  the  jury,  here 
is  God's  daguerreotype  that  no  one  can  mistake  ! ''  The 
effect  was  electrical.  The  sheriff  was  called  upon  to 
quiet  the  audience,  which  he  did  with  much  difficulty, 
and  the  jury  rendered  a  verdict  for  the  plaintiff  without 
leaving  the  box. 

Between  the  terms  of  court  Curtin  was  not  that  assid 
uous,  hard-working,  painstaking  lawyer  which  now  marks 
the  successful  practitioner.  It  is  true  that  corporation 
law  was  a  thing  then  almost  unknown  in  practice.  The 
titles  and  locations  of  land  warrants  were  mostly  ques 
tions  of  fact.  These  land  trials  occupied  largely  the 
attention  of  the  court  and  were  moderately  supplemented 
by  contentions  among  merchants,  farmers,  and  business 
men,  and  the  usual  complement  of  criminal  cases.  The 
facts  of  his  case  Curtin  gleaned  during  the  trial,  because 
he  was  generally  concerned  for  the  defendant.  His  love 
for  the  companionship  of  old  and  young  brought  him  in 
contact  with  the  entire  community,  and  he  was  on 


ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

friendly  relations  with  every  man,  woman  and  child. 
When  he  appeared  upon  the  street,  or  sat  upon  the  bench 
/in  front  of  the  village  store  in  summer  time,  or  behind 
the  stove  in  winter,  wherever  he  stopped  he  was  soon 
surrounded  by  a  company  of  admiring  friends  anxious 
to  hear  his  latest  stories  and  his  witty  sayings.  He  was 
the  chief  officer  of  the  volunteer  fire  company  of  his 
native  town,  and  many  a  conflagration  was  extinguished 
by  the  "bucket  brigade  "  which  he  commanded.  He 
became  the  captain  of  the  "  State  Fencibles,"  the  first 
military  company  of  the  town,  and  his  resplendent 
uniform  is  still  remarked  upon  with  pride  and  admira 
tion  by  the  old  citizens  who  boast  the  honor  of  having 
seen  him  in  command  of  his  company.  In  fact,  the 
"  Fencibles "  under  his  command  became  the  leading- 
social  institution  of  the  town.  Circus  day,  or  the  begin 
ning  of  court,  was  scarcely  of  as  much  importance  as 
the  appearance  upon  the  streets  of  the  famous  company 
in  gaudy  uniform,  commanded  by  Captain  Cnrtin,  "  the 
first  orator  of  the  county,  and  the  handsomest  soldier  in 
the  State."  The  funeral  of  a  member  of  the  Fencibles 
was  an  important  event  and  attracted  great  crowds.  A 
fife  and  drum  corps  followed  the  minister  and  preceded 
the  hearse,  the  Fencibles  with  solemn  tread  preceded  the 
immediate  members  of  the  family  of  the  deceased.  Thus 
solemnly  marshaled,  they  proceeded  to  the  village  grave 
yard,  where  the  ceremony  was  closed  by  the  firing  of 
volleys  of  blank  cartridges  over  the  grave.  Upon  one 
occasion  the  procession  halted  in  front  of  the  "  Red  L,ion 
Tavern"  (on  the  site  of  which  is  now  the  home  of  the 
writer)  to  adjust  some  difference  that  arose  between  the 
sergeant  of  the  company  and  the  bass  drummer.  The 
difficulty  could  only  be  adjusted  in  one  way,  and  Captain 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  379 

Curtin  ordered  them  to  follow  him  to  the  rear  of  the  barn, 
where  they  were  allowed  to  settle  the  question  according 
to  the  prevailing  rules  of  the  prize  ring,  after  which  the 
procession  re-formed,  and  the  remaining  solemnities  of 
the  military  funeral  were  carried  out  in  due  form. 

It  must  not  be  understood  that  his  love  for  the  good 
will  and  the  applause  of  the  people  among  whom  he 
lived,  or  his  unusual  appreciation  of  the  humorous  side 
of  life,  or  the  quality  of  hero  worship  shown  him  by  his 
companions,  had  the  effect  that  is  usually  the  result  of 
such  attentions.  Pie  was  possessed  with  a  burning  desire 
to  qualify  himself  for  an  enlarged  field  of  usefulness. 
His  ambition  for  distinction  as  an  orator,  lawyer,  and 
public  man,  impelled  studious  and  painstaking  efforts 
to  store  his  mind  with  that  fund  of  information  which 
afterward  so  well  qualified  him  for  the  great  career 
upon  which  he  was  soon  to  enter.  His  public  addresses 
gave  evidence  of  hard  study,  a  retentive  memory,  and 
that  wonderful  assimilation  of  history,  philosophy  and 
logic,  which  enabled  him  later  to  burst  meteor-like  upon 
the  people  of  the  State.  The  knowledge  which  history 
and  biography  give  us  of  painstaking  preparation  for 
their  public  utterances  by  Webster,  Clay  and  Lincoln, 
does  not  disclose  a  more  determined  and  resolute  effort 
than  that  put  forth  by  young  Curtin.  His  fame  began 
to  spread,  and  the  demands  for  him  to  argue  important 
cases  in  the  neighboring  counties  soon  made  him  a  lead 
ing  member  of  that  band  of  jurists  who  followed  the 
judge  from  court  to  court  in  Central  Pennsylvania. 

He  was  the  life  of  the  company,  the  hail  fellow,  the 
dangerous  antagonist,  the  loving  companion,  the  loyal 
friend,  and  the  noblest  Roman  of  them  all.  Their  jour 
neys  were  made  on  horseback,  and  their  briefs  and  legal 


3 So  ANDREW  G.   CURTTN.  ^ 

authorities  carried  in  the  saddle  bags.  They  had  their 
regular  stopping  places  at  the  country  taverns,  and  it 
was  considered  a  distinguished  honor  to  be  permitted  to 
entertain  them.  These  journeys  were  periods  of  relaxa 
tion  for  both  judge  and  lawyer,  and  many  are  the  stones 
that  have  come  down  to  the  present  time  of  Curtin's 
mirth,  good  fellowship  and  wit.  On  one  occasion,  in 
going  to  the  Clearfield  court,  they  were  compelled  to 
halt  at  the  "  Rattlesnake  Tavern,"  upon  the  summit  of 
the  Allegheny  mountains,  for  dinner.  The  judge  com 
plained  of  the  lack  of  cleanliness  in  the  culinary  depart 
ment.  They  agreed  among  themselves  to  call  for  certain 
articles  of  food  which  would  be  least  objectionable  upon 
that  score.  When  they  sat  down  to  the  table  the  judge 
called  for  eggs  with  the  shells  on,  the  dean  of  the  party 
called  for  potatoes  with  their  "jackets"  on,  and  Curtin 
called  for  "a  chicken  with  the  feathers  on."  The  latter 
demand  caused  a  collapse  upon  the  part  of  the  cook,  and 
they  took  what  was  placed  before  them  and  asked  no 
questions. 

He  appeared  first  as  a  political  orator  in  the  Harrison 
campaign  of  1840;  four  years  later  he  canvassed  the 
State  for  Henry  Clay  for  President,  and  in  1854  he  was 
urged  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  for  gov 
ernor,  but  declined  and  became  the  warm  supporter  of 
James  Pollock,  who,  after  the  election,  made  him  secre 
tary  of  the  commonwealth  and  superintendent  of  public 
schools.  It  was  in  this  domain  that  he  found  the  field 
for  which  he  was  so  admirably  fitted,  both  by  nature  and 
education.  None  excelled  him  on  the  stump.  The 
quickness  with  which  he  saw  and  discriminated,  the 
extent  to  which  he  comprehended  the  bearings  of  a  situa 
tion,  his  ready  forethought,  and  his  intuitive  knowledge 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  3. Si 

enabled  him  to  combine  in  an  unusual  degree  the 
extremes  of  caution  and  boldness.  His  perception  of 
the  ludicrous  grew  keener  with  years,  and  a  good  story 
lost  none  of  its  zest  from  his  mode  of  telling  it.  His 
professional  excellence,  his  skill  and  training  as  a  public 
speaker,  his  ready  wit  and  his  inimitable  manner,  his 
splendid  appearance,  his  captivating  voice,  made  him 
the  ideal  orator.  His  society  was  universally  coveted, 
he  was  the  most  genial  and  companionable  of  men,  and 
his  courtesy  and  kindness  to  those  with  whom  he  asso 
ciated  were  characteristics  that  were  early  developed, 
and  continued  until  the  end.  He  was  the  general  favorite, 
and  the  general  friend. 

Curtin  will  be  best  and  longest  remembered  by  those 
among  whom  he  lived  out  his  life,  for  his  kindly  dis 
position,  his  liberality,  his  sympathy,  as  well  as  for  those 
qualities  of  humanity  so  universally  admired.  It  would 
be  hard  to  find  a  church  of  any  denomination  in  Centre 
county  to  the  cost  of  whose  building  he  did  not  at  some 
time  contribute,  and  many  congregations  in  town  and 
country  depended  upon  him  for  annual  contributions  for 
support.  He  was  not  a  wealthy  man,  but  he  was  well- 
to-do.  The  large  property  left  by  his  father  to  a  family 
of  seven  was  long  kept  intact,  and  in  the  days  of  char 
coal  furnaces  the  profits  were  good.  He  was  one  of  the 
original  promoters  of  the  Bald  Eagle  Valley  Railroad, 
the  first  to  connect  Bellefonte  with  the  main  lines,  and 
the  stock  which  he  retained  in  this  road  became  quite 
valuable  and  gave  him  a  permanent  and  liberal  income. 
He  lived  in  the  best  house  in  town,  and  in  modest,  home 
like  style  dispensed  a  hospitality  that  was  shared  in 
by  rich  and  poor,  neighbors  as  well  as  strangers  in  the 
town.  It  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  charm  and 


382  ANDREW  C.   CUR  TIN. 

combination  of  modesty  and  elegance  which  pervaded  the 
Cnrtin  household.  The  broad  parlors,  sitting-rooms  and 
library  always  presented  an  interesting  picture  of  culture 
and  hospitality.  No  man  could  have  been  more  for 
tunately  blessed  than  was  Curtin  in  his  home-life,  and 
those  of  his  family  who  survive  him  will  always  share, 
in  the  estimation  of  the  world,  in  the  successes  and  tri 
umphs  of  the  head  of  the  household.  Nobody  ever 
went  away  from  that  house  hungry  or  destitute.  Indeed, 
it  was  surprising  how  the  tramps  always  first  found  their 
way  to  the  Curtin  mansion.  The  Governor  himself  once 
explained  this  unusual  fact  by  stating  that  "  spring  and 
fall  the  tramps  placed  some  cabalistic  sign  upon  the 
house  that  pointed  it  out  to  their  fellows  as  a  place  where 
a  '  square '  meal  could  always  be  obtained,  and  besides 
that"  said  the  Governor,  "they  always  tell  me  that 
they  are  old  soldiers  and  belonged  to  a  Pennsylvania 


regiment/ 


The  writer  was  crossing  the  street  near  his  home  one 
bitter  cold  winter  evening,  many  years  ago,  in  company 
with  the  Governor,  when  the  latter  was  halted  by  a 
feeble  old  man,  wearing  nothing  but  the  round-about 
clothes  usually  worn  by  wood  choppers.  He  had  been 
an  old  employe  at  the  Curtin  Iron  Works. 

"  Is  that  you,  Andy  ? "  said  the  old  man,  while  his 
teeth  chattered  with  cold. 

"Yes,"  said  the  Governor;  "Is  that  you,  Tom? 
What  in  the  world  are  you  doing  out  on  such  a  cold  day 
as  this  without  an  overcoat  ?  How  are  times  with  you  ?  " 

"  Bad,"  said  Tom  ;  "  mighty  bad,  nothing  to  do.  I 
have  no  money  to  spare  for  overcoats  when  meat  is 
wanted  at  home." 

"  Here,  take  mine  ;  "  and   suiting  the   action   to  the 


PERSONAL  ATTRIKUTES.  383 

word,  Governor  Curtin  removed  his  overcoat,  and  in  a 
moment  it  was  comfortably  wrapped  around  the  shoulders 
of  the  old  wood  chopper,  who  walked  off,  showering 
blessings  on  his  benefactor  and  everybody  else  in  sight. 
After  his  return  as  Minister  to  Russia,  the  Governor 
was  importuned  by  old  soldiers  from  all  over  the  State 
and  from  many  other  States,  who  had  served  in  Penn 
sylvania  regiments  during  the  war,  to  assist  them  in 
obtaining  pensions.  His  correspondence  with  the  vet 
erans  was  enormous,  and  hardly  a  day  passed  that  a 
dozen  old  soldiers  did  not  call  at  his  home  in  person  to 
invoke  his  assistance.  Every  deserving  caller  was  given 
an  audience,  and  every  letter  was  given  an  answer.  At 
times  he  would  have  one  or  more  assistants  helping  him 
with  his  correspondence.  His  intimate  knowledge  of 
the  military  organizations,  and  of  the  officers  he  sent  to 
the  field  and  their  participation  in  the  different  battles, 
enabled  him  to  distinguish  with  unerring  certainty 
between  the  deserving  soldier  and  the  impostor.  The 
latter  were  sometimes  ejected  from  his  house  and  given 
words  of  warning  from  the  Governor  that  could  be  heard 
a  square  or  two  away.  Occasionally  he  would  go  to 
Washington,  taking  with  him  a  score  or  more  of  appli 
cations  for  pension,  and  would  make  personal  appeals  to 
the  commissioner.  On  one  occasion,  the  commissioner 
sent  for  the  papers  of  the  claimant  whose  case  the  Gov 
ernor  was  urging,  and  after  inspecting  them,  informed 
him  that  the  claimant  was  unable  to  file  any  proof  ex 
cepting  his  own  affidavit  that  he  had  been  disabled  in 
battle,  that  under  the  rules  there  must  be  additional 
evidence,  that  nothing  could  be  found  in  the  hospital 
reports  or  other  records  of  the  alleged  wound,  and  the 
claim  must  therefore  be  refused. 


384  ANDREW  C.  CURTIN. 

• 

u  I  will  fill  that  gap  myself,"  said  Curtin.  "  I  sent 
that  boy  to  the  army  ;  he  came  to  me  immediately  after 
the  battle  of  Gettysburg  and  I  saw  his  wound.  I  kept 
him  at  my  house  until  he  said  he  had  recovered  some 
what  from  his  injury  and  was  able  to  go  back,  but  his 
health  had  broken,  and  I  had  to  send  him  home.  Now," 
said  Curtin,  in  a  voice  of  thunder,  u  if  that  is  not  evi 
dence  enough  to  give  this  man  his  pension,  I  say  damn 
the  rules  of  the  department.11  The  pension  was  granted 
on  the  spot. 

No  social  or  public  gathering  was  complete  without 
Curtin's  presence  when  he  was  at  home.  If  it  was  a 
party,  a  picnic,  a  county  fair,  a  firemen's  meeting,  or  an 
old  soldiers'  reunion,  he  was  on  hand,  taking  an  active 
part  in  the  proceedings  whatever  they  might  be.  If  a 
presiding  officer  was  required,  he  took  the  chair.  If  a 
speech  was  to  be  made,  he  wras  called  upon  ;  if  a  sub 
scription  was  to  be  taken  up,  he  headed  the  list.  In 
1875,  when  the  news  had  reached  Belief onte  of  the  great 
fire  which  swept  out  of  existence  the  town  of  Osceola, 
situate  on  the  boundary  of  Centre  County,  and  left 
thousands  of  people  homeless  and  destitute,  an  alarm 
was  sounded  by  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  people 
rushed  to  the  court  house,  filling  it  to  overflowing,  to 
take  action  with  reference  to  helping  the  sufferers. 
Someone  moved  that  the  meeting  should  organize  by 
the  election  of  a  president,  vice-president  and  secretaries, 
\vhereupon  Governor  Curtin  quickly  jumped  to  his  feet 
and  exclaimed  :  u  My  God,  neighbors,  it  is  not  presi 
dents,  vice-presidents  and  secretaries  of  this  meeting  the 
people  of  Osceola  need.  They  want  bread  and  meat 
and  clothing  and  shelter.  Go  to  your  homes  and  bring 
these  things  to  the  railroad  station  as  quick  as  you  can 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  385 

and    I  will   furnish    the  cars  to  send  them  forward  at 
once." 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  effect  of  these  words. 
The  court  house  was  emptied  in  a  minute.  People 
rushed  to  their  homes  for  their  contributions,  and  soon 
the  car-loads  of  relief  were  on  their  way  to  the  unfortu 
nate  people  of  the  fire-swept  town. 

There  was  an  inspiration  about  Curtin's  leadership  k 
which  always  invoked  enthusiasm  and  confidence.  His 
campaign  for  governor  in  1860  is  without  a  parallel. 
He  was  the  leader  of  the  new,  heroic  party.  The  great 
struggle  for  national  supremacy  was  impending.  Old 
political  lines  and  affiliations  were  being  broken  up. 
Public  consideration  of  the  great  issue  soon  to  be  dis 
cussed  with  sword  and  bayonet  was  invited  everywhere. 
Political  meetings  were  held  without  number,  Penn 
sylvania's  battle,  at  the  threshold  of  the  national  revolu 
tion,  was  the  pivotal  one.  If  Curtin  won  in  October 
the  effect  upon  the  Northern  States  would  be  invaluable 
lor  the  future.  If  he  were  overpowered,  it  foreshadowed 
Lincoln's  defeat  in  November.  It  was  the  crucial  strug 
gle  for  the  new  party  and  the  new  leader.  It  is  only 
repeating  history  to  say  that  no  candidate  ever  led  a 
more  brilliant  campaign,  or  ever  impressed  himself  more 
favorably  upon  the  people  of  the  commonwealth.  His 
Apollo-like  form,  his  brilliant  oratory,  his  contagious 
humor,  keen  invective  and  sound  logic,  proclaimed  him 
the  leader  wherever  he  appeared.  He  afterward  boasted 
that  in  a  period  of  three  months  he  "  made  an  average 
of  two  and  three-quarters  speeches  a  day,  Sundays 
excepted."  It  was  in  this  campaign  that  Curtin  impressed 
himself  so  favorably  upon  the  people  of  the  State  that 
ever  after,  during  his  long  and  varied  life,  he  held  an 
25 


386  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

• 

enthusiastic  following  in  every  section.  In  one  of  the 
interior  counties  he  appeared  at  the  court  house  town 
one  morning  in  company  with  two  very  dignified  and 
able  gentlemen  who  were  some  years  his  senior,  who 
immediately  repaired  to  their  rooms  in  the  hotel  to  pre 
pare  the  speeches  they  were  to  deliver  in  the  afternoon. 
While  they  were  thus  hard  at  work  Curtin  was  going 
about  the  town  with  his  new-made  friends,  becoming 
acquainted  with  the  people,  visiting  the  leading  institu 
tions  and  points  of  interest.  When  the  time  for  the 
meeting  arrived  a  large  concourse  assembled  in  a  grove 
upon  the  borders  of  the  town.  The  two  elderly  gentle 
men  made  strong  and  dignified  addresses,  but  Curtin, 
coming  in  at  the  close,  swept  the  audience  as  with  a 
whirlwind.  His  friends -retired  to  their  rooms  after  the 
meeting  for  a  rest,  while  Curtin  spent  the  remainder  of 
the  afternoon  entertaining  those  about  him  from  his 
ceaseless  fund  of  anecdote  and  humor.  Toward  evening 
he  announced  to  his  hearers  that  he  felt  very  much  like 
making  another  speech,  and  if  they  would  get  up  another 
crowd  he  would  make  them  a  great  deal  better  speech 
than  he  did  in  the  afternoon.  The  brass  band  was 
brought  forth.  The  crowd  promptly  re-assembled,  Cur 
tin  was  called  for  and  redeemed  his  promise,  making  a 
still  more  captivating  and  impressive  speech  than  he  did 
in  the  afternoon.  The  audience  forgot  to  call  upon  his 
two  dignified  companions.  From  that  day  to  the  close 
of  his  career  the  people  of  the  county  and  town  referred 
to  could  always  be  counted  on  Curtin's  side  in  any  cam 
paign  to  which  he  was  a  party. 

On  Thanksgiving  day,  in  1863,  the  oft-told  incident 
occurred,  of  his  meeting  two  children  begging.  His 
kindly  inquiries,  in  response  to  their  petition  for  help, 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  387 

disclosed  the  fact  that  their  father  had  lost  his  life  on  a 
Southern  battlefield.  The  thought  immediately  entered 
his  mind  that  the  State,  which  sent  the  fathers  to  fight 
the  battles,  should,  so  far  as  possible,  take  paternal  care 
of  the  soldiers'  orphans.  After  careful  consideration  he 
sent  to  the  Legislature,  the  following  January,  his  mes 
sage,  containing  these  words  : 

u  I  commend  to  the  prompt  attention  of  the  Legisla 
ture  the  subject  of  the  relief  of  the  poor  orphans  of  our 
soldiers  who  have  given  or  shall  give  their  lives  to  the 
country  during  this  crisis.  In  my  opinion  their  mainte 
nance  and  education  should  be  provided  for  by  the  State. 
Failing  other  natural  friends  of  ability,  they  should  be 
honorably  received  and  fostered  as  the  children  of  the 
commonwealth.'" 

Curtin's  heart  and  sympathy  were  deeply  enlisted  in 
this  subject.  He  had  induced  the  young  men  of  the 
country  to  take  up  arms  for  the  State  and  the  Union,  and 
the  humane  conception  of  providing  for  the  orphans  of 
those  lost  in  the  conflict  was  soon  given  practical  realiza 
tion,  and  remains  to-day  as  one  of  the  great  achievements 
of  his  career.  In  fact  Curtin's  love  and  sympathy  for  the 
soldier  found  expression  in  ways  without  number,  and  in 
a  manner  that  touched  the  hearts  of  all.  He  is  singled 
out  to-day  among  all  the  war  governors  for  that  quality 
of  heroic  humanity  which  visited  every  camp,  hospital 
and  battlefield.  He  formed  organizations  and  commis 
sions  to  assist  in  the  hospitals,  to  care  for  the  sick  and 
wounded  and  to  bring  home  to  the  bereaved  the  dead 
husbands,  sons  and  fathers  who  had  gone  from  Pennsyl 
vania  to  the  fields  cf  glory  and  came  not  back.  To  the 
day  of  his  death  he  was  known  all  over  the  land  as  the 
"Soldiers'  Friend." 


388  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN.   - 

His  untiring  efforts  in  the  early  days  of  the  war 
to  send  more  than  the  full  quota  of  regiments  to  the 
field  found  its  fruition,  but  there  were  some  people  in 
the  State,  not  in  sympathy  with  the  war,  who  criticised 
him  severely  for  this  work.  When  the  issue  *  became 
more  clearly  understood  and  the  success  of  our  arms 
more  surely  foreshadowed,  Curtin's  untiring  work  in 
aid  of  the  survivors  of  the  fallen,  the  wounded,  and  the 
sick  found  its  responsive  chord  in  every  heart.  One 
time,  on  returning  from  Philadelphia,  an  old  farmer  from 
an  eastern  county  sat  down  beside  him  in  the  car  at 
Lancaster  and  engaged  him  in  conversation.  The  farmer, 
not  knowing  to  whom  he  was  talking,  began  to  abuse 
Governor  Curtin  because  "  he  had  drafted  "  his  only  son. 
He  said  he  was  opposed  to  the  \var  and  did  not  under 
stand  much  about  what  they  were  fighting  for,  but  that 
he  would  never  let  that  blood-thirsty  man  (Curtin)  get 
his  son  down  there  and  be  shot  at  and  killed  by  just  as 
good  men  as  Curtin  was  ;  that  he  had  placed  a  mortgage 
on  his  farm  and  raised  two  thousand  dollars,  which  he 
had  then  in  his  pocket,  and  with  which  he  was  going  to 
Harrisburg  to  purchase  a  substitute  ;  that  he  had  never 
been  in  Harrisburg,  did  not  know  where  to  go,  but  had 
been  told  by  the  head  officer  of  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle  in  his  township  that  it  would  take  two 
thousand  dollars  to  put  in  a  substitute.  Curtin  told  him 
that  the  capital  was  full  of  substitute  brokers  and  bounty 
jumpers,  and  that  he  should  be  careful  or  he  might  lose 

his  money.  u  If  you  will  go  to  Colonel ,"  said 

Curtin,  u  you  will  find  him  to  be  an  honest  man,  and 
you  may  get  a  substitute  for  your  son  for  less  money 
than  you  have  brought  with  you." 

The  old  man  accepted  his  advice,  and  the  next  day 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  389 

called  upon  the  colonel.  The  colonel  in  turn  brought 
him  into  the  executive  department,  and  his  chagrin  and 
mortification  were  great  when  he  found  that  the  man  he 
had  so  roundly  abused  on  the  previous  day  was  Governor 
Curtin  himself.  He  obtained  the  substitute  for  one-fifth 
the  amount  he  was  prepared  to  pay.  His  gratitude 
knew  no  bounds,  and  at  Curtin's  second  election  the 
Democratic  township  he  hailed  from  cast  a  unanimous 
vote  for  the  War  Governor. 

The  above  incident  displays  more  gratitude  than  was 
shown  by  a  certain  York  county  citizen,  who  came  to 
him  shortly  after  Rhodes'  raid  in  Pennsylvania  to  explain 
a  business  transaction  which  he  had  with  the  Confederate 
general  in  regard  to  a  horse.  He  was  the  owner  of  a  fine 
saddle  horse.  General  Rhodes  hearing  of  it  pressed  the 
animal  into  his  service,  and  when  called  upon  by  the 
indignant  farmer  to  settle  the  bill  attempted  to  satisfy  the 
demand  by  a  well-known  species  of  dealing  between 
soldiers  and  the  citizens  of  an  invaded  country. 

"  What  can  I  do  for  you  ?"  said  Governor  Curtin,  when 
the  farmer  appeared  before  him. 

"  Why,  pay  for  my  horse,  and  cash  dis  order,"  said 
the  farmer. 

u  There  must  be  some  mistake.  I  have  never  had  any 
dealings  with  you  about  a  horse." 

u  No,  but  de  repel  Sheneral  Rhodes  vent  and  took  my 
mare,"  said  the  fanner  in  broken  English,  u  de  best  von 
in  de  barn,  and  when  I  come  up  to  him  I  said,  *  gife 
back  my  horse  or  pay  for  her,  dat  horse  is  wort  five 
hunderd  dollars.'  He  gife  me  five  hunderd  dollars  repel 
money  which  I  did  not  dake,  'cause  it  was  good  for  nix. 
He  den  offer  to  gife  me  a  jeck  on  de  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  which  was  no  better,  and  I  told  him  so.  '  Veil, 


390  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN.  • 

den  what  do  you  vant?'  sed  de  Sheneral.  I  say,  '  Gife 
me  pay  in  greenbacks.'  Rhodes  said  he  ain't  got  any, 
but  he  would  gife  me  an  order  on  Governor  Curtin.  I 
dold  him  Curtin  was  so  goot  as  gold,  and  here's  de 
order,"  said  the  fanner,  producing  the  original  document. 
When  the  news  of  the  disastrous  battle  of  Fredericks- 
burg  reached  Harrisburg,  Curtin  immediately  went  to 
Washington  to  make  provision  for  the  care  of  the  Penn- 
sylvanians  who  were  wounded  on  that  field.  After  an 
interview  with  President  Lincoln,  he  repaired  to  his 
hotel,  where  he  was  shortly  after  called  upon  by  a  woman, 
living  near  his  home,  who,  amidst  her  tears,  told  him 
that  she  had  news  that  her  son  had  been  seriously 
wounded  in  the  fight,  and  that  she  must  go  at  once  to 
his  relief.  The  Governor  assured  her  that  it  would  be 
impossible  and  useless  for  her  to  attempt  to  go  to  Fred- 
ericksburg  ;  that  he  had  made  every  arrangement  for  the 
transportation  to  Washington  of  all  the  wounded  ;  that 
her  son  would  be  brought  with  them,  and  that  he  himself 
would  take  her  to  see  him  in  the  hospital  upon  the 
morrow.  His  kindly  assuring  word  gave  the  poor 
woman  much  comfort.  He  asked  her  if  she  had  made 
arrangements  to  spend  the  night  in  Washington.  She 
replied  she  had  made  several  attempts,  but  could  find  no 
place  to  sleep,  that  every  hotel  to  which  she  went  was 
so  crowded  she  feared  if  he  did  not  take  pity  upon  her, 
she  would  be  compelled  to  spend  the  night  in  the  street. 
He  immediately  wrote  upon  a  card  a  note  of  introduction 
to  the  keeper  of  a  boarding  house  with  whom  he  was 
acquainted.  He  then  escorted  her  to  the  street,  hailed  a 
cab,  and  paying  the  driver  double  fare,  directed  him  to 
take  the  lady  to  the  number  indicated.  As  the  carriage 
started,  he  turned,  meeting  Ben  Wade  and  a  Western 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  39* 

congressman,  and  strolled  with  them  down  the  avenue, 
discussing  the  gloomy  effect  upon  the  country  of  the  late 
battle.  They  had  not  gone  far  when  they  were  inter 
rupted  by  the  cries  of  a  woman  and  the  harsh  voice  of  a 
man.  Turning,  he  saw  the  cabman  to  whom  he  had 
lately  paid  the  double  fare  ordering  the  woman  out  of 
the  carriage  and  threatening  to  eject  her  if  she  did  not 
leave  at  once.  Curtin  rushed  to  the  rescue  and  found 
that  the  cabman  had  taken  the  woman  around  the  square 
and  was  compelling  her  to  get  out  a  short  distance 
from  the  place  of  starting.  All  the  fire  and  indignation 
within  him  was  stirred,  and  his  forcible  language 
attracted  his  companions  and  a  considerable  crowd  to  the 
scene.  Curtin  was  about  to  administer  deserved  chas 
tisement  to  the  rascal,  who  himself  was  a  powerful  man, 
and  making  great  show  of  fight.  At  this  moment  a 
soldier  in  uniform,  with  a  musket  on  his  shoulder,  and 
a  bucktail  in  his  cap,  saluted  Curtin  in  military  style 
and  quietly  said  :  u  Governor,  can  I  be  of  any  service 
to  you  ?  I  belong  to  the  Bucktails,  and  I  come  from 
McKean  County.  I  saw  you  were  having  some  trouble, 
Governor,  and  if  you  have  no  objection,  I  would  like  to 
thrash  that  brute." 

Curtin  looked  admiringly  at  the  trim  young  soldier 
and  then  at  the  powerful  cabman,  and,  turning  to  the 
former,  said  : 

"  Do  you  think  you  can  do  it?  " 

"  If  you  have  no  objection,  I  would  like  to  try,"  said 
the  soldier. 

"  Then  get  at  him,"  roared  the  Governor. 

"Would  you  be  kind  enough  to  hold  my  gun?" 
responded  the  Bucktail,  and  suiting  the  action  to  the 
word,  the  Governor  took  the  gun,  and  the  Bucktail  began 


392  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN.   * 

his  contract.  It  lasted  about  five  minutes,  and  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  conflict,  which  was  exceedingly  lively, 
the  dishonest  brute  lay  quivering  upon  the  pavement, 
unable  to  rise,  and  the  young  Bucktail,  turning  to  the 
Governor,  saluted  him,  and  reaching  for  his  musket, 
said : 

"  I  hope  that  job  was  done  to  your  pi  easement,  sir  ;  is 
there  anything  more  I  can  do  for  you  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  said  Curtin,  "jump  on  to  the  box,  and  take 
that  poor  woman  to  her  boarding  house,"  which,  with 
another  military  salute,  the  young  soldier  promptly  pro 
ceeded  to  do. 

After  his  retirement  from  Congress,  the  Governor 
settled  down  in  his  Bellefonte  home,  and  spent  the  re 
mainder  of  his  life  among  the  people  who  had  always 
honored  and  loved  him.  When  health  permitted,  he 
mingled  daily  with  his  neighbors,  always  interested  in 
their  success,  and  always  sympathizing  with  their  mis 
fortunes.  With  his  family,  he  attended  the  Presbyterian 
church,  and  during  the  later  years  of  his  life  he  found 
pleasure  in  the  society  of  clergymen,  and  it  was  an  event 
worth  remarking  upon  when  a  minister,  visiting  Belle 
fonte,  had  failed  to  call  upon  the  Governor. 

His  wonderful  memory  never  deserted  him,  and  one  of 
his  chief  pleasures  was  to  recount  the  events  of  his 
early  life  and  the  public  affairs  with  which  he  had  been 
so  intimately  associated.  As  he  passed  along  the  streets, 
writh  enfeebled  steps,  but  still  heroic  physique  and  genial 
kindly  face,  he  was  still  accosted  as  "  Andy  "  by  those 
near  his  own  age,  but  among  all  others  he  retained  the 
title  of  Governor.  The  children  knew  him,  and  he  knew 
them,  many  of  them  by  their  first  names,  and  he  was  a 
general  favorite  among  them. 


PERSONAL  ATTRIBUTES.  393 

He  retained  his  interest  in  public  affairs  to  the  last, 
and  in  the  summer  time  the  passers-by  were  wont  to  see 
him  sitting  upon  the  veranda  of  his  house  in  some  shady 
corner,  listening  to  wife  or  daughter  reading  to  him  from 
book  or  newspaper. 

His  last  appearance  in  public — about  a  year  before 
his  death — was  at  a  reception  given  to  a  citizen  of  the 
town,  who  had  been  nominated  for  Governor.  As  usual, 
he  was  called  upon  for  a  speech.  He  rose  with  much 
difficulty,  and  his  voice  was  feeble  and  trembling. 

"  I  have  made  a  good  many  speeches  in  my  time," 
said  he,  "  but  this  is  my  last  one,  I  fear.  I  am  suffering 
from  an  incurable  disease — old  age.  I  used  to  enjoy 
nothing  better  than  to  make  a  public  address,  but  of  late 
it  has  been  with  me  a  good  deal  like  putting  your  foot 
into  cold  water,  it  hurts  a  little  at  first,  but  the  longer 
you're  in,  the  better  it  feels.  ...  I  bid  you  good 
night ;  God  bless  you  all." 

A  year  or  two  before  his  death,  the  Governor,  in  making 
an  address  before  an  old  soldiers'  camp-fire,  expressed 
his  regret  that  increasing  years  would  soon  deny  him 
the  pleasure  of  mingling  with  the  old  soldiers  at  their 
reunions.  A  grizzled  but  enthusiastic  cavalryman,  with 
tears  in  his  eyes,  arose,  and  interrupting  him,  said  : 

"  Governor,  we  hope  you  will  be  with  us  for  many 
years  yet,  but  when  your  time  comes,  we're  going  to  give 
you  the  biggest  old  soldier  funeral  the  country  has  ever 
seen." 

And  so  it  was.  It  was  a  bleak  and  gloomy  day.  The 
clouds  hung  half-way  down  the  sides  of  the  mountains 
surrounding  the  town.  The  stillness  of  Sabbath  was  on 
every  side.  Veteran  soldiers  in  uniform  filled  the  streets 
from  house  to  cemetery.  Men  and  women  wept  as  if 


394  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN.    • 

bereavement  had  come  into  their  own  households,  and 
children  stood  upon  the  roadside,  some  of  them  with 
flowers  in  their  hands.  Eulogies  were  pronounced  in 
the  court  house  by  distinguished  lawyers  and  statesmen. 
From  every  section  of  the  State  men  gathered  to  do 
sorrowing  honor  to  his  memory.  It  was  a  solemn  and 
inspiring  pageant.  It  was  worthy  of  the  career  of  the 
loved  neighbor,  the  universal  friend,  the  philanthropist, 
the  statesman,  the  hero  and  the  patriot. 


GEXERAL  JAMES  A.   BEAVER. 


H  HIS 


BY  JAMES    A.    BEAVER. 

The  place  in  society  which  the  individual  member  is 
to  occupy  and  the  relations  which  he  is  to  sustain  to  his 
fellows  are  largely  determined  before  he  is  born.  The 
social  and  business  relations  of  his  ancestors  and  the 
place  occupied  by  them  in  the  community  have  a  con 
trolling  influence  in  making  a  place  for  and  in  shaping 
and  controlling  the  destiny  of  the  individual. 

Of  no  one  perhaps  can  this  be  more  truly  said  than  of 
Andrew  Gregg  Curtin.  The  public  position,  command 
ing  influence,  social  distinction  and  large  business  inter 
ests  of  his  ancestors  in  the  community  in  which  they 
lived  made  it  almost  impossible  for  him  to  occupy  rela 
tions  less  influential  and  a  place  less  distinguished  than 
were  made  ready  for  him  before  his  birth  and  which  he 
filled  with  such  conspicuous  ability  during  his  life. 

His  father,  of  Irish  birth  and  ancestry,  was  educated 
in  Paris,  came  to  this  country  during  the  social  convul 
sions  which  terrorized  France  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  last  century,  and  upon  his  arrival  in  this  country, 
making  the  acquaintance  of  Hardman  Philips,  an  Eng 
lishman  having  a  large  estate  in  Pennsylvania,  went  to 
Philipsburg  (now  in  Centre  County)  as  his  agent.  His 
active  and  enterprising  disposition,  however,  would  not 
allow  him  to  expend  his  energies  for  the  benefit  of 
others,  and  before  the  beginning  of  the  present  century 
he  came  to  Milesburg  and  engaged  in  the  mercantile 

(397) 


398  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

business.  He  was  soon  called  upon  by  his  neighbors  to 
represent  them  in  the  discharge  of  the  executive  duties 
of  the  county  and  became  successively  coroner  in  1803 
and  sheriff  in  1806.  He  was  an  active  business  man, 
however,  and  in  1810  erected  the  forge  at  Eagle  Iron 
Works,  which,  in  connection  with  the  furnace  and  roll 
ing  mill  subsequently  built,  constituted  what  has  been 
known  as  "  Curtin's  Works  "  ever  since.  He  thus  became 
what  was  known  in  the  early  days  of  Central  Pennsylvania 
as  an  "  Iron  Master,"  a  class  of  men  exerting  a  large  influ 
ence  and  controlling  to  a  very  great  extent  the  business 
of  the  community  in  which  they  lived.  In  their  hands 
was  concentrated  to  a  very  large  extent  the  real  estate 
of  their  several  localities,  large  bodies  of  lands  being 
necessary  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  ore 
required  for  the  manufacture  of  iron,  but  also  for  the 
preparation  of  charcoal  with  which  iron  was  in  the  early 
history  of  the  trade  almost  exclusively  manufactured. 

The  position  and  the  influence  of  the  father  in  the 
community  in  which  he  lived  made  a  place  for  the  son. 
The  son's  mother,  Jane  Gregg,  was  a  granddaughter  of 
James  Potter,  who  came  to  the  region  now  called  Centre 
,  County  on  a  journey  of  discovery  as  early  as  1764.  He 
\vas  the  discoverer  of  Penns  Valley,  which  is  within 
the  Indian  purchase  of  1758.  He  applied  for  the  first 
warrant  for  the  survey  of  public  lands  in  that  valley  in 
1766.  He  subsequently  became  one  of  the  largest  landed 
proprietors  of  Centre  County.  He  was  a  distinguished 
soldier  in  the  Colonial  and  Revolutionary  Wars,  in  the 
latter  of  which  he  attained  the  rank  of  brigadier  general ; 
was  vice-president  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  occupied  various  offices  of  trust  with 
conscientious  fidelity  and  with  great  satisfaction  to  his 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  399 

constituents.  His  daughter,  Martha,  was  married  to 
Hon.  Andrew  Gregg,  who,  coming  to  what  is  now  Cen 
tre  County  in  1789,  represented  in  the  United  States 
Congress  the  district  of  which  it  forms  a  part  for  sixteen 
consecutive  years,  and  was  subsequently,  in  1807,  chosen 
United  States  Senator,  which  position  he  occupied  until 
the  third  of  March,  1813,  being  during  his  incumbency 
of  that  office  twice  elected  president  of  the  Senate.  In 
1814  Andrew  Gregg  came  to  Bellefonte  with  his  family, 
and  his  daughter,  Jane,  about  that  time  became  the 
second  wife  of  Roland  Curtin.  Andrew  Gregg  Curtin 
was  their  first  son,  born  April  23,  1815.  The  family 
then  resided  on  the  estate  known  as  the  Curtin  Works, 
and  here  the  subject  of  this  sketch  received  his  first 
mental  and  physical  development.  The  Potter  family 
was  at  this  time,  as  it  had  been  for  years,  the  controlling 
business  factor  in  Penns  Valley.  The  grandfather,  An 
drew  Gregg,  was  living  at  Bellefonte,  president  of  the 
Centre  Bank,  and  was  subsequently  secretary  of  the 
commonwealth,  appointed  by  Governor  Hiester.  The 
father,  Roland  Curtin,  \vas  engaged  in  a  business  which 
taxed  his  energies  and  gave  him  commanding  influence 
in  the  Bald  Eagle  Valley,  where  the  iron  works  which 
he  controlled  were  situated.  Those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  geography  of  Centre  County  will  realize  the 
advantages  which  such  an  ancestry  and  such  a  control 
of  the  business  of  the  prominent  localities  of  the  county 
gave  to  the  youthful  Curtin.  The  outdoor  life  of  his 
early  youth  tended  to  develop  him  physically,  and  the 
position  of  the  family  of  the  "  Iron  Master  "  gave  him 
social  distinction  and  control  in  the  community  in  which 
he  lived.  These  influences  doubtless  unconsciously 
shaped  the  character  of  young  Curtin  and  helped  to 


400  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

develop  the  capacity  for  the  mastery  o^er  men  which 
he  exhibited  in  a  marked  degree  in  his  later  life. 

The  common  school  system  of  Pennsylvania,  which 
Curtin  as  secretary  of  the  commonwealth  did  so  much 
to  develop,  was  not  then  in  existence.  The  facilities  for 
securing  an  education  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
of  his  father's  home  were  very  meagre,  and  he  was, 
therefore,  sent  quite  early  to  what  was  then  a  well-known 
academy,  at  Milton,  Pa.,  conducted  by  Rev.  David  Kirk- 
patrick,  D.  D.,  a  minister  of  the  Associate  Reformed 
Church,  popularly  known  as  "Seceders."  At  this  school 
he  spent  some  time,  acquiring  a  substantial  education, 
having  as  schoolmates  James  Pollock,  afterward  governor 
of  the  commonwealth  ;  Samuel  F.  Headley,  afterward  a 
State  senator ;  David  X.  Junkin,  afterward  a  distin 
guished  clergyman  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  ;  Joshua 
Comly,  in  after  life  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  ba*  in  that 
region,  and  many  others,  with  whom  Curtin  maintained 
his  intimacy  as  long  as  they  lived. 

After  completing  his  academic  course  he  commenced 
the  study  of  law  with  his  mother's  cousin,  William  W. 
Potter,  Esq.,  a  grandson  of  General  James  Potter,  who 
was  then  a  prominent  lawyer  at  the  Centre  County  bar. 
He  finished  his  law  studies  at  the  law  school  of  Hon. 
John  Reed,  at  Carlisle,  and  came  to  the  bar  of  Centre 
County  in  April,  1837. 

Young  Curtin  immediately  gave  promise  of  a  brilliant 
and  successful  career  at  the  bar.  He  inherited  a  keen 
sense  of  the  ludicrous,  a  retentive  memory  and  the 
native  wit  which  is  peculiar  to  the  people  from  whom 
he  was  descended.  This  combination,  together  with  a 
fine  vocabulary,  an  easy  delivery  and  the  gifts  and  graces 
of  oratory,  together  with  the  solid  foundations  of  educa- 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  401 

tion  which  had  been  laid  by  Dr.  Kirkpatrick,  gave  him 
at  once  a  commanding  influence  as  a  popular  speaker. 
Ability  of  this  kind  is  doubtless  essential  to  the  highest 
success  at  the  bar,  but  that  of  itself  will  not  secure 
immediately  a  substantial  and  lucrative  place  in  the  legal 
profession.  Curtin's  large  family  connection  and  the 
relations  which  they  sustained  to  the  business  commu 
nity  may  account  for  the  fact  that  immediately  after  he 
came  to  the  bar  a  partnership  was  formed  between  John 
Blanchard,  one  of  the  prominent  lawyers  of  Bellefonte, 
who  had  been  admitted  to  the  bar  in  April,  1815,  and 
was  an  able  advocate  and  successful  business  man,  and 
himself.  The  records  of  the  court  disclose  the  fact  that, 
after  Curtin's  admission  in  April,  1837,  the  name  of 
Blanchard  and  Curtin  appears  as  attorneys  for  Roland 
Curtin  and  others  who  were  summoned  as  terre-tenants 
in  the  revival  of  a  judgment  against  Martin  Malone. 
The  partnership  continued  until  the  death  of  John 
Blanchard,  in  1849.  ^r-  Blanchard  was  elected  to  Con 
gress  in  the  fall  of  1844,  and  was  re-elected  in  '46. 
During  his  absence  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties 
the  details  of  the  business  devolved,  of  course,  upon  Mr. 
Curtin  ;  and,  after  his  death,  he  continued  the  practice 
for  a  short  time  alone.  Edmund  Blanchard,  the  eldest 
son  of  John  Blanchard,  having  previously  graduated  at 
Dartmouth  College,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Novem 
ber,  1849,  and  with  him  Curtin  formed  a  partnership  in 
the  name  of  Curtin  &  Blanchard,  which  continued  until 
his  election  as  governor,  in  1860.  The  name  of  Curtin 
&  Blanchard  continues  upon  the  records  of  the  court 
thereafter  for  a  considerable  time,  but  Governor  Curtiu 
never  resumed  the  active  duties  of  his  profession  after 
his  election  as  governor. 
26 


402  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

The  bar  of  Centre  County  at  the  tir/ie  of  his  admis 
sion  was  an  exceptionally  able  one.  Thomas  Burnside, 
one  of  its  early  members,  was  the  president  judge  of  the 
fourth  judicial  district,  of  which  Centre  County  formed 
a  part,  and  was  afterward,  as  is  well  known,  appointed 
to  a  place  upon  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  which 
he  filled  with  distinguished  ability.  William  W.  Potter 
and  H.  N.  McAllister  were  then  in  partnership  and  in 
the  full  tide  of  successful  practice,  although  Potter  was 
at  the  time  in  Congress  and  the  details  of  the  business 
devolved  upon  McAllister  who  had  been  at  the  bar  for 
some  two  years.  Bond  Valentine,  one  of  several  brothers 
largely  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  iron  in  the  Nit- 
tany  Valley  and  a  lawyer  of  profound  learning  and  rare 
social  qualities  ;  James  M.  Petrikin,  distinguished  for  his 
wit  and  wisdom  ;  James  McManus ;  James  T.  Hale,  who 
successfully  represented  his  district  in  Congress  for 
three  successive  terms,  and  James  Burnside,  a  son  of 
Judge  Burnside,  the  elder,  afterward  president  judge  of 
the  district  of  which  Centre  County  formed  a  part,  were 
all  at  the  bar  and  discharging  the  duties  of  their  profes 
sion  with  distinguished  ability.  Space  will  not  allow  us 
to  comment  upon  the  distinguishing  characteristics  of 
the  several  gentlemen  above  named,  but  those  who  were 
acquainted  with  them  will  understand  that  any  lawyer 
who  expected  to  occupy  a  respectable  place  at  the  bar 
of  the  county  was  necessarily  compelled  to  be  learned 
in  the  law,  a  master  of  the  details  of  practice,  an  expert 
logician  and  an  eloquent  advocate. 

Even  before  Curtin  came  to  the  bar  his  services  upon 
the  hustings  were  in  demand.  His.  wit  and  eloquence 
and  his  power  to  move  the  masses  of  the  people,  in 
which  he  has  had  scarcely  a  rival  in  Pennsylvania,  soon 


IN  JUS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  403 

gave  him  a  State  reputation,  and  as  early  as  1840  his 
services  in  political  campaigns  were  in  demand.  In  1844, 
when  his  partner,  John  Blanchard,  was  a  candidate  for 
Congress,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
married  in  May  of  that  year  to  Miss  Katharine  Wilson, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  Dr.  William  I.  Wilson,  of  Potter's 
Mills,  he  made  a  canvass  of  the  State  as  an  enthusiastic 
admirer  and  champion  of  Henry  Clay,  whose  striking 
character  and  picturesque  career  appealed  especially  to 
young  men.  This  brings  him  to  the  point  when  he 
became  a  factor  in  State  politics.  Another  pen  will 
more  graphically  portray  his  career  in  this  field  than  is 
the  purpose  of  the  present  writer.  Curtin's  career  at 
the  bar  was  a  brilliant  one,  but  his  participation  in 
politics  and  his  social  nature  and  remarkable  conversa 
tional  powers  made  him  the  centre  of  a  large  circle  of 
congenial  friends  and  enthusiastic  admirers  which  made 
large  demands  upon  his  time.  It  can  hardly  be  said 
that  he  was  at  any  time  a  profound  student  of  the  law. 
His  quick  perceptions,  his  adroitness  in  turning  the 
tables  upon  an  adversary,  his  keen  wit,  his  biting  sar 
casm  and  his  overwhelming  sense  of  the  ludicrous, 
which  he  could  in  a  remarkable  degree  communicate  to 
others,  all  combined  to  make  him  a  formidable  opponent, 
particularly  before  a  jury.  When  it  was  known  in  the 
village  that  Curtin  was  to  speak  the  court  house  would 
be  crowded.  The  most  petty  case  in  the  quarter  sessions 
became  in  his  hands,  particularly  when  he  conducted 
the  defence,  one  of  absorbing  interest  to  the  community  ; 
and,  whilst  he  never  forgot  the  interests  of  his  client 
and  never  sacrificed  anything  which  would  help  to  secure 
a  verdict  for  him,  in  other  words,  whilst  success  for  his 
client  was  the  goal  at  which  he  aimed,  and  he  never  in 


404  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

the  popular  sense  played  to  the  galleries,  it  is  neverthe 
less  true  that  in  his  conduct  of  cases,  particularly  where 
he  had  full  swing,  the  play  of  his  wit  and  the  shafts  of 
his  ridicule  kept  the  audience  always  alert  to  witness 
their  effects  in  perpetual  gratification  and  delight. 

The  resignation  of  Francis  R.  Shunk,  occasioned  by 
his  ill  health,  in  July,  1848,  made  William  F.  Johnson, 
then  president  of  the  Senate,  governor  ex-officio.  He 
was  elected  at  the  general  election  of  that  year  to  suc 
ceed  himself.  In  the  canvass  preceding  his  election 
Curtin  took  an  active  and  conspicuous  part.  Johnson 
appointed  him  an  aide  on  his  military  staff  and  this  gave 
him  the  title  of  colonel  by  which  he  was  popularly 
known  until  the  time  of  his  election  as  governor. 

Roland  Curtin,  the  father  of  Colonel  Curtin,  continued 
to  manufacture  iron  at  Curtin's  Works  and  Martha  Fur 
nace  in  the  upper  Bald  Eagle  Valley,  which  was  named 
after  his  daughter  Martha,  afterward  married  to  Dr. 
William  Irvin,  until  a  short  time  before  his  death,  when 
he  removed  to  Bellefonte,  where  he  died  in  November, 
1850,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-six.  With  the  gen 
erosity  and  trustfulness  of  his  race  he  was  the  friend  of 
the  entire  community,  and,  as  a  result,  at  the  time  of  his 
death  his  estate  was  greatly  embarrassed.  He  left  a  large 
family,  consisting  of  six  sons  and  five  daughters.  Four 
of  the  sons  devoted  themselves  to  the  manufacture  of 
iron  at  Curtin's  Works  and  Martha  Furnace,  their  brother 
Andrew  acting  as  their  legal  adviser  and  business  asso 
ciate.  So  tenaciously  did  they  adhere  to  the  task  of 
extricating  their  father's  estate,  and  so  wisely  and 
economically  did  they  administer  the  business,  that  in 
the  course  of  time  the  debts  were  all  paid  and  the 
daughters  provided  for  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  405 

of  the  father's  will.  In  the  achievement  of  this  result 
Andrew  had  his  full  share,  adroitly  using  his  legal 
knowledge  and  personal  influence  in  aid  of  the  accom 
plishment  of  an  object  which  was  by  many  deemed  an 
impossibility. 

It  is  difficult  to  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the  mag 
netism  of  Curtin's  manner  and  the  charm  of  his  social 
conversation.  Those  who  have  felt  them  realize  their 
power,  whilst  they  may  not  be  able  to  account  for  or 
analyze  them.  Certain  it  is  that  the  society  of  few  men 
of  his  time  was  more  eagerly  sought  or  more  profoundly 
enjoyed  than  that  of  Governor  Curtin.  The  writer  well 
remembers  when  he  came  to  Bellefonte,  in  1856,  a  mere 
boy  fresh  from  college,  the  impression  which  its  social 
life  made  upon  his  mind.  The  town  was  an  inland  vil 
lage.  Its  communication  with  the  outside  world  was 
exclusively  by  stages  to  and  from  L,ewistown,  Lock 
Haven  and  Tyrone.  No  one  came  to  the  town  without 
the  knowledge  of  every  person  in  it.  Curtin  was  at  the 
time  secretary  of  the  commonwealth,  appointed  by  his 
old  friend  and  schoolmate,  Governor  Pollock.  His  home 
coming  was  an  event.  His  office  would  be  immediately 
besieged  by  a  host  of  admirers  ;  and,  when  such  a  con 
genial  company  as  Bond  Valentine,  Colonel  James  Gilli- 
land,  Rev.  John  Toner,  Hon.  Samuel  Linn,  James  C. 
Williams,  W.  W.  Hays  and  a  host  of  others  \vould  gather 
in  his  office,  the  sparkle  of  wit,  the  ludicrous  traditions 
of  the  region  and  the  fresh  stock  of  anecdotes  which 
Curtin  would  bring  with  him  would  keep  the  crowd  in 
continuous  session  from  morning  till  night,  with  a  very 
short  adjournment  for  dinner.  Isolated  as  was  the  vil 
lage  it  required  little  of  external  help  to  provide  for  its 
entertainment.  The  social  life  was  as  charming  as  it 


406  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

was  unique.  To  make  it  so  Curtin  contributed  largely. 
His  home  was  one  of  generous  hospitality,  dispensed 
with  rare  grace  by  his  wife,  to  which  additional  charm 
was  given  by  the  occasional  presence  of  her  sisters,  the 
daughters  of  Dr.  William  I.  Wilson,  of  Potter's  Mills, 
whose  wife  was  a  granddaughter  of  General  James  Pot 
ter.  Bellefonte  has  grown  in  population  and  in  its 
industrial  development  very  greatly  since  that  time,  but 
never  has  the  charm  of  its  social  life  been  equal  to  what 
it  was  in  this  period,  when  its  unstudied  hospitality  and 
delightful  home-life  made  its  society  almost  like  a 
great  homogeneous  family. 

Curtin  was  warmly  and  heartily  in  sympathy  with 
young  men.  After  his  retirement  from  the  office  of 
secretary  of  the  commonwealth,  he  was  presumed, 
during  the  administration  of  Governor  Packer,  which 
succeeded  that  of  Governor  Pollock,  to  be  devoting  him 
self  to  his  profession  and  busied  with  the  details  of 
business.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  his  candidacy  for  gov 
ernor  in  1860  was  then  very  clearly  foreshadowed  and 
he  was,  particularly  during  the  activities  of  political 
campaigns,  much  absent  from  home. 

In  the  early  part  of  1858,  several  young  men — the 
writer  among  them — endeavored  to  organize  a  military 
company  which  was  intended  to  embrace  the  most  of  the 
young  men  of  the  town,  and  to  give  point  to  the  social 
life  of  the  community,  as  well  as  to  provide  military  in 
struction  and  training  for  its  members.  Colonel  Curtin's 
aid  was  invoked  and  very  heartily  and  effectively  ren 
dered.  He  was  elected  the  captain  of  the  company  and 
was  commissioned  as  such  by  Governor  Packer,  on  the 
tenth  of  July,  1858.  The  Bellefonte  Fencibles  became, 
under  his  leadership,  not  only  a  crack  military  company 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  407 

but  a  great  social  agency.  His  acquaintanceship  through 
the  State  brought  to  the  inland  village  during  the  winter, 
lecturers  who,  because  of  their  friendship  for  the  captain, 
gave  their  services  with  comparatively  little  expense. 
An  unusually  fine  musical  organization,  which  became 
incorporated  with  the  company,  lent  zest  and  variety  to 
the  social  and  literary  entertainments  which  were  pro 
vided  for  the  benefit  of  the  community.  Curtin's  striking 
physical  proportions  and  the  rare  qualities  of  mind  and 
heart,  together  with  the  social  graces  which  distinguished 
him,  made  the  captain  of  the  Bellefonte  Fencibles  a  very 
prominent  figure  in  the  life  of  the  village.  His  efforts 
to  provide  entertainment  for  the  people  were  probably 
quite  as  striking  as  his  success  as  a  military  officer,  but 
the  combination  was  such  as  to  win  the  enthusiastic 
admiration  of  all  his  soldiers.  This  military  organization 
continued  until  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  which  followed 
his  election  as  governor.  It  was  present  in  full  force  at 
his  inauguration,  and  its  members  were  proud  to  tender 
their  sendees  to  him  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
organized  volunteer  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  when  the 
call  of  Abraham  Lincoln  for  75,000  volunteers  to  enforce 
the  laws  in  the  States  in  rebellion  caused  Pennsylvania 
to  lead  in  the  van  of  that  great  host  which  successfully 
accomplished  the  results  for  which  they  were  called  into 
service. 

The  Centre  Bank,  of  which  Andrew  Gregg  was  presi 
dent  in  1814,  went  into  liquidation  about  the  year  1822. 
From  that  time  until  1856  there  was  no  bank  of  issue 
or  deposit  in  Centre  County.  In  the  latter  year,  recog 
nizing  the  necessity  for  banking  facilities,  A.  G.  Curtin, 
H.  N.  McAllister,  James  T.  Hale  and  Edward  C.  Humes 
organized  a  partnership  known  as  Humes,  McAllister, 


408  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

Hale  &  Co.,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  a  general 
banking  business.  The  three  first  named  were  prominent 
lawyers  of  Bellefonte  and  the  latter  one  of  its  most  suc 
cessful  business  men.  The  high  character,  unquestioned 
credit  and  wide  acquaintanceship  of  the  gentlemen 
composing  this  banking  firm,  enabled  them  to  make 
arrangements  with  three  several  banks  by  which  they 
secured  $75,000  of  their  notes  which  they  stipulated  to 
keep  in  circulation,  thus  giving  them  an  available  capi 
tal  of  $75,000  in  addition  to  what  they  paid  into  the 
concern.  This,  with  their  deposits  which  became  im 
mediately  available  for  discounts,  enabled  them  to  do  an 
unusually  successful  business.  The  establishment  thus 
founded  continued  until  1864,  when  it  was  merged  into 
the  First  National  Bank  of  Bellefonte. 

About  1868  the  most  of  the  stockholders  of  the  First 
National  Bank,  together  with  a  number  of  other  gentle 
men,  organized  the  Centre  County  Banking  Company, 
which  has  also  done  a  successful  business  and  been  useful 
to  the  community.  Of  these  two  institutions  Governor 
Curtin  was  a  prominent  and,  in  a  sense,  controlling 
factor.  His  wide  acquaintanceship  assisted  in  the  origi 
nal  arrangements  made  by  Humes,  McAllister,  Hale  £ 
Co.,  and  his  character,  credit  and  genial  and  affable  dis 
position  materially  aided  in  the  successful  organization 
and  business  career  of  both  of  these  banking  institutions 
which  remain  among  the  most  substantial  and  successful 
business  enterprises  of  Bellefonte. 

Under  a  charter  obtained  on  the  twenty-first  of  Feb 
ruary,  1857,  an  eff°rt  was  made  to  construct  a  railroad 
from  Lock  Haven,  on  the  Philadelphia  &  Erie  Railroad, 
to  Tyrone,  on  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad.  The  manage 
ment  and  control  of  this  effort  passed  into  the  hands  of 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  409 

Dr.  William  Underwood  and  a  number  of  his  friends. 
Considerable  work  was  done  upon  the  grading  of  this 
road,  but  the  financial  difficulties  of  1857  and  the  fol 
lowing  years,  involved  it  beyond  any  prospect  of  com 
pletion,  under  its  then  present  management.  The 
mortgage,  which  had  been  given  to  secure  the  funds 
needed  for  its  completion,  was  foreclosed.  Governor 
Curtin,  then  in  the  executive  office,  foreshadowed  not 
only  the  necessity  to  the  interests  of  Centre  County  for 
the  completion  of  the  road,  but  also  grasped  the  value 
of  such  a  link  connecting  the  Philadelphia  &  Erie  and 
Pennsylvania  systems.  A  combination,  with  Colonel 
Thomas  A.  Scott  and  other  friends,  was  made  by  him, 
under  which  the  road  was  purchased  at  the  sale  under 
proceedings  in  foreclosure  and  immediately  reorganized, 
under  the  name  of  the  Bald  Eagle  Valley  Railroad. 
Governor  Curtin  had  a  very  large  interest  in  the  pur 
chase  and  had  the  control  of  more  stock  than  he  was 
willing  to  take  for  himself.  He  offered  this  to  his 
friends  in  Belief onte,  but  few  of  them  were  as  far-sighted 
and  courageous  as  himself,  and  the  offer  was  generally 
declined,  much  to  the  chagrin,  in  later  years,  of  those  to 
whom  the  tender  had  been  made.  The  frequent  incur 
sions  by  bodies  of  the  Confederate  army  and  raids  of 
their  cavalry,  penetrating  almost  as  far  north  as  the  line 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  led  that  corporation  to 
seek  some  connection  between  Altoona  and  Harrisburg 
which  would  avoid  the  numerous  bridges  across  the 
Juniata,  which  were  liable  to  be  destroyed  by  the  incur 
sions  of  the  Confederates.  As  a  consequence,  the  Penn 
sylvania  Railroad  made  a  lease  of  the  Bald  Eagle  Valley 
on  terms  which  subsequently  proved  to  be  very  remuner 
ative  to  the  stockholders,  and  as  a  result  the  stock  of  the 


410  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

Bald  Eagle  Valley  Railroad  has  become  very  valuable. 
The  railroad  itself  has  been  of  immense*  value  and  im 
portance  to  the  people  of  Centre  County.  Its  completion 
gave  them  an  outlet  to  the  world,  both  by  Lock  Haven 
and  Tyrone.  It  not  only  developed  the  Bald  Eagle  Val 
ley,  through  which  it  passed,  including  Curtin's  Works, 
but  gave  an  impetus  to  the  development  of  the  industries 
of  the  county  in  all  directions.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that, 
whilst  Governor  Curtin  was  serving  the  people  of  the 
commonwealth  as  their  Chief  Executive,  he  was  also 
mindful  of  the  interests  of  his  immediate  region,  and 
planned  most  successfully  for  their  development.  It  is 
entirely  safe  to  say  that  no  single  event  in  the  history  of 
Centre  County  has  done  more  for  its  material  advance 
ment  and  for  the  accommodation  of  its  people  than  the 
completion  of  the  Bald  Eagle  Valley  Railroad  and  its 
lease  to  the  Pennsylvania  Company.  For  this  the  people 
are  indebted  to  Governor  Curtin  more  than  to  any  other 
single  person. 

Next  to  the  railroad  interests  of  the  county,  no  insti 
tution  is  more  important  and  none  is  capable  of  confe^- 
ring  greater  benefits  upon  the  people  of  the  region  and 
of  the  entire  commonwealth  than  the  Pennsylvania 
State  College.  Governor  Curtin  was  one  of  the  original 
board  of  trustees  by  virtue  of  his  office  as  secretary  of 
the  commonwealth.  During  his  incumbency  of  the 
executive  office,  much  of  the  legislation  relating  to  its 
early  organization  was  passed.  He  was  always  an  intel 
ligent  observer  of  and  believer  in  its  capabilities,  and, 
by  his  private  generosity  and  personal  interest,  con 
tributed  to  its  successful  founding  and  development.  No 
organization  which  attended  the  impressive  ceremonies 
connected  with  Governor  Curtin's  funeral  made  a  finer 


IN  HIS  HOME  COMMUNITY.  41 1 

appearance  or  elicited  more  general  comment  than  the 
student  body  of  this  institution  which  attended  as  a 
battalion  of  cadets. 

The  place  which  Governor  Curtin  occupied  in  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  was  unique.  The  time  when  he 
was  called  to  fill  the  office  of  Chief  Executive  of  the 
Commonwealth  made  it  so.  His  place  among  his  home 
people  and  his  relations  with  his  immediate  community 
were  quite  as  strikingly  unique.  However  exacting  the 
demands  of  public  life,  he  never  forgot  the  interests  of 
his  immediate  neighbors  and  friends,  and  could  always 
be  relied  upon  to  serve  them  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 
He  was  in  every  way  a  striking  figure  in  the  community 
in  which  he  lived,  and  his  departure  left  a  vacancy 
which  will  not  and  can  not  be  filled,  and  a  remembrance 
of  usefulness  and  kindliness  which  will  keep  his  memory 
fragrant  for  many  years  to  come. 


THE  §TXTE 


BY  J.    C.    BOMBERGER. 

Andrew  G.  Cur- 
tin  was  elected 
I  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  in  the  fall 
of  i86p,  and  was 
inaugurated  on  the 
fifteenth  day  of 
January,  1861. 

Forebodings  of 
war  had  already 
created  alarm  and 
the  whole  country 
was  in  a  state  of 
unrest  and  disturb 
ance.  Money  hold 
ers,  banks  and  trust 
companies  were 
timid  and  fearful.  The  United  States  Government  was 
paying  as  high  as  ten  per  cent  on  loans,  and  credit 
everywhere  was  shaken.  Governor  Curtin's  fame  with 
the  masses  rests  on  his  skill  and  success  in  concentrating 
masses  of  men  in  companies  and  regiments,  but  it  re 
quired  as  much  good  management  to  obtain  money  as  to 
raise  an  army. 

(412) 


J.  C.  BOMBERGER. 


STATE  CKEDI'l.  4*3 

Soldiers  without  rations  or  clothing,  ammunition,  etc., 
could  not  wage  a  successful  campaign.  Governor  Curtin 
was  fortunate  in  obtaining  both  at  a  very  critical  time  ; 
perhaps  the  most  difficult  part  was  to  get  the  money  in 
the  spring  of  1861. 

The  debt  of  the  State  at  the  time  was  about  $40,000,- 
ooo,  when  millions  were  not  so  glibly  spoken  of  as  now. 
In  1840,  the  debt  of  the  United  States  Government  was 
$40,000,000,  and  perhaps  it  was  much  because  this  debt 
was  overhanging  the  people,  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
defeated  for  President,  as  any  thing  else  or  all  else.  In 
1860,  the  debt  of  the  State  was  about  $40,000,000.  It 
is  true  that  from  1840  to  1861  the  people  became  accus 
tomed  to  large  sums,  but  even  then  many  good  citizens 
stood  aghast  and  asked  each  other,  "where  is  this  to  stop  ?" 

It  was  under  such  circumstances  that  Curtin  was 
placed  in  the  executive  chair  of  the  State  and  soon  after 
addressed  himself  to  the  task  of  raising  $3,000,000  to 
recruit  and  equip  the  Pennsylvania  Reserves.  At  present 
the  amount  may  be  considered  a  mere  bagatelle,  but  at 
that  time,  when  individuals  and  banks  were  beginning 
to  hoard  gold,  and  when  every  security  was  severely 
scanned,  and  at  least  a  minority  were  shy  and  uncertain 
as  to  the  result  of  the  war,  it  meant  a  great  deal.  The 
bill  authorizing  the  loan  was  passed  by  the  Legislature 
and  the  money  was  now  to  be  raised. 

At  first  he  met  with  discouragement.  I  saw  him  in 
the  incipiency  of  this  task  and  know  how  anxious  he 
was  to  have  the  loan  promptly  taken.  He  tried  Harris- 
burg  for  subscriptions  and  then  went  to  Philadelphia  in 
company  with  Mr.  Henry  D.  Moore,  the  State  Treasurer. 
On  his  return,  he  said  to  one  person,  "  You  must  double 
your  subscription  ;  it  will  encourage  others."  It  came 


4 1 4  ANDRE  IV  G.  CUR  TIN. 

from  him  almost  as  a  command  and  was  obeyed.  He  went 
to  Philadelphia  again,  and  at  last  assurances  were  given 
by  the  banks  and  bankers  that  the  loan  would  be  taken. 

The  arguments  he  used  and  the  magnetism  of  the  man 
enforced  success.  He  returned  to  Harrisburg,  happy 
and  satisfied,  and  applied  himself  assiduously  to  his 
work.  Is  it  too  much  to  say  that  to  his  prophetic  wis 
dom  and  assiduous  labor  the  capitol  at  Washington  was 
saved  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Bull  Run?  If  so, 
was  it  not  saved  by  and  through  the  effects  of  the 
$3,000,000  loan?  But  for  him  there  would  not  have 
been  any  Pennsylvania  Reserves. 

Governor  Curtin  financiered  the  affairs  of  the  State 
with  success,  and  it  reflects  great  credit  on  his  adminis 
tration.  He  was  scrupulously  exact  on  the  expenditures 
of  public  money  and  his  attention  to  the  soldiers.  At 
the  first  call  for  soldiers  by  the  general  government,  men 
without  uniforms  or  arms  were  quickly  ordered  to  Har 
risburg.  My  recollection  is,  the  first  men  who  reached 
our  city  to  offer  to  enlist  were  a  body  of  men  from 
Schuylkill  County.  It  was  a  very  cold,  rainy  day  in 
April.  There  was  no  rendezvous,  no  subsistence  of  any 
kind.  I  was  sent  for  in  a  hurried  consultation  to  devise 
ways  for  shelter  and  provisions. 

Just  outside  of  the  city  limits  there  were  about  twenty 
or  thirty  acres  of  ground  enclosed  as  an  agricultural 
fair  ground,  with  sheds,  and  in  the  middle  a  grand 
stand.  At  my  suggestion  they  were  sent  there,  and  at 
once  men  were  sent  with  wagons  to  the  country  for 
straw  for  the  men  to  lie  on,  and  the  Governor  scoured 
the  city  for  provisions,  etc.  In  a  very  short  time  the 
grounds  were  arranged,  the  men  made  as  comfortable  as 
possible,  and  the  fair  grounds  converted  into  Camp 


STA  TE  CREDIT.  4 T  5 

Curtin,  and  continued  as  a  camp  for  recruits  and  in 
structions  in  military  tactics  to  the  end  of  the  war. 
Many  thousands  were  organized  into  companies,  officered 
and  sent  to  the  front.  If  any  of  these  men  are  still 
living,  they  will  bear  testimony  to  Governor  Curtin's 
care  and  personal  kindness  and  his  thoughtful  attention 
to  their  wants. 

The  last  time  I  saw  the  Governor  he  expressed  a 
desire  to  see  the  old  camp-ground.  A  carriage  was  ready 
to  take  him,  when  a  heavy  rain  prevented  his  going. 
He  said  it  was  a  pity  the  camp-grounds  were  not  pre 
served  as  a  park  ;  but  already  a  great  part  of  it  has  been 
built  upon  and  it  is  too  late  now.  I  give  one  instance 
to  show  how  precise  the  Governor  was  in  public  ex 
penditures  :  When  the  rebels  had  gotten  to  Oyster's  Point, 
within  four  miles  of  Harrisburg,  the  Governor  had 
learned  there  was  a  fording  on  the  Susquehanna  about 
three  miles  below  the  city,  used  before  the  bridge  was 
built ;  he  conceived  the  idea  that  the  rebels  instead  of 
crossing  the  bridge  (the  bridge  would  have  been  burned 
at  their  near  approach)  might  attempt  to  cross  at  the 
fording.  The  town  had  no  soldiers,  but  citizens  formed 
a  company  of  about  one  hundred  to  go  down  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river  to  watch  if  any  attempt  wras  made  to 
cross.  Weidman  Foster  was  elected  captain  and  the 
writer  was  made  quartermaster.  The  men  were  not 
accustomed  to  "hard  tack,  etc.,"  and  the  quartermaster 
furnished  among  other  delicacies,  country  ham,  dried 
beef,  cheese,  crackers,  etc. 

We  were  there  about  a  week  and  were  recalled.  The 
officer  collected  the  bills  and  presented  them  for  settle 
ment  to  the  Governor.  He  looked  at  them  and  replied, 
"We  cannot  pay  for  such  items  as  these."  I  answered 


41 6  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

that  u  I  had  ordered  them  and  held  myself  liable  and 
would  pay  them."  He  said,  "That  is  hardly  fair,  come 
and  see  me  in  a  few  days."  The  bill  was  settled  satis 
factorily  to  both  of  us.  Our  company  received  no  pay, 
nor  expected  any.  This  shows  how  punctilious  he  was 
in  State  matters. 

In  his  personal  relations  his  u  pity  gave  ere  charity 
began."  He  would  seldom  refuse  an  applicant  for  aid, 
and  when  his  bank  account  was  low  or  exhausted  he 
would  indorse  a  note  for  twenty-five  or  fifty  dollars  and 
send  a  party  to  me  with  a  request  to  discount.  They 
were  almost  invariably  charged  to  his  account.  I  called 
at  his  office  and  said  to  him,  "  Governor,  don't  send  any 
more  of  these  small  notes  with  your  indorsement,  I  will 
not  take  them."  "Why  not?"  he  asked.  "Because, 
in  the  aggregate  they  are  more  than  you  suppose  and 
your  account  will  not  bear  them."  In  a  measure  it 
stopped,  but  his  ear'  was  always  attentive  to  their  stories 
and  his  purse  open  to  any  tale  of  woe. 

In  reviewing  Governor  Curtin's  administration,  his 
skill  and  care  in  managing  the  finances  of  the  State  in 
trying  times  are  conspicuous  and  reflect  credit  on  his 
ability  and  methods.  In  1861  the  debt  of  the  State  was 
$40,580,666.08  ;  add  war  loan,  $3,000,000.  Total,  $43,- 
580,666.08.  In  1862,  $40,448,^13.32;  1863,  $39,49<V 
596.78;  1864,  $39,379,603.94;  1866,  $35,622,052.16.  The 
debt  during  his  administration,  notwithstanding  the 
extraordinary  demands  on  the  treasury,  was  reduced 
about  $8,000,000  ;  not  a  legal  claim  that  was  presented 
but  what  was  paid  promptly,  including  the  semi-annual 
interest  on  the  State  debt.  For  this  I  think  we  can  say, 
"  Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant." 


T\*\D 


Q. 


BY    CRAIG    BIDDLK. 


M  y  official  rela 
tions  with  Governor 
Cur  tin  commenced 
at  the  end  of  the 
three  months'  ser 
vice  during  which 
I  had  been  on  the 
staff  of  Major  Gen 
eral  Patterson.  On 
passing  through 
H  a  r  r  i  s  b  u  r  g,  Go  v- 
cruor  Curtin  asked 
me  to  take  a  place 
on  his  staff,  to  super- 
i  n  tend  the  forma 
tion  of  the  regi 
me  n  t  s  recently 
called  for  by  the  United  States  Government. 

In  performing  this  duty,  all  the  camps  then  existing 
throughout  the  State,  with  the  exception  of  Camp  Cur- 
tin  at  Harrisburg,  were  abolished  and  all  the  recruits  for 
the  various  regiments  concentrated  at  that  point.  As 
each  regiment  was  filled  it  was  immediately  sent  forward. 
The  Governor  was  thus  thrown  into  intimate  relations 
with  all  the  soldiers  and  officers  going  to  the  front  and 
27  (417) 


CRAIG  BIDDLK. 


41 8  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

secured  their  personal  regard  and  esteem,  which  he 
never  lost.  As  each  regiment  left  he  addressed  them  in 
a  touching  speech  which,  while  it  brought  tears  to  their 
eyes,  brought  courage  to  their  hearts.  He  had  a  won 
derful  capacity  for  this.  Often  as  he  was  called  on 
he  never  repeated  himself.  It  was  not  the  repetition  of 
a  prepared  speech,  but  each  one  seemed  to  come  fresh 
from  his  heart,  and  was  always  responded  to  with 
immense  enthusiasm. 

The  regard  which  the  Pennsylvania  soldier  held  for 
him  was  well  deserved.  No  one  could  be  more  sincerely 
devoted  to  their  interests  than  he  was.  He  was  always 
anxious  that  they  should  feel,  that  no  matter  where 
they  served  or  who  commanded  them,  they  were  still 
Pennsylvania  soldiers,  and  the  Governor  of  that  State 
was  always  ready  to  recognize  his  obligations  to  them. 

After  they  had  all  left  the  State  and  been  sworn  into 
the  United  States  service,  his  anxiety  about  them  seemed 
rather  to  increase  than  to  diminish.  He  felt  that  he  had 
no  longer  any  control  over  them,  yet  was  not  satisfied 
unless  in  some  way  he  was  looking  after  them.  He  then 
suggested  the  propriety  of  appointing  an  agent  of  the 
State  who  might  go  where  they  were  and  see  after  them. 
After  a  great  deal  of  consideration  he  asked  Mr.  Clement 
Biddle  Barclay,  of  Philadelphia,  to  undertake  it.  He 
consented  on  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  receive 
no  salary  and  to  pay  his  o\vn  expenses.  The  selection 
was  a  most  fortunate  one.  He  was  acquainted  with  most 
of  the  prominent  officers  in  both  armies ;  was  known 
to  be  a  man  of  the  highest  integrity,  possessing  the 
entire  confidence  of  the  community  in  which  he  lived. 
His  uncle,  Mr.  James  I.  Barclay,  who  died  at  ninety-one 
years  of  age,  had  been  a  humanitarian  and  philanthropist 


CLEMENT  B.  BARCLAY.  419 

of  national  repute  and  as  the  leader  in  every  good 
work.  His  nephew,  it  was  believed,  had  inherited  the 
same  unselfish  interest  in  all  works  of  benevolence. 

The  ingenuity  of  the  Law  Department  was  put  to  the 
test  to  draw  up  for  him  a  commission,  which  might 
fully  explain  his  character,  and  at  the  same  time  not 
assume  to  invest  him  with  more  power  than  the  Execu 
tive  had  a  right  to  bestow. 

Mr.  Barclay  met  with  the  greatest  success  and  was 
received  with  open  arms  by  every  one.  The  Governor, 
having  no  power  to  appropriate  money  for  the  use  of 
our  soldiers  out  of  the  State  Treasury,  was  fearful  that 
Mr.  Barclay  might  not  be  able  to  carry  out  his  views. 
That  anxiety  was  soon  at  an  end,  for  Mr.  Barclay  com 
manded  the  purse  of  Philadelphia.  Anything  he  wanted 
was  furnished  with  a  lavish  hand  and  pressed  upon 
him.  I  have  personal  knowledge  of  two  checks  that 
were  voluntarily  sent  him,  one  for  $5000  and  one  for 
$1000,  by  men  whose  names  were  never  mentioned  in 
connection  with  the  matter.  All  that  he  did  and  all 
that  he  gave  away  never  cost  the  commonwealth  one 
penny. 

This,  as  far  as  I  know,  was  the  first  attempt  to  appoint 
an  agent  of  a  State  to  look  after  the  soldiers  of  their 
State.  It  was  immediately  followed  by  other  States, 
and  complete  organizations  for  this  State  as  well  as 
for  others  were  subsequently  established  in  addition  to 
the  voluntary  commissions  who  did  so  much  for  the 
sick  and  wounded. 

It  was  a  warm  impulse  of  Governor  Curtin's  heart, 
and  should  not  be  forgotten  in  summing  up  the  many 
other  noble  traits  of  his  character.  Mr.  Barclay  still 
lives  among  us,  now  I  think  in  his  seventy-seventh  year, 


420  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

with  a  vivid  recollection  of  all  these  matters,  although 
all  his  papers,  containing  his  commission*and  the  corre 
spondence  of  every  man  of  note,  were  burned,  together 
with  the  building  in  which  they  were  stored. 

As  I  left  Harrisburg  after  all  the  requisitions  upon 
the  State  were  filled,  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  give  any 
further  details  of  matters  occurring  there  which  are  not 
known  to  the  public  at  large.  I  am  glad  of  the  oppor 
tunity  to  bear  testimony  in  this  slight  way  to  Governor 
Curtin's  unflagging  interest  in  the  welfare  of  our  troops 
and  to  the  valuable  aid  which  Mr.  Barclay  gave  in 
making  it  effective. 


To 


BY   TITIAN   J.    COFFEY. 

I  have  been  asked 
to  contribute  to  this 
volume  some  remin 
iscences  of  the  life 
of  Governor  Cnrtin 
when  he  was  Minis 
ter  to  Russia.  But 
knowing  him  as  I 
I  did  almost  from  my 
boyhood,  for  many 
years  intimately,  I 
trust  I  shall  be  par 
doned  if,  in  a  book 
devoted  to  his  mem 
ory,  I  venture  first 
to  touch  briefly  on 
some  other  portions 
of  his  life.  Governor  Curtin  was  a  favorite  of  nature 
and  of  fortune.  His  parentage  on  both  sides  was  of  the 
best  strain  of  our  Pennsylvania  blood.  The  Curtins  and 
the  Greggs  were  alike  families  of  social  and  business  dis 
tinction,  who  had  made  and  left  their  mark  on  the  region 
in  which  they  lived,  commanding  the  respect  and  wield 
ing  the  influence  due  to  high  intellectual  and  moral 

(421) 


TITIAN  J.  COFFEY. 


422  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

qualities  and  useful  lives.  Some  of  theni  had  achieved 
distinction  in  public  life  early  in  the  history  of  the  nation, 
and  the  grandfather,  after  whom  he  was  named,  was, 
in  his  day,  one  of  the  most  eminent  and  influential  of 
the  sons  of  Pennsylvania.  They  all  belonged  to  the 
gentleman  class,  and  so  Governor  Curtin  was  brought 
up  with  the  advantages  (by  no  means  common  in  those 
days)  of  wealth,  refinement  and  culture.  It  is  not  sur 
prising,  therefore,  that  early  in  life  he  acquired  the 
manners  and  the  tastes  that  made  him  one  of  the  most 
charming  and  delightful  men  of  his  time.  And  with 
these  advantages  he  inherited  the  love  of  public  life  and 
the  ambition  to  serve  his  country  which  became  his 
ruling  passion. 

There  never  was  a  period  in  his  life  when  he  was  not 
the  favorite  of  all  classes.  He  was  commonly  said  to 
possess  that  mysterious  quality  called  u  magnetism,"  by 
which  some  public  men  (of  whom  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr. 
Blaine  are  familiar  examples)  won  their  way  to  the 
popular  heart.  In  Governor  Curtin  this  quality  is  easily 
explained.  Gifted  with  singular  beauty  of  person  and 
ease  of  manner,  and  inspiring  the  unconscious  respect 
which  the  world  pays  to  men  of  imposing  height  and 
graceful  movements,  his  kindly  smile,  genial  address 
and  ready  humor,  natural,  unaffected  and  spontaneous, 
at  once  won  the  hearts  of  strangers.  L,onger  acquaint 
ance  and  more  familiar  intercourse  only  confirmed  this 
impression. 

These  qualities  were  aids  to  the  prompt  success  which 
attended  his  career  at  the  Bar.  But  with  them  he  pos 
sessed  also  a  quick,  clear  and  acute  intellect,  and  a 
readiness  of  resource  that  very  soon  made  him  one  of 
the  leaders  in  his  profession  in  Central  Pennsylvania. 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  423 

Iii  the  counties  in  which  he  practiced  up  to  the  time 
when  Governor  Pollock  appointed  him  Secretary  of  the 
Commonwealth,  few  important  cases,  civil  or  criminal, 
were  tried  wherein  he  was  not  conspicuous  as  counsel. 
And  this,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  his  senior  part 
ner,  the  Hon.  John  Blanchard,  was  the  most  able,  learned 
and  successful  lawyer  in  that  part  of  the  State.  If  the 
junior  did  not  carry  as  many  heavy  guns  as  his  chief,  he 
was  admirably  equipped  for  the  lighter  but  more  brilliant 
excursions  and  charges  which,  in  the  strategy  of  the  Bar, 
are  quite  as  effective  as  in  the  movements  of  armies. 

But  his  heart  was  in  public  life,  and  his  ambition  led 
him  rather  to  the  Forum  of  political  discussion  than 
to  the  struggles  of  his  profession.  Almost  from  his  boy 
hood  he  was  a  prominent  and  popular  political  speaker. 
In  every  canvass  for  governor  or  president,  his  voice  was 
heard  throughout  the  State  in  advocacy  of  Whig  prin 
ciples  and  candidates.  I  well  remember  the  first  time 
I  saw  him.  It  was  in  the  exciting  political  contest  of 
1844,  when  he  came  over  to  Huntingdon,  the  county 
adjoining  his  own,  to  advocate  the  cause  of  Henry  Clay. 
His  tall  and  elegant  figure,  his  handsome  face,  and  the 
easy  grace  with  which  he  began  his  speech,  at  once  won 
the  favor  and  sympathy  of  his  audience,  and  it  was  not 
long  before  his  humor  and  eloquence  had  roused  them 
into  the  enthusiasm  which,  as  Pennsylvanians  have  since 
so  well  known,  was  always  evoked  by  his  speeches. 

Thus  early  in  life  his  fame  as  a  political  speaker 
extended  through  the  State,  and  everywhere  his 
services  were  called  for,  and  everywhere  too,  as  he 
responded  to  these  calls,  the  fascinating  young  orator 
captivated  the  people.  So  that,  when,  after  conducting 
successfully  as  chairman  of  the  State  Committee  the 


424  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

canvass  which  placed  Governor  Pollock  in  the  execu 
tive  chair,  that  official  asked  him  to  accept  the  office  of 
Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Superintendent  of 
Public  Schools,  he  was  well  known  throughout  the  State 
as  one  of  her  most  prominent  and  rising  politicians. 

The  office  of  secretary  furnished  but  small  occasion 
for  distinction  in  the  public  service.  But  as  Superin 
tendent  of  the  Public  Schools  I  well  remember  his 
active  and  efficient  work  in  behalf  of  education.  He 
brought  to  this  work  the  same  large  foresight  and  states 
manlike  comprehension  that  afterward,  as  governor 
during  the  war,  he  exhibited  in  the  prompt  creation 
of  the  Reserve  Corps,  and  in  establishing  the  Homes 
for  Soldiers'  Children.  He  conceived  and  founded  the 
system  of  Normal  Schools  which  has  since  become  the 
crowning  edifice  of  our  splendid  system  of  State  educa 
tion.  He  prepared  and  placed  in  my  charge,  as  a  State 
Senator,  in  the  session  of  1857,  the  bill  which  provided 
for  the  establishment  of  the  Normal  School  system  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  aided  me  with  valuable  and  timely 
suggestions  and  information  in  the  preparation  of  the 
report  on  the  bill  which  it  became  my  duty  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  to  prepare.  It  is  not  the  least  of  his 
titles  to  fame  that  he  was  the  father  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Normal  School  system. 

Recurring  to  those  days  at  Harrisburg,  I  cannot  refrain 
from  a  brief  reference  to  the  political  condition  of  the 
State  and  Governor  Curtin's  connection  with  it.  A  suc 
cessful  assault  upon  the  intrenched  Democracy  of 
Pennsylvania  had  been  made  under  his  lead  in  1854. 
But  it  was  not  until  after  the  canvass  of  1856,  when  the 
young  and  aggressive  Republican  party  arose  to  give 
battle  to  the  Democracy,  that  it  became  evident  that  the 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  425 

future  lay  with  that  organization.  The  somewhat  dis 
cordant  elements  which  had  combined  to  fight  the 
Democracy  during  and  after  the  contest  of  1856,  gradu 
ally  united  under  the  Republican  banner  and  prepared  to 
capture  the  State  in  1860.  The  rising  wave  of  Repub 
licanism  had  carried  into  the  State  Legislature  a  class 
of  young  men,  who,  inspired  with  the  enthusiasm  of 
a  great  cause,  felt  that  it  was  their  mission  to  aid  that 
cause.  Some  of  them  were  men  of  great  ability  and  all 
of  them  were  animated  by  a  pure  and  patriotic  purpose. 
They  determined  to  organize  the  party  on  a  basis  that 
would  wrest  the  State  from  Democratic  control  and 
range  it  on  the  side  of  what  to  them  was  the  cause  of  free 
dom  and  patriotism.  They  chose  for  their  leader  the 
young  and  brilliant  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth, 
and  for  four  years  they  \vorked  with  faithful  and  unspar 
ing  effort,  in  their  several  localities,  to  build  up  the 
Republican  party,  and  to  carry  it  into  power  in  1860, 
with  Andrew  G.  Curtin  as  Governor  of  the  Common 
wealth.  How  they  succeeded,  history  tells.  But  the 
history  is  yet  to  be  written  of  their  earnest,  untiring  and 
skillful  work,  of  obstacles  they  met  and  overcame,  of 
temptations  they  resisted  from  influences  of  the  baser 
sort,  of  faithful  and  romantic  devotion  to  their  beloved 
chief,  and  of  the  joy  and  gladness  that  crowned  their 
work  when  they  saw  their  chosen  leader  not  only  made 
Governor  of  the  State,  but  the  instrument  through  whom 
their  party  won  a  national  victory  and  placed  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  Presidential  chair.  Only  a  few  of  that 
admirable  and  devoted  band  are  yet  living,  but  they  can 
bear  witness  with  what  pride,  what  warmth,  and  what 
tenderness,  our  dear  old  leader  would  speak  of  their 
devotedness  and  fidelitv.  He  and  they  loved  each  other 


426  ANDREW  G.  CURT1N. 

with  a  sincerity  that  no  changes  or  chances  in  after  life 
ever  affected,  and  this  furnishes  a  fair  sample  of  the 
"  hooks  of  steel  "  by  which  Governor  Curtin's  friends 
were  bound  to  him. 

The  duty  is  assigned  to  more  competent  hands  of  re 
lating  how  he  did  the  stupendous  and  noble  work  that 
fell  to  him  as  governor,  with  what  energy  and  ability  he 
led  Pennsylvania  in  the  great  struggle  for  the  integrity 
of  the  Union  and  held  up  the  hands  of  Abraham  Lin 
coln.  But  I  may  be  allowed  to  refer  to  a  single  incident 
of  his  life  during  that  time  at  Washington.  It  happened 
that  in  March,  1861,  I  went  to  Washington  to  occupy  a 
position  that  brought  me  into  frequent  intercourse  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet.  Governor  Curtin's  duties 
called  him  very  often  to  the  capital,  and  his  business, 
when  not  visiting  the  camps  and  hospitals  of  the  sol 
diers,  was  generally  with  the  President  and  War  Depart 
ment.  More  than  once  I  accompanied  him  to  the  White 
House  and  I  was  impressed  with  the  cordial  and  friendly 
relations  that  existed  between  the  Governor  and  the 
President.  It  was  easy  to  see  that  Mr.  Lincoln  not 
only  admired  and  confided  in  him,  but  that  he  respected 
his  character,  sought  his  advice,  and  appreciated  his  help. 
And  this  in  spite  of  some  sinister  influences  near  him 
that  were  not  friendly  to  Governor  Curtin.  I  remember 
the  day  in  1861  when  the  Governor,  with  his  staff,  came 
out  to  Tennallytown,  where  the  Reserve  Regiments  were 
then  encamped,  to  deliver  to  them  the  colors  which  they 
afterward  carried  so  gloriously  on  many  a  bloody  field.  It 
was  a  bright  and  lovely  day  and  the  scene  was  inspiring. 
Mr.  Lincoln,  most  of  his  Cabinet,  and  many  eminent 
persons  were  there,  with  a  great  throng  of  specta 
tors.  That  was  Pennsylvania's  day.  And  her  repre- 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  42? 

sentative  and  spokesman  was  her  Governor.  I  recall 
now  the  thrill  of  pride  with  which  we  Pennsylvanians 
saw  the  stately  and  gracious  way  in  which  he  entertained 
his  distinguished  guests,  and  heard  the  eloquent  and 
becoming  words  in  which  he  did  them  honor.  I  could 
see  how  the  fascination  that  never  failed,  was  no  less 
effective  with  President  and  statesmen.  My  old  chief, 
Attorney-General  Bates,  who  was  present,  often  used  to 
refer  to  u  the  handsome  and  eloquent  Governor  who 
charmed  them  all  by  his  knightly  courtesy  and  grace." 

When  Governor  Curtin  was  appointed  by  President 
Grant  Minister  to  Russia,  he  persuaded  me  to  accompany 
him  as  Secretary  of  Legation.  In  fact,  he  had  my  name 
sent  to  the  Senate  without  my  knowledge,  and,  on  his 
return  from  Washington  to  Philadelphia,  where  we  both 
then  lived,  when  I  asked  him  why  he  had  done  so,  he 
replied  that  he  knew  I  was  arranging  for  a  visit  to 
Europe  for  a  prolonged  stay,  and  it  seemed  a  suitable 
thing  that  we  should  go  together.  "  But,"  said  I,  u  my 
visiting  Europe  does  not  mean  that  I  am  to  stay  at  St. 
Petersburg."  "  Oh,"  he  replied  with  a  laugh,  "  you 
don't  suppose  I  am  going  up  there  without  having  the 
society  of  at , least  one  of  my  old  friends."  I  mention 
this  as  an  illustration  of  the  kind  of  relation  he  bore  to 
his  intimate  friends  ;  and  it  is,  perhaps,  an  illustration, 
too,  of  the  kind  of  attachment  his  friends  had  for  him, 
that,  to  gratify  him,  I  changed  for  the  time  my  plans  of 
travel  and  yielded  to  his  wish. 

We  sailed  from  New  York  in  June,  1869,  the  Governor 
before  our  departure  having  been  publicly  and  privately 
fkted  and  banqueted  in  Philadelphia  and  elsewhere.  He 
was  accompanied  to  New  York  by  a  large  and  enthusi 
astic  number  of  his  friends,  who  chartered  a  steamer  to 


428  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

escort  him  down  the  bay,  and  we  had  left  Sandy  Hook 
far  behind  before  they  could  be  persuaded  to  cut  loose 
from  the  "  Donan  "  and  say  good-bye  to  their  idol.  I 
have  never,  before  or  since,  witnessed  a  farewell  so  warm 
and  affectionate  as  that  was.  After  a  pleasant  passage 
we  landed  at  Southampton,  proceeded  to  London  and 
thence  to  Paris.  In  these  cities  the  Governor  was  the 
recipient  of  many  civilities.  In  truth,  they  became  so 
numerous  and  so  exacting  on  his  digestive  powers  that 
he  was  forced  to  run  away  from  them  and  seek  rest  and 
recuperation  at  Homburg,  the  paradise  of  German  water 
ing  places.  It  happened  that  at  this  time  (July)  the 
Russian  Chancellor,  Prince  Gortchakoff,  was  staying  at 
Wiesbaden,  not  far  from  Homburg,  and  Governor  Curtin 
decided  to  visit  him.  The  Prince  received  him  with 
great  cordiality,  and  in  answer  to  the  Governor's  inquiry 
as  to  when  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor,  would  be  pleased  to 
receive  him,  replied  that  the  Emperor  was  then  taking  his 
summer  rest  in  Livadia,  and  would  not  be  in  St.  Peters 
burg  before  late  in  October.  "  Nor  shall  I  return  before 
that  time,"  added  the  Prince.  We  found  that  no  official 
functions  could  be  performed  during  the  summer.  The 
Prince  advised  the  Governor  to  delay  his  arrival  at  St. 
Petersburg  until  the  autumn,  since,  until  that  time,  he 
could  not  formally  assume  the  duties  of  his  office.  The 
matter  was  of  less  moment,  as  Mr.  Clay,  whom  he  suc 
ceeded,  was  still  there.  Governor  Curtin  telegraphed 
these  facts  to  Mr.  Fish,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
next  day  brought  a  telegram  from  Washington  authoriz 
ing  him  to  accept  the  Prince's  advice.  We  remained, 
therefore,  at  Homburg  during  July  and  August. 

It  was  to  Americans  at  that  place  an   interesting  sum 
mer.      Assembled    there    were    Mr.  John  Jay,  the  new 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  429 

Minister  to  Austria  ;  Mr.  Washburne,  accredited  to  Paris ; 
Mr.  Russell  Jones,  Minister  to  Belgium,  besides  Governor 
Curtin  and  many  American  Consuls  and  other  public 
men,  of  whom  Senator  Chandler,  of  Michigan,  was  one. 
There  was  also  a  large  gathering  of  English  and  Conti 
nental  statesmen  and  people  distinguished  in  public  and 
social  life,  such  as  usually  seek  relaxation  at  Homburg. 

The  time  was  the  beginning  of  General  Grant's  first 
administration,  and  the  four  years  that  had  passed  since 
the  suppression  of  the  great  rebellion  by  his  armies, 
marked  as  they  were  by  the  peaceful  disbanding  of  those 
armies,  the  methods  adopted  for  the  payment  of  our 
enormous  public  debt,  and  the  completion  of  the  Pacific 
Railway,  had  profoundly  impressed  the  imagination  of 
Europe.  The  self-sacrifice  and  courage,  the  long  and 
bitter  contests,  the  patient  waiting  under  the  growing 
burden  of  debt  and  suffering,  the  splendid  triumph  of 
the  national  arms,  the  restored  Union,  and  the  quiet  ab 
sorption  of  our  armies  into  the  bosom  of  a  peaceful 
population,  followed  by  a  system  of  debt-paying  before 
unknown,  had  filled  the  nations  of  the  old  world  with 
a  degree  of  astonishment  and  admiration  that  never  have 
been  appreciated  at  home. 

All  these  things  were  then  on  every  lip  in  Europe. 
The  American,  especially  the  American  Minister,  was 
an  object  of  attention  and  consideration  that  none  of  his 
predecessors  had  ever  known.  Of  all  this  homage,  the 
new  Minister  to  Russia  received  his  full  share.  Nor  was 
it  unknown  that  he  had  participated  in  the  struggle.  The 
admiration  and  applause  of  his  countrymen  attracted  the 
notice  of  the  European  world,  and  they  soon  came  to 
know  that  the  distinguished  looking  Minister  had  been 
the  great  "  War  Governor." 


430  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

Leaving  our  children  at  school  for  the  winter  at 
Dresden,  we  proceeded  to  St.  Petersburg  in  October,  in 
advance  of  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  and  Prince 
Gortchakoff. 

I  disclose  no  secret  when  I  say  that  a  combination  of 
unfortunate  circumstances  had,  at  that  time,  somewhat 
discredited  the  American  Legation  at  St.  Petersburg. 
The  minister,  a  gentleman  who  had  justly  occupied  a 
high  position  at  home  and  who  had  enjoyed  the  favor 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  by  whom  he  was  appointed,  had,  because 
of  political  differences,  lost  the  confidence  of  President 
Johnson,  who  tried  to  remove  him  from  office.  But  the 
Senate  stood  by  the  minister  and  he  would  not  resign. 
His  relations,  therefore,  with  the  State  Department  were 
far  from  pleasant  or  promotive  of  his  usefulness.  Nor 
was  he  on  kindly,  or  even  workable,  terms  with  the 
Secretary  of  Legation,  whose  only  connection  with  the 
legation  was  the  regular  quarterly  drawing  of  his  salary, 
against  the  payment  of  which  the  minister  filed  his 
quarterly  protest. 

Of  course  all  this  was  well  known  at  the  Russian 
Foreign  Office  and  in  St.  Petersburg  society.  So  that 
it  was  practically  Governor  Curtin's  mission  to  renew 
suitable  relations  with  the  government  and  restore  the 
legation  to  its  proper  position  and  influence.  How  he 
did  this,  I  wish  I  could  relate  in  detail. 

Diplomatic  success  in  Europe  involves  much  more 
than  the  mere  legal  knowledge  necessary  to  discuss 
questions  of  public  law  and  to  negotiate  treaties.  Essen 
tial  as  this  is,  some  of  the  statesmen  at  Washington 
who  appoint  foreign  ministers  and  some  who  cut  down 
their  salaries  to  a  mere  living  point,  would  be  surprised 
to  learn  how  much  good  breeding,  social  tact,  genial 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  43 1 

manners  and  liberal  hospitality  have  to  do  with  the 
success  of  a  minister  who  tries  to  be  of  service  to  his 
country.  Diplomatic  business  is  not  yet  done  in  the 
way  in  which  lawsuits  are  disposed  of  in  a  county 
court-house,  where  good  law  is  often  administered  with 
out  the  grace  of  good  manners.  The  ' l  effete  despotisms  " 
of  the  old  world  expect  a  minister  to  be,  among  other 
things,  a  gentleman  who  can  make  himself  agreeable 
socially  and  whose  methods  of  life  and  hospitality  will 
conform  to  their  ideals.  If  he  is  a  boor  in  manners  and 
mean  or  shabby  in  his  way  of  living,  they  will  naturally 
think  he  represents  a  nation  of  boors  and  misers. 
The  Russians  fell  into  no  such  mistake  about  Governor 
Curtin.  The  new  minister,  whose  imposing  figure  and 
graceful  manners  might  well  remind  them  of  their  own 
stalwart  and  handsome  Czar,  captivated  them  as  quickly 
and  easily  as  he  would  a  crowd  of  eager  listeners  at  a 
Lancaster  County  political  meeting.  The  Russians, 
like  all  military  people  with  a  touch  of  the  barbaric 
left  in  them,  love  big,  well-proportioned  men.  The 
Governor  would  have  made  an  ideal  field  marshal  for 
them.  They  look  up  to  such  a  man.  But  when  they 
found  that  this  big,  fine-looking  man  was  a  gentleman 
with  fine  manners  and  address,  that  he  was  a  delightful 
companion,  ready  with  jest  and  story,  bubbling  over 
with  fun  and  humor,  as  courtly  to  women  and  to  men 
as  if  he  had  been  born  a  prince,  and  yet  shrewd,  sharp- 
witted  and  full  of  good  sense,  they  gave  him  their 
hearts. 

He  went  there  at  a  favorable  time.  I  have  already 
spoken  of  the  impression  left  in  Europe  by  our  success 
in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  In  that  success  Russia 
saw  a  means  to  help  her  own  purposes.  She  had  sent  a 


43 2  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

fleet  over  at  the  beginning  of  our  trouble  to  bear  witness 
of  her  sympathy  with  us,  for  she  was  against  rebellions. 
She  was  the  one  great  European  power  who  did  not 
express  and  feel  sympathy  for  the  rebels,  and  I  shall 
directly  give  a  striking  proof  of  this  fact.  She  always 
hated  England,  her  great  rival  in  the  East,  the  lion  that 
lies  in  her  pathway  to  Constantinople.  But  at  that  time 
the  memories  of  her  defeat  in  the  Crimea  were  still  fresh 
and  vivid.  England  in  her  hour  of  disaster  had  forced 
her  to  consent  to  a  clause  in  the  Treaty  of  Paris  which 
prohibited  a  Russian  armed  fleet  in  the  Black  Sea — in 
her  sea.  It  was  to  her  as  it  would  have  been  to  England, 
if  France  were  to  compel  her  to  disband  and  remove 
her  channel  fleet.  Russia  had,  per  force,  submitted  to 
the  degradation,  but  she  was  determined,  when  the 
chance  offered,  to  tear  that  hateful  clause  from  the 
treaty.  She  had  been  a  friend  in  our  trouble  and  she 
wanted  us  to  befriend  her  when  her  time  came.  She 
saw  in  the  Alabama  claims  a  prospect  of  war  between  us 
and  England,  and  she  threw  every  obstacle  in  her  power 
in  the  way  of  their  amicable  settlement.  For  that 
purpose  Prince  Gortchakoff  sent  Mr.  Catacazy  here  as 
minister  in  1869,  anc^  out  °^  ^s  enC°rts  i11  that  behalf 
grew  the  failure  and  recall  of  that  gentleman,  to  which 
I  shall  again  refer. 

Therefore  it  was  that  when  Governor  Curtin  presented 
himself  at  St.  Petersburg,  carrying  with  him,  what  his 
predecessor  had  not,  the  confidence  and  authority  of  the 
great  Western  power  who,  after  crushing  her  domestic 
foes,  had  still  an  unsettled  account  with  England,  he 
was  received  with  open  arms. 

On  the  arrival  of  Prince  Gortchakoff,  in  October,  we 
called  on  him  to  arrange  for  the  presentation.  He  was 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  433 

sitting  at  his  desk  with  one  leg  wrapped  in  flannels, 
resting  on  a  cushion,  a  victim  of  gout.  He  received  us 
like  old  friends,  apologizing  for  his  inability  to  rise.  On 
our  expressing  sympathy  and  hope  of  improvement,  he 
said,  u  Ah,  gentlemen,  my  serious  trouble  is  not  this 
gout,  but  my  seventy  years.  That  disease  is  incurable." 
Before  we  left  him  Governor  Curtin  said,  "  Prince,  in  our 
country  when  a  minister  is  presented  to  the  President  it 
is  usual  for  the  minister  to  make  a  brief  address,  to 
which  the  President  replies.  Would  it  accord  with  your 
customs  and  with  the  pleasure  of  the  Emperor  if  I 
should  address  him  briefly  in  this  way?" 

The  Prince  said  that  it  was  not  their  custom,  but  he 
would  be  glad  to  adopt  it  if  Mr.  Curtin.  would  furnish 
him  with  a  copy  of  his  remarks  in  advance,  so  that  he 
could  give  it  to  his  u  Master,"  as  he  called  the  Emperor. 

We  returned  to  the  legation  where  we  got  up  a  short 
speech  about  the  traditional  friendship  of  the  two 
nations,  their  likeness  in  power  and  extent,  in  their  con 
tinental  expansion,  extending  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and 
in  their  historical  development,  with  a  promise  even 
richer  in  the  future  than  in  the  great  achievements  of 
the  past,  and  their  great  responsibilities  as  the  guardians 
of  the  world's  welfare,  etc. 

A  copy  of  this  document  we  sent  to  Prince  Gortcha- 
koflf.  The  next  day  we  were  driven  to  the  Winter 
Palace,  and  after  a  long-  walk  through  seemingly  endless 
corridors  lined  on  both  sides  with  soldiers  and  officials, 
who  saluted  and  bowed  as  we  were  escorted  by  the 
masters  of  ceremonies,  we  reached  the  Emperor's  cham 
bers.  When  the  Emperor  entered  the  room,  the  new 
minister,  after  presentation,  made  his  address  much  in 
the  same  way  as  he  accepted  the  nomination  for  gov- 
28 


434  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

ernor  at  Harrisburg  in  1860.  When  tli£  Emperor,  who 
listened  to  it  with  close  attention,  replied  in  excellent 
English,  we  observed  that  he  dealt  with  the  topics 
touched  on  by  the  Minister  in  consecutive  order,  and 
that  he  held  in  his  left  hand  a  paper  much  like  the  one 
we  had  sent  Prince  Gortchakoff.  The  next  day  we 
called  on  the  Prince,  and  when  the  Governor  suggested 
that  it  might  be  well  to  publish  the  speeches,  as  was  our 
custom,  the  Prince  intimated  that  he  would  gladly  do 
so,  "but,"  said  he,  "how  are  we  to  get  a  copy  of  my 
master's  remarks  ?  "  The  Governor  said  he  thought  he 
could  reproduce  them  from  memory.  "  If  you  do  so," 
said  the  Prince,  "  I  will  see  to  the  publication."  That 
afternoon  we  got  up  from  memory  a  substantial  report 
of  the  Emperor's  speech,  which  with  the  Governor's 
address  we  sent  to  the  foreign  office,  and  next  morning 
they  appeared  in  French  in  the  official  Journal  of  St. 
Petersburg,  and  they  were  republished  in  all  the  impor 
tant  newspapers  in  Europe.  I  venture  to  think  the 
incident  quite  unique  in  European  diplomacy. 

After  this  we  had,  with  abundant  formality  and  a  good 
deal  of  gilded  ceremony,  to  undergo  eighteen  distinct 
and  separate  presentations  to  the  various  members  of 
the  imperial  family,  beginning  with  the  Empress  and 
ending  with  the  Grand  Duke  of  Oldenburg.  Then  came 
official  and  social  visiting,  the  business  of  "  card  drop 
ping  "  in  St.  Petersburg  being,  however,  much  simplified 
by  a  printed  list  furnished  you  of  the  people  upon  whom 
you  must  call. 

Then  began  a  round  of  social  festivities  in  which  the 
American  Legation  had  a  full  share.  Governor  Curtin 
was  soon  well  known,  and  became  a  general  favorite  in 
the  highest  and  best  society.  He  was  quite  intimate 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  435 

with  the  leading  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and 
with  some  of  the  high  officials,  and  seemed  a  welcome 
guest  everywhere. 

He  was  in  a  state  of  comic  embarrassment  about  a 
diplomatic  costume.  An  absurd  law  of  Congress  for 
bade  persons  in  our  diplomatic  service  wearing  any  court 
costume  or  uniform  unless  he  had  served  in  the  army, 
when  he  might  wear  the  uniform  of  his  last  rank. 
Strictly,  the  Governor's  costume  was  the  commonplace 
swallow-tail.  "  But,"  said  he,  "  how  can  I  wear  that  in 
a  room  full  of  people  blazing  in  gold  buttons  and  gold 
lace  ?  I'm  a  long  man,  and  in  a  black  swallow-tail  I 
look  like  an  undertaker  or  a  butler."  I  said,  "  You  were 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  military  forces  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  why  not  wear  a  major-general's  uniform  ?  " — as  I 
had  seen  Governor  D.  R.  Porter  do.  u  That's  all  very 
well,"  said  he,  "  but  if  I  did  so  some  of  these  old  Crimean 
chaps  would  be  asking  me  what  battles  I  had  fought  in." 
After  a  while  he  got  up  and  slapping  the  table  said,  "  I 
have  it  now.  I'll  get  a  blue  swallow-tail  coat  and  trousers, 
with  gilt  buttons  with  a  big  eagle  on  them,  like  the  one 
on  John  Heilman's  certificate  of  bankruptcy."  The 
humor  of  this  will  at  least  be  apparent  to  those  who 
have  ever  heard  him  tell  the  story  of  how  John  Heilman 
paid  his  debts.  But  he  got  the  blue  coat  and  brass  but 
tons,  and  he  was  not  ashamed  of  them. 

There  are  those  who  laugh  at  all  this  as  a  yielding  to 
European  notions.  I  can  but  wish  that  our  fellow-citi 
zens  who  turn  their  patriotic  noses  up  at  such  weakness, 
had  my  experience  of  being  the  only  human  being  in  a 
black  swallow-tail  in  an  assembly  of  thousands  in  all 
sorts  of  military  or  court  costumes. 

The  strictly  diplomatic  duties  of  the  Minister  were 


436  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

not  very  laborious  or  important.  He  cultivated  kindly 
relations  with  every  proper  person,  and  when  he  enter 
tained  he  did  so  handsomely  and  becomingly,  with  lib 
eral  elegance  and  without  vulgar  ostentation.  And  in 
his  social  engagements  he  had  the  advantage  of  the  as 
sistance  of  his  accomplished  wife  and  daughter,  ladies 
well  fitted  to  adorn  any  court. 

A  former  minister,  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Seward,  had 
suggested  to  the  Czar  that  if  he  would  send  one  of  his 
sons  to  visit  the  United  States,  our  people  and  govern 
ment  would  show  by  their  reception  of  him  how  we 
appreciated  the  sympathy  of  Russia  during  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion.  The  suggestion  took  practical  form  dur 
ing  the  ministry  of  Governor  Curtin,  and  his  majesty 
decided  to  send  his  third  son,  the  Grand  Duke  Alexis. 
While  preparations  for  his  departure  were  being  made 
in  St.  Petersburg,  of  course  with  Governor  Curtin' s 
knowledge,  the  unfortunate  trouble  between  the  Adminis 
tration  and  Mr.  Catacazy  reached  a  crisis,  and  it  was 
determined  that  he  should  be  recalled  or  receive  his 
passports. 

I  have  said  that  Prince  Gortchakoff  sent  Mr.  Catacazv 
here  to  do  what  he  could  to  aggravate  our  feeling  against 
England  in  the  matter  of  the  Alabama  claims,  so  that  in 
the  event  of  a  war  with  England  Russia  might  seize  the 
occasion  to  modify  the  Treaty  of  Paris  and  regain  her 
right  to  again  unfold  her  naval  flag  on  the  Black  Sea. 
This  was  well  understood  in  St.  Petersburg,  and  I  was 
told  by  one  who  knew  whereof  he  spoke,  that  the  Prince 
had  some  trouble  to  overcome  the  scruples  of  the  Czar 
against  Mr.  Catacazy's  appointment  to  Washington.  For 
the  Emperor  was  a  gentleman,  and  it  was  said  that  he 
wanted  to  be  represented  at  foreign  governments  by  men 


MINISTER   TO  RUSSIA.  437 

of  a  class  to  which  he  feared  that  the  proposed  minister 
did  not  belong.  But  Prince  Gortchakoff  had  found  in 
Mr.  Catacazy  the  man  he  wanted,  for  his  aim  was  to 
influence  the  Administration  through  public  opinion. 
Accustomed  to  the  arts  of  intrigue  which  Oriental 
diplomacy  finds  useful,  he  fancied  that  the  same  methods 
could  be  successfully  used  over  here.  That  the  min 
ister  did,  through  newspaper  and  other  agencies,  try 
to  influence  the  policy  of  General  Grant  and  Mr.  Fish  . 
in  the  Alabama  business  is  I  believe  true.  But  all  he 
achieved  was,  with  other  indiscretions,  to  offend  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  State,  who  very  properly  de 
termined  to  get  rid  of  him. 

But  it  so  happened  that  the  demand  for  his  recall 
reached  St.  Petersburg  just  at  the  time  when  the  Grand 
Duke  was  getting  ready  for  his  American  visit,  where  he 
would  be  the  guest  of  the  Russian  Minister. 

The  foreign  office  there  did  not  dare  to  inform  the 
Czar  of  the  situation.  For  he  would  at  once,  in  deep 
offence,  have  forbidden  the  visit,  and  unpleasant  rela 
tions  would  have  resulted.  The  St.  Petersburg  end  of 
the  incident  was  very  unpleasant  to  Governor  Curtin, 
for,  whilst  obeying  the  orders  of  his  government,  he 
appreciated  the  embarrassment  of  the  foreign  office 
which  desired  to  avoid  the  catastrophe  that  would  have 
followed  if  our  demand  for  Mr.  Catacazy's  removal  had 
been  pressed  before  the  visit  of  the  Grand  Duke  should 
have  been  made  and  ended.  It  would  be  needless  to 
detail  the  interviews  •  and  correspondence  that  ensued. 
It  is  enough  to  say  that  our  government  (though  I 
fear  not  very  graciously)  yielded  the  point  as  to  Mr. 
Catacazy 's  instant  recall,  and  allowed  him  to  remain 
until  the  Grand  Duke's  visit  was  paid.  But  one  incident 


438  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

may  be  mentioned.  In  one  of  Governor  Curtin's 
conversations  with  Prince  Gortchakoff  on  the  subject, 
when  the  Prince  was  trying  to  impress  on  him  the 
ungraciousness  of  our  government,  at  that  time,  put 
ting  on  a  friend  like  Russia  the  indignity  of  forcing  the 
recall  of  her  minister,  he  told  this  story.  He  said  that 
at  one  period  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  when  our 
cause  looked  darkest,  the  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon  had 
written  an  autograph  letter  'to  the  Czar  inviting  him 
to  unite  with  France  and  other  powers  in  breaking  our 
blockade  of  the  Southern  ports  and  formally  recogniz 
ing  the  Confederacy.  To  that  letter  the  Czar  replied 
that  Russia  and  the  United  States  had  always  been 
friends  ;  that  Russia  did  not  encourage  rebellion  and 
that  he  knew  no  good  reason  why  he  should  unite  in 
intervention  against  an  established  and  friendly  govern 
ment,  and  that  if  any  such  intervention  should  occur, 
Russia  would  reserve  to  herself  the  right  of  independ 
ent  action.  And  so  Louis  Napoleon's  schemes  came  to 
grief. 

But  I  must  close  these  desultory  sketches.  Governor 
Curtin  remained  in  St.  Petersburg  until  the  summer  of 
1872,  when  his  health,  tried  in  that  severe  climate,  com 
pelled  him  to  resign  rather  than  encounter  another 
winter.  During  that  summer  I  was  at  the  Hotel 
National  at  Lucerne,  Switzerland.  Prince  Gortchakoff 
came  there  on  his  way  to  Como.  I  had  several  talks 
with  him.  The  first  time  I  saw  him  he  said :  "  I  am 
sorry  to  learn  that  Mr.  Curtin  is  going  away  from  us. 
We  all  esteem  him  highly  and  I  consider  him  not  only 
a  most  agreeable  man,  but  with  a  single  excep 
tion,  the  ablest  man  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps  at  St. 
Petersburg."  I  think  the  exception  was  the  Turkish 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  439 

Minister.     But   all    except   the  Governor  were  trained 
diplomats  and  the  compliment  meant  much. 

That  the  Prince  spoke  sincerely  for  himself  and  his 
master  is  proved  by  the  splendid  portrait  of  the  Czar 
which  His  Majesty  sat  for  and  sent,  after  his  resigna 
tion,  to  the  Governor.  I  was  with  him  in  London  when 
he  received  and  opened  the  letter  of  Prince  Gortchakoff 
announcing  the  present  made  by  the  Emperor.  The 
Prince's  letter  (translated)  was  as  follows : 

WlLDBAD,  July  6,    1872. 

Sir :  His  Majesty  the  Emperor,  desiring  to  give  you  a  particular 
testimony  of  his  good  wishes,  has  wished  that  in  leaving  Russia  you 
take  with  you  his  portrait.  It  has  just  been  executed  by  order  of  his 
Imperial  Majesty.  He  has  charged  me  to  transmit  it  to  you  in  express 
ing  the  desire  that  it  remain  forever  in  your  family  in  remembrance  of 
the  good  sentiments  that  you  have  always  manifested  toward  Russia, 
and  of  the  souvenirs  of  esteem  and  affection  that  you  leave  there.  In 
acquitting  myself  of  this  supreme  order,  which  attests  the  great  sym 
pathies  which  follow  you  in  your  retirement,  permit  me  to  join  to  it 
the  expression  of  those  with  which  you  have  inspired  me  personally 
in  the  course  of  our  mutual  relations.  Receive  the  assurance  of  my 
high  consideration. 

GORTCHAKOFF. 
To  Mr.  Curt  in.  • 

Governor  Cnrtin  at  once  replied  to  the  Prince,  express 
ing  in  warm  terms  his  appreciation  of  the  high  and  rare 
compliment  paid  him  by  the  Emperor,  but  explaining 
that  until  he  was  relieved  of  his  official  position  he  would 
be  unable  to  accept  the  portrait. 

The  Emperor  had  sat  in  person  to  Brookman,  the 
most  distinguished  portrait  painter  in  Russia,  and  the 
result  was  a  most  striking  and  faithful  portrait,  perfect 
in  all  its  details  of  face,  figure  and  dress  of  one  of  the 
handsomest  and  most  imposing  looking  men  in  Europe. 
After  Governor  Curtin's  resignation  had  been  accepted 
and  his  successor  had  been  appointed  the  picture  was 


44°  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

forwarded  to  him  to  Philadelphia,  where  it  attracted 
much  attention  and  admiration  and  whe"re  for  a  time  it 
was,  at  the  request  of  artists,  placed  for  exhibition  in  an 
art  gallery. 

After  the  reception  of  the  portrait,  Governor  Curtin, 
then  a  private  citizen,  made  his  acknowledgments  in 
the  following  letter  to  Prince  GortchakofF.  Nothing 
can  better  illustrate  the  character  of  his  relations  to  the 
Court  of  Russia  and  the  value  and  success  of  his  mission. 

PHILADELPHIA,  January  31,  1873, 

United  States  of  America. 

My  dear  Prince :  The  portrait  of  the  Emperor  arrived  some  weeks 
since,  and  in  compliance  with  a  very  general  desire,  has  been  on 
public  exhibition  in  this  city.  It  is  indeed  beautiful,  but  its  value  is 
largely  enhanced  to  me  and  my  family  as  it  presents  His  Majesty  as  he 
looked  when  we  had  the  honor  and  privilege  of  seeing  him. 

As  a  work  of  art  of  the  highest  merit  the  portrait  has  attracted 
much  public  attention  ;  but  the  interest  is  largely  increased  by  the 
feeling  that  it  is  a  faithful  likeness  of  a  monarch  who  has  at  all  times 
and  under  all  circumstances  been  the  friend  of  our  country,  and  one 
whose  large  beneficence  to  humanity  in  his  own  country,  has  attracted 
to  him,  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the  homage  of 
their  profound  respect. 

I  am  at  a  loss  for  langttage  to  express  my  pride  and  thanks  for  this 
manifestation  of  the  kindness  of  His  Majesty,  and  am  deeply  grateful 
for  the  words  of  affection  with  which  the  portrait  was  accompanied. 

My  residence  in  Russia  was  a  happy  episode  in  my  life,  and  my 
memories  of  the  confidence  and  good  will  I  enjoyed  from  all  persons  I 
knew  there,  unalloyed  by  the  jealousies  and  differences  that  so  often 
mar  the  pleasures  of  life,  can  never  be  forgotten.  Since  returning  to 
my  country  I  have  availed  myself  of  many  opportunities  to  speak  of 
the  Emperor  ;  of  the  mildness  and  virtues  of  his  nature  ;  of  the  vigor 
and  justice  of  his  reign  ;  of  his  large  and  liberal  views  of  human 
rights,  and  of  the  good  he  has  done  for  his  subjects.  I  pray  God  his 
life  may  be  long  spared  for  the  good  of  Russia  and  that  his  humane 
example,  and  his  justice  and  integrity  which  so  justly  endear  him  to 
his  own  people,  may  be  followed  by  those  who  are  called  by  Providence 
to  rule  other  nations. 

And  now,  dear  Prince,  you  must  permit  me  to  express  to  you  in 
words,  warm  from  my  heart,  my  gratitude  for  your  continued  kindness 


MINISTER  TO  RUSSIA.  441 

and  friendship  during  my  residence  near  you,  and  your  courtesy  in 
our  personal  and  official  intercourse. 

I  will  ever  think  and  speak  of  you  with  pride  as  my  friend  and  will 
ever  be,  my  dear  Prince, 

Sincerely  your  Friend, 

ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

This  correspondence  bears  witness  that  he  had  faith 
fully  fulfilled  his  mission  and  maintained  the  good  name 
of  his  country  and  of  himself  in  Russia. 

Of  his  public  life  and  services  after  his  return  home 
others  will  speak.  When  lie  came  to  Washington  as  a 
member  of  Congress,  where  I  saw  much  of  him,  he 
brought  with  him  the  same  atmosphere  of  genial  warmth 
and  sunshine  in  which  he  had  always  lived.  He  was, 
except  as  a  visitor,  new  to  the  capital.  Most  of  those 
who  had  been  conspicuous  with  him  in  the  great  war 
had  passed  away  or  had  retired  to  private  life.  Most  of 
his  new  associates  had  known  of  him  only  through 
history,  and  many  of  them  as  one  of  their  most  efficient 
enemies  in  the  war  time.  But  with  all  of  them,  old  and 
new,  friends  and  foes,  his  happy  temperament  soon  won 
its  way.  Advancing  years  seemed  to  enrich  the  springs 
of  his  kindly  nature  and  to  increase  the  flow  of  his 
humor.  His  long  and  varied  experiences,  touching  life 
at  so  many  points,  his  keen  faculty  of  observation  and 
his  retentive  memory,  together  with  the  old  time  wit 
and  eloquence,  \vere  soon  appreciated.  No  social  meeting 
was  complete  without  him.  At  every  public  or  private 
festive  table,  whether  a  reunion  of  old  soldiers,  a 
meeting  of  his  congressional  associates,  the  formal 
dinner  parties  of  official  circles,  or  the  more  elegant 
and  exclusive  entertainments  of  fashionable  society, 
he  was  a  welcome  guest.  And  wherever  the  wit  and 
humor  were  brightest,  the  stories  most  amusing,  and  the 


44 2  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

gayety  most  abounding,  there  you  were  sure  to  find  him 
the  centre  of  a  circle  of  admiring  friends  and  listeners. 
When,  admonished  by  coming  age  and  infirmity,  he 
decided  to  retire  from  Congress,  no  man  ever  left 
Washington  more  beloved  and  regretted  by  men  of  all 
parties. 

And  so,  withdrawing  from  the  service  of  his  country 
to  the  well-earned  rest  of  private  life,  he  lived  his 
remaining  years  surrounded  by  those  things 

"Which  should  accompany  old  age, 
As  honor,  love,  obedience,  troops  of  friends." 


BY    THOMAS    M.    MARSHALL. 

My  intimate  per 
sonal  knowledge  of 
Mr.  C  u  r  t  i  n  com 
menced  in  the  excit 
ing-  canvass  which 
preceded  the  Repub 
lican  nomination  for 
governor  in  1 860. 
The  ruling  political 
powers  a  t  Harris- 
burg  were  not  friend 
ly  to  his  nomina- 
tion.  Senator 
Cameron  was  a  pres 
idential  aspirant, 
and  all  over  the 
State  his  adherents 
were  at  work  to  promote  his  candidacy.  No  man  could 
afford  to  underrate  or  despise  the  power,  sagacity  and  in 
cessant  labor  which  was  bestowed  in  this  political  harvest 
field  to  obtain  the  mastery.  The  followers  of  Cameron 
centred  their  efforts  in  the  West  upon  Mr.  Covode,  of 
Westmoreland  County,  as  their  candidate  for  governor. 
They  had  one  or  two  local  candidates  to  weaken  the  Curtin 
sentiment  in  Western  counties  where  Cameron  was  not 

(443) 


THOMAS  M.  MARSHALL. 


444  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

individually  popular  or  strong.  Mr.  Covode  had  a  very 
considerable  personal  following  ;  he  hacf,  moreover,  sub 
stantial  aid  and  friendship  outside  of  politics.  He  was 
gifted  with  a  startling,  and  I  may  say,  rather  rough-and- 
ready  power  of  saying  all  he  knew,  at  least,  on  the 
slightest  opportunity  or  provocation.  This  made  him 
popular  with  no  inconsiderable  class  of  voters.  A  large 
majority  of  the  politicians  of  the  State  were  then  under 
the  Cameron  influence,  which  extended  more  or  less  in 
every  county  of  the  State.  It  was  no  secret  that  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Covode  meant  a  solid,  united  delega 
tion  to  Chicago,  in  the  interest  and  under  the  power  of 
Cameron. 

Curtin  had  no  sympathy  with  Cameron's  ambition. 
He  looked  and  hoped  for  a  higher  type  of  man,  and  in 
this  thought  he  had  the  sympathy  and  the  support  of  the 
younger,  braver  and  more  chivalrous  members  of  the 
Republican  party.  The  writer  was  first  invited  to  enter 
the  Curtin  fight  and  make  it  his  own,  by  the  man  who  is 
now  performing  the  tender  heart  duty  of  gathering  the 
biography  of  his  constant  loving  friend,  who  leaned 
upon  him  and  confided  in  him  all  the  days  and  years  of 
his  distinguished  and  honorable  public  career,  and  after 
he  had  retired  to  his  home  in  the  mountains,  to  await  the 
inevitable  summons  which  comes  to  each  one  of  us  who 
still  linger  as  survivors  of  the  sorrows,  struggles  and  life- 
battles  of  the  long  past.  That  nominating  convention 
was  of  itself  in  power  Titanic.  The  leaders,  who  fought 
that  all-night  battle  in  the  State  capital,  will  never  for 
get  the  desperate  struggle  which  eventuated  in  a  brilliant 
victory  for  Curtin  and  his  friends.  He  entered  upon  the 
State  canvass  with  the  promise  made  to  the  convention 
when  called  before  it  for  congratulation,  when  he 


HIS  GUBERNA  TORIAL  BA  TTLES.  445 

assured  them  he  would  carry  their  battle-flag  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Delaware  without  stain  or  dishonor.  How 
well  he  fulfilled  the  promise  is  known  to  those  who  list 
ened  to  his  cheering  eloquence  and  inspiring  enthusiasm 
from  the  "  Inland  Sea  "  to  the  Delaware. 

The  memory  of  a  great  meeting  at  Lake  Erie  is  re 
called,  where,  during  a  pitiless  rain,  crowds  waited  all 
day  to  hear  "  Andy  Curtin  "  and  his  arm-bearers  in  the 
park  grounds.  Again  at  night  in  the  public  hall,  until 
midnight,  the  mass  of  voters  waited  and  cheered  until 
the  exhausted  speakers  sought  repdse  in  railroad  cars  that 
carried  them  to  other  points  of  duty.  Not  a  politician 
in  the  popular  acceptance  of  the  term,  he  had  not  ac 
quired  the  gift  of  knee  genuflections  for  thrift  and  profit, 
but  he  was  magnetic,  straight,  tall,  majestic  in  presence, 
animated  and  fired  with  the  lust  of  intellectual  battle". 
I  can  recall  many  of  the  great  gatherings  which  met 
him  in  traversing  the  State.  Ready  in  supreme  auda 
city  of  manner,  elegant  in  address,  quick  in  repartee,  he 
was  the  ideal  orator  of  the  people.  He  had  gathered 
around  him  the  best  talent  of  the  State  ;  bold,  daring 
men  who  threw  all  their  powers  into  the  contest ;  men 
full  of  the  courage  of  their  convictions  and  inspired  by 
the  threatening  aspects  of  the  southern  division  of  the 
nation.  How  well  they  bore  themselves  is  to  be  found 
in  the  great  majority  thafe rewarded  their  labors. 

The  Republican  Convention  of  1860  was  not  so  much 
a  political  battle,  as  a  great  moral  evolution.  The 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  other  great  reforms  in  the 
interest  of  humanity  are  not  the  results  of  intellectual 
conviction.  They  are  the  results  of  the  religious  ele 
ment  of  man's  nature.  The  Divine  in  humanity  was 
ingrafted  in  man's  being.  The  words  of  the  Book  are  : 


446  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

"  And  God  said,  Let  us  make  man  in  our  image,  after  our 
likeness."  I  have  seen  many  masses  of  men  moved  to 
tears  during  the  warm  contest  of  the  war,  at  the  recitals 
of  the  sins  and  wrongs  inflicted  on  the  poor  and  help 
less.  Many  were  thus  incited  and  inspired  to  leave  home 
and  all  its  comforts  to  fight  in  the  battles  of  the  great 
rebellion. 

After  the  nomination,  Curtin  attended  the  Chicago 
convention  and  co-operated  with  Horace  Greeley  and 
other  earnest  and  radical  men  to  defeat  the  aspiration  of 
Thurlow  Weed  and  his  followers,  to  nominate  Mr. 
Seward.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  any  of  the  doings 
of  that  convention,  which  resulted  in  placing  Abraham 
Lincoln  at  the  head  of  the  national  column.  Few 
men  at  that  time  foresaw  the  revolution,  then  in 
embryo.  Curtin  was  not  an  extremist.  I  well  remem 
ber  the  arrangement  of  the  ratification  meeting  held  in 
Old  City  Hall,  Pittsburg,  when  Curtin  and  the  delegates 
from  the  convention  returned.  They  put  up  at  the 
Monongahela  House,  and  a  grand  meeting  was  held. 
Curtin  was  the  first  speaker.  His  address  did  not  come 
up  to  the  standard  of  our  anti-slavery  thought.  He  said 
John  Brown  had  been  executed  according  to  the  law, 
etc.  Pandemonium  was  let  loose  at  this  declaration. 
The  only  foreign  speaker,  who  met  the  views  of  a 
Pittsburg  audience,  was  Phil* White,  of  Philadelphia. 
Although  in  the  formal  arrangement  for  the  meeting  it 
was  absolute  that  no  home  speaker  should  address  the 
meeting,  the  people  set  aside  the  committee's  fixture 
and  in  a  swift  and  imperious  call  compelled  a  radical  of 
the  radicals  to  speak  for  them.  He  responded,  and  I 
well  remember  his  words  when,  with  emphatic  voice 
and  furious  earnestness,  he  denounced  all  laws  sustaining 


HIS  GUBERNATORIAL  BATTLES.  447 

slavery  and  crucifying  the  lives,  liberty  and  rights  of  man. 
Holding  his  right  arm  high  above  him,  he  declared, 
"  I  trust  in  God  I  will  live  to  see  the  day  when  a  white 
marble  column  shall  lift  itself  toward  heaven  from  the 
scene  of  the  assassination  of  that  lover  of  God  and  man, 
John  Brown,  a  man  nobler  than  the  martyrs  of  old,  who 
died  for  their  own  liberty  and  rights.  John  Brown,  like 
the  Master,  died  for  the  poor,  the  helpless  and  alien  race, 
who  received  nothing  from  the  dominant  white  race  but 
barbarous  stripes,  brutal  murder  and  mental  and  moral 
degradation." 

The  whirlwind  of  applause  which  greeted  these  utter 
ances  shook  the  building  to  its  foundation  and  sent  most 
of  our  Eastern  visitors  home  with  cold  chills.  This 
radical  speaker  rode  in  a  sleeping-car  as  far  as  Greens- 
burg  in  company  with  the  Eastern  delegates,  and  he 
hugely  enjoyed  the  deprecation  of  his  views,  and  espe 
cially  as  they  suggested  to  each  other  that  it  would  be 
well  to  vacate  the  appointments  of  that  unsavory  speaker 
in  Philadelphia  and  other  conservative  portions  of  the 
commonwealth. 

It  was  not  long  after  that  the  guns  were  heard 
at  Sumter  and  the  rebellion  launched  its  confederate 
ship  of  state.  All  these  conservative  Republicans 
then  got  near  about  where  Jim  I^ane,  of  Kansas,  stood 
when  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate.  When 
Jim  arrived  at  Washington,  a  conservative  gentleman, 
who  thought  the  Union  and  slavery  might  have  en 
dured  comfortably  in  the  same  national  cradle,  inquired 
of  the  senator  if  he  was  an  abolitionist.  Jim  replied 
promptly,  u  No,  sir."  "Well,  are  you  an  anti-slavery 
man  ?  "  "  No,  sir,"  again  was  the  reply.  "  Then  what 
are  your  sentiments  on  that  subject  ? "  "I  am  an 


448  ANDREW  G.  CURTFN. 

obliterationist,  sir.  Obliterate  the  damned  system  and 
all  its  collaterals."  Then  the  conversation  paused. 

Three  years  of  administration  of  the  affairs  of  this 
commonwealth,  civil  and  military  ;  three  years  of  admin 
istration  that  will  go  down  in  the  pages  of  history  as 
heroic  in  conception  and  wise  in  execution  ;  the  onerous 
duties  imposed  upon  Governor  Curtin  as  the  executive 
of  the  Keystone  State,  the  State  most  exposed  to  the 
dangers  and  calamities  of  hostile  invasion,  and  the  many 
far-reaching  and  resolute  labors  of  those  three  years, 
are  known  to  all  lovers  of  our  country.  In  1863,  ^ur~ 
tin  was  again  nominated,  called  upon  to  carry  the  war- 
flag  of  the  State  all  over  its  hills,  mountains,  and  val 
leys,  and  to  its  utmost  borders.  How  well  that  duty 
was  performed  is  known,  and  the  conservative  minds 
who  were  so  alarmed  at  the  radical  utterance  at  Pitts- 
burg  had  got  far  enough  along  the  pathway  of  progress 
to  be  equal  to  the  most  advanced  radical  in  the  land. 
The  Democrats  nominated  a  great  man,  of  undoubted 
power  and  ability  as  a  scholar,  lawyer  and  judge,  George 
W.  Woodward.  Judge  Woodward  was  a  Democrat,  an 
ultra  Democrat.  He  had  proclaimed  the  draft  uncon 
stitutional,  the  legal  tender  system  of  finance  illegal. 
Many  money  and  commercial  interests  had  been  dissat 
isfied  with  the  uncertainty  of  the  war  ;  therefore,  Judge 
Woodward  had  support  outside  of  his  party  limits. 

It  is  said  that  capital  is  selfish.  This  is  not  the  time 
and  place  to  make  record  of  what  is  known  to  persons 
still  living,  of  the  consultation  that  was  held  after  the 
battle  of  Antietam,  by  capitalists  and  railroad  magnates, 
looking  toward  the  settlement  of  our  national  troubles, 
without  the  consent  or  approbation  of  the  national 
administration.  The  danger  from  our  own  side  of  the 


HIS  GUBERNATORIAL  BATTLES.  449 

border  line  became  so  imminent  that  a  patriotic  citizen 
of  Philadelphia,  holding  a  high  judicial  position,  visited 
President  Lincoln  and  placed  all  the  facts  before  the 
administration.  It  was  no  secret  that  if  Judge  Wood 
ward  had  been  elected  and  his  principles  of  government 
approved,  martial  law  would  have  been  declared  in 
Pennsylvania  and  the  power  and  authority  of  the  gov 
ernment  maintained,  disregarding  constitutional  quibbles 
born  of  other  than  patriotic  motives  or  considerations. 
In  the  canvass  of  1863,  Curtin  had  the  aid  of  all  his 
home  talent,  reinforced  by  bluff  Ben  Wade,  of  Ohio, 
Tom  Corwin,  and  others  of  national  repute,  but  none 
of  them  supplanted  Curtin  in  the  affection  and  admira 
tion  of  the  people.  In  consequence  of  the  withdrawal 
of  an  immense  number  of  our  war  voters  to  the  field, 
who  were  thereby  disfranchised,  the  issue  of  this  cam 
paign  was  close  and  in  many  ways  uncertain.  Many 
money  interests  were  willing  for  peace  at  any  price,  but 
thanks  to  the  loyal  hearts  in  the  field,  who  with  one 
voice,  as  it  were,  demanded  the  success  of  the  War  Gov 
ernor,  he  was  again  elected.  His  election  was  not  the 
result  of  political  management,  although  he  had  the 
wisest  and  most  gifted  minds  as  helpful  counselors. 
As  has  been  said,  he  was  not  a  politician.  He  was  too 
emotional  to  be  cautious  ;  he  was  too  proud  to  seek 
selfish  ends  at  the  price  of  self-respect  and  spotless 
honor.  His  nature^  was  too  open  for  deceit,  and  the 
special  weakness  of  his  mental  make  up,  was  too  much 
confidence  in  those  who  professed  to  be  and  ought  to  have 
been  his  friends.  More  than  once  I  have  heard  him 
accused  of  failure  of  fulfillment  of  promises.  That 
might  well  occur  with  a  man  of  his  open,  tender  heart. 

He  desired   to  serve  ever)'  man  who  was  a  friend  or 
29 


450  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

promised  friendship.  He  may,  in  instances,  have  been 
more  liberal  in  intention  than  he  had  the  power  and 
ability  to  perform.  That  was  not  deception  or  bad 
faith,  it  was  an  overflow  of  good,  kind  intentions,  and 
there  is  a  limit  to  every  man's  power  of  gift  which 
should  always  be  considered  in  making  up  judgment 
of  human  character. 

With  an  intimate  personal  acquaintance  with  Andrew 
G.  Curtin,  it  is  but  the  truth  that  I  have  never  known  a 
man  gifted  with  a  more  kindly,  earnest  nature,  ready 
to  fulfill  all  the  duties  of  his  manhood.  It  must  not  be 
supposed  that  Mr.  Curtin  was  a  weakling,  shunning  the 
ill-will  or  resentment  of  personal  foes,  whilst  his  nature 
was  genial,  kindly  and  confiding  to  a  fault.  If  an  oppo 
nent  or  adversary  but  seemed  to  touch  his  honor  or  his 
manhood,  he  was  firm  and  despotic  in  his  resentment. 
His  outraged  nature  became  hard  as  adamant  and  relent 
less  in  purpose.  The  affection  which  gathered  around 
his  name  and  person  up  to  the  sad  day  when  the  news 
was  given  of  his  death,  when  he  fell  asleep  at  his  home 
in  the  mountains,  which  he  loved  so  well,  best  attests 
the  appreciation  which  the  people  gave  to  a  noble, 
exalted  and  fearless  spirit,  which  spent  all  its  powers  in 
the  service  of  the  State  and  nation.  The  conformation 
of  the  man  was  the  fullness  of  apparent  opposites,  which 
in  his  strange  but  happy  adaptation  blended  to  make 
him  a  model  gentleman,  wanting  in  nothing  that  goes 
to  exhibit  the  godlike  in  man. 


BY    WILLIAM     H.    ARMSTRONG. 

Governor  Curtin 
was  no  ordinary 
man.  His  place  in 
history  is  among  the 
greatest  of  the 
statesmen  a  n  cl 
heroes  of  the  war. 
By  that  unerring  in 
stinct  of  the  people 
w  h  i  c  h  assigns  to 
each  his  appropriate 
place  in  the  unend- 
i  n  g  procession  of 
civil  and  military 
administration,  h  e 
was  crowned  with 
that  highest  distinc 
tion,  among  all  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States,  which 
will  adhere  to  his  memory  forever,  the  "  Great  War 
Governor."  His  devotion  to  the  army,  and  especially 
to  the  soldiers  of  the  State,  \vas  conspicuous  and  univer 
sally  recognized.  Nor  was  such  unwearied  service  his 
only  claim  to  that  high  distinction.  His  counsel  was 
sought  by  the  national  administration  through  the 
entire  progress  of  the  war,  and  his  co-operation  wras 

(45*) 


WILLIAM  H.  ARMSTRONG 


452  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

prompt,  energetic  and  efficient.  Neitjier  the  national 
nor  any  State  administration  was  so  organized  as  to 
meet  the  exigencies  of  war.  The  sudden  demand  for 
men  and  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  clothing,  food  and 
transportation,  taxed  to  the  utmost  not  only  the  re 
sources,  but  the  executive  ability  of  the  President  and 
of  the  governor  of  every  loyal  State.  Pennsylvania 
being  a  border  State,  and  in  the  direct  line  of  military 
transportation  to  Washington,  the  then  objective  point 
of  assault,  imposed  upon  her  Governor  responsibilities 
and  duties  not  elsewhere  imposed  upon  any  State  exe 
cutive,  and  they  were  met  with  such  prompt  efficiency 
as  to  command  universal  commendation. 

Not  the  least  among  the  uncertainties  and  embarrass 
ments  which  confronted  the  President  was  the  doubts 
which  surrounded  the  national  credit.  It  was  assailed 
with  malignant  persistence  by  the  opponents  of  the 
administration,  and  the  right  to  borrow  money  upon 
the  national  credit  to  suppress  the  rebellion  was  vehem 
ently  denied.  The  dissolution  of  the  Union,  as  an  ac 
complished  fact  by  the  secession  of  the  rebellious  States, 
was  persistently  asserted,  and  the  right  of  the  govern 
ment  to  coerce  their  continuance  as  a  part  of  the  United 
States  was  violently  denied.  If  such  doctrine  prevailed, 
the  validity  of  any  bond  issued  by  the  u  United  States  " 
would  be  at  least  doubtful,  and  could  not  command  the 
confidence  of  capital  either  at  home  or  abroad.  But 
even  if  the  Union  were  dissolved,  no  question  could 
arise  as  to  the  survival  of  the  States,  and  their  credit 
would  necessarily  survive  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
Under  these  circumstances  President  Lincoln  determined 
to  invite  the  several  loyal  States  to  endorse  the  bonds  of 
the  United  States  for  such  limited  amount  as  they  might 


AS  A  CIVIL   ADMINISTRATOR.  453 

severally  agree.  As  a  precedent  in  such  policy,  he  de 
termined  to  apply  first  to  Pennsylvania. 

It  so  happened  that  I  was  elected  to  the  popular 
branch  of  the  Legislature  in  1860,  at  the  same  time  that 
Governor  Curtin  was  elected  for  his  first  term.  It  is  one 
of  the  happy  incidents  of  my  life  that  I  was  honored 
with  his  confidence,  and  that  we  were  steadfast  friends 
during  all  his  life. 

Shortly  after  the  commencement  of  active  hostilities, 
Governor  Curtin  called  into  confidential  conference,  at 
the  executive  chamber.  Colonel  A.  K.  McClure,  of  the 
Senate,  and  myself  of  the  House,  together  with  a  few 
other  members  of  the  Senate  and  the  House,  whose 
names  unfortunately  I  am  unable  to  recall,  and  laid 
before  us  a  telegram  from  President  Lincoln  to  the  Gov- 
vernor,  inquiring  whether  Pennsylvania  would  endorse 
ten  million  dollars  of  the  bonds  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  a  question  of  the  gravest  importance,  and  was  dis 
cussed  with  most  anxious  solicitude.  We  were  unani 
mous  in  the  belief  that  the  Legislature  would  pass  the 
necessary  law  to  authorize  such  endorsement.  We  sepa 
rated  with  the  understanding  that  the  Governor  would 
have  a  bill  prepared  for  the  purpose,  which  was  to  be  in 
troduced  by  Colonel  McClure  in  the  Senate,  and  passed, 
if  possible,  through  both  houses  with  the  least  possible 
delay.  We  were  to  assemble  the  next  morning  at  the 
executive  chamber  to  consider  the  bill.  When  we  met, 
the  Governor,  with  a  face  beaming  with  satisfaction,  laid 
before  us  another  telegram  from  the  President,  stating 
that  the  bankers  of  New  York,  Philadelphia-and  Boston 
had,  after  conference,  agreed  to  take  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States  without  State  endorsement,  and  upon  the 
sole  credit  of  the  United  States.  Thus  is  the  nation 


454  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

indebted  to  those  patriotic  masters  of  finance  for  the  first 
establishment  of  the  credit  of  the  United  States  during 
the  war. 

His  achievements  as  War  Governor  have  been  thor 
oughly  crystallized  in  history.  His  achievements  in  the 
administration  of  the  civil  affairs  of  the  State  have  been 
largely  "overshadowed.  They  were  of  the  highest  impor 
tance,  and  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  the  astonish 
ing  development  of  the  vast  natural  resources  of  the 
State  and  the  stability  and  extension  of  her  commercial 
relations. 

In  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  1861,  immediately 
following  his  inauguration,  the  question  of  the  "  repeal 
of  the  tonnage  tax  "  became  the  leading  measure  of  the 
session  and  excited  extraordinary  antagonism,  both  poli 
tical  and  commercial.  Petitions  for  and  remonstrances 
against  the  repeal  were  numerous,  and  embraced  the 
names  of  leading  men  of  all  parties  and  representing 
commercial  and  industrial  interests  of  every  character. 
The  State  debt  was  large,  about  twenty-seven  million 
dollars,  exclusive  of  available  securities,  and  the  popula 
tion  only  2,906,370.  There  was  then  due  from  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  tonnage  tax  already  accrued.  We  were 
upon  the  eve  of  civil  war,  with  all  its  untried  possibilities, 
and  the  evident  necessity  of  enormous  expenditures  by 
the  State.  The  financial  condition,  both  State  and 
national,  was  one  of  grave  anxiety,  and  the  people  were 
naturally  excited  over  a  proposition  which  would  osten 
sibly  diminish  the  revenues  of  the  State.  The  rail 
way  system  was  in  its  infancy,  and  few,  even  the  most 
sanguine,  ventured  to  predict  its  enormous  development  ; 
nor,  how  rapidly  it  would  dominate  all  modes  of 


AS  A  CIVIL   ADMINISTRATOR.  455 

transportation,  nor  how  much  it  would  contribute  to  the 
general  prosperity.  The  State  had  expended  more  than 
$40,000,000  upon  her  system  of  internal  improve 
ments,  and  it  was  only  natural  that  the  people  should 
demand  of  their  representatives  the  utmost  vigilance 
to  protect  this  great  investment,  the  largest  part  of 
which  was  in  the  construction  of  what  was  popularly 
known  as  the  "  Main  Line."  It  was  owned  by  the 
State,  and  consisted  of  the  Columbia  Railroad,  extending 
from  Philadelphia  to  Columbia,  and  the  canal  extending 
from  there  to  Pittsburg,  including  the  u  Portage  Rail 
road  "  across  the  mountains  from  Hollidaysburg  to 
Johnstown,  a  distance  of  about  45  miles.  The  inade 
quacy  of  this  transportation  is  manifest  from  the  briefest 
statement  of  its  methods.  The  system  was  in  its  day 
a  triumph  of  enterprise  and  engineering  skill,  but  it  had 
served  its  day  and  was  rapidly  becoming  obsolete.  This 
cumbrous  system  embraced  an  inclined  plane  in  West 
Philadelphia,  operated  by  a  stationary  engine  and  an 
endless  wire  rope,  and  the  transportation  of  loaded  boats 
by  rail  over  the  mountains  from  Hollidaysburg  to  Johns 
town  upon  the  Portage  Railroad.  Canal  boats  for  this 
traffic  were  specially  constructed  in  three  independent 
water-tight  sections  which,  when  in  the  water,  were  held 
together  for  towage  with  iron  hooks.  At  the  receiving 
basins  of  the  Portage  road,  on  either  side  of  the  moun 
tains,  the  sections  were  detached  and  floated  separately 
over  railroad  trucks  to  which  they  were  securely  fastened 
and  on  which  they  were  transported  over  the  mountains 
to  be  again  deposited  in  the  canal  on  the  opposite  side. 

The  inadequacy  of  such  transportation  to  compete 
with  rival  roads  was  painfully  evident.  On  the  north 
there  were  the  New  York  Central  Canal,  the  New  York 


ANDREW  G.   CUR f IN. 

Central  Railroad,  the  New  York  &  Ejie  Railroad  and 
the  Canadian  Railroad.  On  the  south  was  the  Baltimore 
&  Ohio  Railroad.  All  these  roads  were  without  any 
tonnage  tax  to  harass  and  hinder  them  in  the  fair 
competition  of  trade.  The  rapidly  increasing  population 
and  development  of  the  far  West  was  making  transpor 
tation  much  more  a  national  than  a  State  question. 
Chicago,  in  the  supremacy  of  her  position  as  a  railroad 
centre  and  point  of  distribution,  commanded  the  railroad 
transportation  of  all  the  territory  to  the  west  of  the 
lakes.  In  addition  to  this,  transportation  upon  the  lakes 
found  its  most  convenient  port  at  Buffalo,  and  through 
the  Central  Canal  poured  its  traffic  into  the  city  of  New 
York. 

Pennsylvania,  and  especially  Philadelphia,  was  so 
evidently  falling  behind  in  this  competition,  that  in  1846 
the  Legislature  chartered  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
Company  to  construct  a  road  from  Philadelphia  to 
Pittsburg,  and  Philadelphia  subscribed  more  than  one- 
third  of  the  required  capital  of  $30,000,000.  But  it 
was  manifest  that  the  construction  of  this  road,  parallel 
to  the  u  Main  Line,"  would  deprive  the  State  of  its 
accustomed  revenue  from  that  source  and  greatly  reduce 
its  value.  To  compensate  such  loss  it  was  provided  in 
the  charter  that  the  company  should  pay  to  the  State  a 
tax  of  five  mills  per  ton  per  mile  upon  the  tonnage  of 
the  road  during  the  navigable  season  of  the  canal,  but 
this  was  afterward  changed  to  three  mills  for  the  whole 
year.  From  the  opening  of  this  road  and  through  traffic 
the  receipts  from  the  "  Main  Line  "  fell  off  rapidly,  until 
they  scarcely  equaled  expenses.  Charges  of  mismanage 
ment,  corruption  and  fraud  in  the  management  were 
freely  made,  until  the  whole  State  was  aroused,  and  in 


AS  A  .CIVIL  ADMINISTRA  TOR.  457 

1857  an  act  was  passed  for  the  sale  of  the  "  Main  Line," 
and  by  which  the  whole  tax  was  repealed.  The  Penn 
sylvania  Railroad  Company  became  the  purchaser  in 
1857,  but  the  Supreme  Court  declared  that  part  of  the 
act  which  repealed  the  tonnage  tax,  unconstitutional, 
because  it  gave  special  exemption  from  taxation  to  certain 
property  of  the  corporation.  Nothing  further  was  done 
in  respect  to  it  until  1861,  when  bills  to  repeal  the 
tonnage  tax  were  introduced  in  both  the  Senate  and 
the  House. 

The  injustice  as  well  as  the  impolicy  of  this  tax  was 
conspicuous  in  that  it  was  levied  only  upon  transportation 
between  Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg.  Freights  upon 
the  Philadelphia  &  Reading  road  were  not  taxed  nor 
upon  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington  &  Baltimore  road, 
nor  upon  any  part  of  the  line  between  Philadelphia  and 
New  York.  Thus  the  citizens  of  the  State  dependent 
upon  the  Pennsylvania  Central  road  were  taxed,  whilst 
all  other  citizens  were  not  taxed  upon  tonnage,  in  the 
use  of  any  other  railroads  in  the  State. 

In  the  intense  competition  of  trade  which  confronted 
the  business  of  the  State,  and  especially  of  Philadelphia, 
the  tax  of  three  mills  per  ton  per  mile,  was,  upon  some 
kinds  of  freight,  almost  prohibitory,  and  at  the  present 
day  almost  equals  the  total  charges  for  such  transporta 
tion. 

But  the  severest  contest  in  the  Legislature  centred 
around  the  $750,000  of  tonnage  tax  already  due  and 
payable  to  the  State.  The  debt  was  not  denied,  but  it 
was  claimed  that  it  would  best  promote  the  general 
interest  to  permit  the  amount  to  be  appropriated  in  aid 
of  certain  weak  and  struggling  roads  whose  completion 
would  largely  advance  the  development  of  the  sections 


458  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

through  which  they  were  located.  It  would  be  foreign 
to  the  purpose  of  this  sketch  to  enter  into  that  discussion. 
This  view  prevailed  and  the  act  to  repeal  the  tonnage 
tax  was  finally  passed.  That  it  excited  intense  popular 
discussion  and  wide  diversity  of  opinion  was  only 
natural.  No  abler  debate  was  ever  held  in  the  Legisla 
ture.  Among  the  many  Senators  and  members  of  the 
House  who  participated  in  the  debate,  Senator  Penny 
was  conspicuous.  He  rigorously  opposed  the  bill  in  an 
exhaustive  argument  of  extraordinary  ability.  ,  Senator 
McClure  supported  the  bill  in  an  argument  of  equal 
strength  and  great  eloquence  and  power,  and  which 
closed  the  debate.  It  is  only  just  to  say  that  to  his  able 
advocacy  the  final  passage  of  the  bill  may  be  attributed. 
It  was  well  understood  that  Governor  Curtin  favored 
the  bill,  and  there  should  be  accorded  to  him  the  just 
measure  of  commendation  to  which  his  earnest  support 
of  the  measure  justly  entitles  him.  Without  his  ap 
proval  it  could  not  have  become  the  law.  The  act  of 
1857,  for  the  sale  of  the  Main  Line  and  repeal  of  the 
tonnage  tax,  had  been  passed  under  the  administration 
of  Governor  Pollock,  and  whilst  Curtin,  afterward  Gov 
ernor,  was  Secretary  of  State.  Governor  Pollock  was 
earnest  in  his  advocacy  of  the  repeal,  and,  after  the 
Supreme  Court  declared  the  clause  to  repeal  the  tonnage 
tax  unconstitutional,  he,  in  his  last  message  to  the  Leg 
islature,  advocated  the  passage  of  another  act  free  from 
the  objections  which  had  overthrown  the  first.  Governor 
Curtin,  in  his  then  capacity  of  Secretary  of  the  Common 
wealth,  had  made  close  study  of  the  question  and  was 
strongly  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  the  repeal. 
Looking  back  at  this  distance  to  the  strife  which  the 
repeal  engendered  and  the  bitterness  with  which  he  was 


AS  A  CIVIL  ADMINISTRATOR.  459 

assailed  by  reason  of  his  approval  of  the  bill,  it  is  only 
just  to  bear  witness  to  the  far-reaching  wisdom  which 
so  justly  measured  his  statesmanship  as  the  executive 
of  the  State,  in  the  approval  of  a  measure  which  has 
contributed  so  largely  to  the  development  of  the  vast 
natural  resources  of  the  State  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  commercial  and  industrial  interests. 

PARDONING    POWER. 

Before  the  Constitution  of  1874  the  pardoning  power 
was  vested  solely  in  the  executive.  The  anxious  solici 
tude  with  which  Governor  Curtin  examined  all  applica 
tions  for  executive  clemency  was  \vell  known.  The  par 
dons  granted  by  him  were  fewer  than  by  his  predecessors, 
and  were  as  a  rule  sustained  by  public  opinion.  But 
the  pardons  he  refused  were  even  of  greater  consequence, 
and  his  refusals  were  sustained  with  marked  unanimity 
by  the  press  and  the  people. 

His  views  in  this  regard  were  clearly  expressed  in  his 
first  inaugural  address,  and  his  action  was  at  all  times 
consistent  with  the  policy  thus  declared. 

He  said  :  "The  pardoning  power  is  one  of  the  most 
important  and  delicate  powers  conferred  upon  the  Chief 
Magistrate  by  the  constitution,  and  it  should  always  be 
exercised  with  great  caution,  and  never  except  on  the 
most  conclusive  evidence  that  it  is  due  to  the  condemned, 
and  that  the  public  security  will  not  be  prejudiced  by 
the  act.  When  such  applications  are  presented  to  the 
executive  it  is  due  to  society,  to  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  to  all  interested  that  public  notice  should 
be  given.  By  the  adoption  of  such  a  regulation  imposi 
tion  will  be  prevented  and  just  efforts  will  be  strength 
ened." 


460  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

I  had  occasion  in  a  few  instances  |o  appeal  to  his 
executive  discretion  in  this  regard,  and  was  always 
impressed  with  the  carefulness  of  his  inquiries  and  the 
justice  of  his  conclusions.  I  well  remember  one  occa 
sion  in  which  I  presented  such  an  application  at  the 
Executive  Chamber.  He  was  much  engaged  at  the 
time,  and  requested  me  to  call  at  his  residence  in  the 
evening.  When  I  called  I  was  shown  into  his  private 
office,  where  I  had  a  full  interview  upon  the  particular 
case  which  I  presented.  The  conversation  became  gen 
eral  upon  the  pardoning  power,  and  he  expressed  his 
earnest  conviction  that  there  was  absolute  necessity  for 
some  constitutional  provision,  which  should  limit  the 
discretion  of  the  executive  in  this  regard.  Rising  from 
his  seat,  he  threw  open  the  folding  doors  of  a  large  paper 
case,  fitted  with  pigeon-holes,  which  he  said  was  appro 
priated  exclusively  to  applications  for  pardons,  of  which 
several  hundred  were  then  awaiting  consideration  for 
almost  every  crime  known  to  the  law — from  murder  to  the 
most  trivial  offences.  He  remarked  with  great  feeling 
that  in  all  the  round  of  executive  duty  there  was  noth 
ing  which  so  harassed  his  judgment  as  the  conflict 
which  at  times  arose  between  the  desire  to  yield  to  the 
sympathy,  which  the  distress  he  so  often  witnessed  com 
pelled,  and  his  conscious  duty  to  the  State,  in  upholding 
the  due  administration  of  the  law  and  making  certain 
the  execution  of  the  judgment  of  the  courts  as  the 
surest  of  all  safeguards  against  the  commission  of  crimes. 

He  spoke  of  instances,  not  a  few,  in  which  wives, 
mothers  and  daughters,  admitted  to  the  executive  cham 
ber,  but  more  frequently  at  his  home,  threw  themselves 
at  his  feet  pleading  in  unutterable  anguish  for  the  life  of 
some  one  dear  as  life  to  them.  Often  their  persistence 


AS  A  crrrL  A D^rr \rsTk\\roR.  461 

was  such  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  he  could 
be  relieved  of  their  presence. 

If  Governor  Curtin  ever  allowed  his  sensibilities  to 
bias  his  judgment  in  such  applications,  it  was  when 
some  soldier,  absent  in  the  field,  returned  to  find  himself 
the  victim  of  some  grievous  wrong — perhaps  dishonored, 
and  in  the  quick  frenzy  of  his  passion  took  signal  ven 
geance  on  the  doer  of  the  wrong.  In  such  cases,  where 
the  inexorable  law  had  been  vindicated,  the  executive 
pardon  was  extended  with  universal  approbation.  Curtin 
was  often  heard  to  say,  "  I  cannot  hang  a  soldier." 

Such  experience  was  afterward  of  signal  value  to  the 
State.  Governor  Curtin  and  myself  \vere  both  elected 
as  delegates-at-large  to  the  convention  which  framed  the 
Constitution  of  1874.  He  was  appointed  chairman  of 
the  Committee  "  On  Executive  Department " — and  at 
liis  request  I  was  appointed  on  the  same  committee. 
The  subject  of  executive  pardons  was  frequently  dis 
cussed  by  the  chairman  and  myself — and  at  his  request 
I  formulated  Section  9,  of  Article  IV,  of  the  Constitu 
tion — which,  upon  submission  to  the  committee,  was 
approved  and  reported  to  the  convention.  It  was  adopted 
as  part  of  that  article.  It  left  the  pardoning  power  still 
in  the  Governor,  but  provided  that  "  no  pardon  shall  be 
granted  nor  sentence  commuted  except  upon  the  recom 
mendation  in  writing  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Commonwealth,  Attorney  General  and  Secre 
tary  of  Internal  Affairs,  or  any  three  of  them,  after  full 
hearing,  upon  due  public  notice,  and  in  open  session  ; 
and  such  recommendation,  with  the  reasons  therefor  at 
length,  shall  be  recorded  and  filed  in  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth." 

This  provision,  checked  an  abuse  of  long  standing, 


462  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

and  removed  a  fruitful  source  of  scandal,  and  gave  to  the 
Executive  exemption  from  importunafe  appeals  which 
often  brought  executive  duty  into  distressing  conflict 
with  natural  tenderness  and  sympathy. 

PUBLIC   SCHOOLS. 

It  is  within  the  memory  of  very  many  citizens  of  the 
State  that  the  inauguration  of  the  public  school  system 
of  Pennsylvania  encountered  an  intensity  of  opposition, 
and  especially  in  the  German  counties,  which  at  this  day 
is  almost  incredible.  It  was  looked  upon  as  an  invasion 
of  the  personal  rights  of  the  citizen  to  levy  taxes  to  be 
expended  upon  other  people's  children.  The  education 
of  children  was  regarded  as  a  private  duty,  to  be  ex 
ercised  in  the  sole  discretion  of  the  parent — and  not  as 
a  public  necessity  to  be  maintained  and  supervised  by 
the  State,  in  the  interest  of  good  order  and  the  intelli 
gent  exercise  of  the  duties  of  citizenship.  This  history 
has  been  too  often  written  to  be  repeated  here.  Sixty 
years  ago  the  contest  was  acrimonious  and  bitter  in  the 
extreme.  The  growth  of  the  more  liberal  sentiment 
which  now  prevails  was  slow  but  constant. 

The  Constitution  of  1874  requires  that  u  The  General 
Assembly  shall  provide  for  the  maintenance  and  support 
of  a  thorough  and  efficient  system  of  public  schools, 
wherein  all  the  children  of  this  commonwealth  above 
the  age  of  six  years  may  be  educated,  and  shall  appro 
priate  at  least  one  million  of  dollars  each  year  for  that 
purpose." 

So  rapidly  has  the  system  grown  in  public  favor  that 
the  annual  appropriation  from  the  State  funds  is  now 
about  five  million  dollars  in  addition  to  the  school  tax 
of  the  several  districts.  Its  value  to  the  State  is  so  fully 


AS  A  CIVIL  ADMINISTRATOR.  463 

recognized  that  the  last  Legislature  lias  made  the  educa 
tion  of  all  the  children  of  the  State  compulsory. 

In  this  long  controversy  Governor  Curtin  was  con 
spicuous  in  his  constant  advocacy  of  the  system,  and  in 
the  support  of  every  measure  which  enlarged  its  opera 
tions  and  increased  the  liberality  of  its  maintenance,  both 
by  State  appropriations  and  a  liberal  school  tax  within 
the  districts.  He  was  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth 
during  the  administration  of  Governor  Pollock  from  1855 
to  1858.  The  Secretary  was  then  charged  with  the  control 
of  the  school  system  and  it  was  he  who  first  organized  the 
system  into  a  district  department.  His  services  were  of 
the  highest  value  in  educating  the  people  up  to  the  just 
appreciation  of  the  public  schools  as  the  strongest  sup 
port  of  intelligent  and  regulated  liberty. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  upon  assuming  the  office  of 
governor,  in  January,  1861,  he  said:  "Our  system  of 
common  schools  will  ever  enlist  iny  earnest  solicitude. 
For  its  growing  wants  the  most  ample  provision  should 
be  made  by  the  Legislature.  I  feel  that  I  need  not  urge 
this  duty.  The  system  has  been  gaining  in  strength  and 
usefulness  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  until  it  has  silenced 
opposition  by  its  benevolent  fruits.  It  has  at  times  lan 
guished  for  want  of  just  appropriations,  from  changes 
and  amendments  of  the  law,  and  perhaps  from  ineffi 
ciency  in  its  administration  ;  but  it  has  surmounted 
every  difficulty  and  is  now  regarded  by  the  enlightened 
and  patriotic  of  every  political  faith  as  the  great  bul 
wark  of  safety  for  our  free  institutions." 

He  also  strongly  advocated  liberal  support  to  the 
"  Farmers'  High  School,"  an  institution  which,  at  that 
time,  was  regarded  by  many  as  an  experiment  of  doubt 
ful  utility. 


464  AXHKEW  G.    CUR  TIN. 

He  said :  "  A  liberal  appropriation  jbr  that  purpose 
would  be  honorable  to  the  Legislature  and  a  just  recog 
nition  of  a  system  of  public  instruction  that  is  of  the 
highest  importance  to  the  State  in  the  development  of 
our  wealth,  the  growth  of  our  population,  and  the  pros 
perity  of  our  great  agricultural  interests." 

Through  his  entire  administration,  for  two  consecu 
tive  terms,  his  support  of  every  measure  to  advance  the 
efficiency  of  the  system  was  vigorous,  continuous  and 
efficient.  As  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Conven 
tion  he  gave  pronounced  and  efficient  support  to  the 
provision  of  the  constitution  which  placed  the  common 
schools  of  Pennsylvania  beyond  the  contingency  of 
political  controversy  or  the  caprice  of  legislation. 

THREE     MILLION    DOLLARS    LOAN. 

The  devotion  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  union  of  the  States 
cannot  be  better  illustrated  than  ivi  a  brief  sketch  of  the 
conditions  under  which  this  loan  was  made.  Nor  is  there 
anything  in  the  executive  administration  of  Governor 
Curtin  which  more  distinctly  exhibits  his  fearless  patri 
otism  and  his  acknowledged  leadership.  The  attitude 
of  Pennsylvania  in  the  threatening  aspect  of  public 
affairs  was  plainly  of  the  highest  national  importance. 
From  her  position,  all  troops  from  New  York  and  the 
New  England  States,  should  troops  be  necessary,  must 
pass  through  her  territory.  As  a  border  State,  she  might 
easily  become  a  seat  of  war.  As  a  conservative  State, 
the  South  looked  to  her  with  confidence  for  at  least  moral 
support.  Her  large  population,  her  great  wealth  and 
inexhaustible  resources,  gave  to  her  an  admitted  prece 
dence  which  the  national  government  and  all  the  States, 
whether  loyal  or  disloyal,  were  prompt  to  acknowledge. 


AS  A  CIVIL  ADMINISTRATOR.  465 

The  sentiment  and  the  sympathies  of  her  people  were 
divided. 

Governor  Packer,  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Gover 
nor  Curtin,  in  his  last  annual  message  to  the  Legislature, 
January  i,  1861,  voiced  the  dominant  sentiment  of  his 
party  in  recommending  "  that  the  consent  of  the  State 
be  given,  that  the  master  while  sojourning  in  our  State 
for  a  limited  period,  or  passing  through  it,  may  be  ac 
companied  by  his  slave  without  losing  his  right  to  his 
service."  And  in  his  further  recommendation  that  u  the 
General  Assembly  instruct  and  request  our  Senators  and 
Representatives  in  Congress  to  support  a  proposition  for 
an  amendment  of  the  constitution,  to  be  submitted  for 
ratification  or  rejection  to  a  convention  of  delegates, 
elected  directly  by  the  people  of  the  State,  to  re-enact 
the  old  compromise  line  of  1820,  and  extending  to  the 
boundary  of  California,"  and  "if  Congress  should  fail 
speedily  to  propose  this,  or  a  similar  amendment  to  the 
constitution,  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  should  have 
the  opportunity,  by  the  application  of  some  peaceable 
remedy,  to  prevent  the  dismemberment  of  this  Union." 

Governor  Curtin  was  inaugurated  the  fifteenth  day  of 
January,  1861.  His  inaugural  address  declared,  in  terms 
not  to  be  mistaken,  the  policy  of  the  new  administra 
tion,  that  there  should  be  no  compromise  with  treason. 
He  declared  that  "  the  convictions  of  the  State  on  the 
vital  questions  which  have  agitated  the  public  mind,  are 
well  understood  at  home  and  should  not  be  misunder 
stood  abroad. 

u  In  the  present  unhappy  condition  of  the  country,  it 
will  be  our  duty  to  unite  with  the  people  of  the  States 
which  remain  loyal  to  the  Union  in  any  just  and  honor 
able  measures  of  conciliation  and  fraternal  kindness.  Let 


466  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

us  invite  them  to  join  us  in  the  fulfillment  of  all  our  ob 
ligations  under  the  federal  constitutio*n  and  laws. 

"  Ours  is  a  national  government.  It  has,  within  the 
sphere  of  its  action,  all  the  attributes  of  sovereignty,  and 
among  these  are  the  right  and  duty  of  self-preservation. 
It  is  based  upon  a  compact  to  which  all  the  people  of  the 
United  States  are  parties.  It  acts  directly  on  the  people, 
and  they  owe  it  a  personal  allegiance.  No  part  of  the 
people,  no  State,  nor  combination  of  States,  can  volun 
tarily  secede  from  the  Union,  nor  absolve  themselves 
from  their  obligations  to  it.  To  permit  a  State  to  with 
draw  at  pleasure  from  the  Union  without  the  consent  of 
the  rest,  is  to  confess  that  our  government  is  a  failure. 
Pennsylvania  can  never  acquiesce  in  such  a  conspiracy 
nor  assent  to  a  doctrine  which  involves  the  destruction 
of  the  government. 

"  It  is  the  first  duty  of  the  national  authorities  to  stay 
the  progress  of  anarchy  and  enforce  the  laws,  and 
Pennsylvania,  with  a  united  people,  will  give  them  an 
honest,  faithful  and  active  support.  The  people  mean 
to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  National  Union  at  every 
hazard." 

These  patriotic  and  fearless  expressions  of  the  Hxecu- 
tive  found  quick  response  in  the  people  of  the  State. 
They  were  published  in  the  leading  journals  of  all  the 
loyal  States,  and  largely  contributed  to  arouse  the  dor 
mant  patriotism  of  the  people.  It  was  apt  preparation 
of  the  public  mind,  reluctant  to  believe  that  treason 
could  extend  to  the  extremity  of  war,  for  the  armed 
struggle  so  near  at  hand.  The  clouds  of  war  were  gath 
ering  rapidly,  and  no  watchman  on  the  towers  discerned 
the  coming  storm  more  clearly  nor  more  promptly  pre 
pared  for  its  coming. 


AS  A  CIl'lL  ADMINISTRATOR.  4r>7 

On  the  ninth  of  April  he  sent  a  special  message  to  the 
Legislature,  the  period  of  whose  adjournment  was  rap 
idly  approaching,  calling  its  attention  to  the  condition 
of  the  military  organization  of  the  State. 

He  states  that  u  the  military  system  of  the  State,  dur 
ing  a  long  period  distinguished  by  the  pursuits  of  peace 
ful  industry  exclusively,  has  become  wholly  inefficient ; 
numerous  companies  are  without  the  necessary  arms,  and 
of  the  arms  that  are  distributed  but  few  are  provided 
with  the  modern  appliances  to  render  them  serviceable." 
He  recommends  u  that  arms  be  procured  and  distributed 
to  those  of  our  citizens  who  may  enter  into  the  military 
service  of  the  State  ;  and  that  steps  be  taken  to  change 
the  guns  already  distributed,  by  the  adoption  of  such 
well-known  and  tried  improvements  as  will  render  them 
effective  in  the  event  of  their  employment  in  actual  ser 
vice."  He  calls  attention  to  the  "military  organizations 
of  a  formidable  character,  and  which  seem  not  to  be  de 
manded  by  any  existing  public  exigency,  which  have 
been  formed  in  certain  of  the  States."  He  declares  that 
"  the  most  exalted  public  policy  and  the  clearest  obliga 
tions  of  true  patriotism,  therefore  admonish  us,  in  the 
existing  deplorable  and  dangerous  crisis  of  affairs  ;  that 
our  militia  system  should  receive  from  the  Legislature 
that  prompt  attention  which  public  exigencies,  either  of 
the  State  or  nation,  may  appear  to  demand,  and  which 
may  seem  in  your  wisdom  best  adapted  to  preserve  and 
secure  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Union  the 
blessings  of  peace,  and  the  integrity  and  stability  of  our 
unrivaled  constitutional  government." 

Thus  early  and  clearly  did  the  great  u  War  Governor  " 
perceive  the  magnitude  of  the  approaching  crisis,  and 
the  necessity  for  immediate  preparation.  It  may  be 


468  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

saia  of  him,  and  every  act  of  his  administration  during 
the  entire  war  confirms  it,  that  no*  official,  State  or 
national,  more  clearly  discerned  the  strength  of  the 
rebellion,  nor  predicated  official  action  upon  a  clearer 
conviction  that  the  war  must  come  and  would  be  of  long 
continuance  and  require  the  utmost  exertion  of  military 
power,  both  State  and  national,  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  the  Union. 

The  Legislature  promptly  responded  to  the  Governor's 
recommendation,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  April  passed  the 
bill  to  reorganize  the  militia  and  appropriated  $500,000 
for  that  purpose. 

Whilst  the  bill  was  under  consideration  the  attack 
upon  Fort  Sumter  was  announced.  It  surrendered  on 
the  thirteenth  of  April.  The  effect  upon  the  Legislature, 
as  upon  the  State  and  the  country,  was  in  the  extreme. 
For  a  while  it  seemed  as  though  no  place  was  left  in  all 
the  loyal  North  in  which  treason  might  hide  its  head. 
The  Legislature  adjourned  on  the  eighteenth.  Events 
of  highest  importance  crowded  upon  each  other  with 
startling  rapidity.  On  the  fifteenth  of  April  the  Presi 
dent  issued  his  call  for  75,000  men  for"  three  months' 
service.  Under  this  call  the  quota  was  not  only 
promptly  filled  but  283  organized  military  companies, 
from  every  part  of  the  State,  offered  their  services  and 
could  not  be  accepted.  On  the  twenty-fifth  Governor 
Curtin  under  his  deep  conviction  of  the  necessity  issued 
his  proclamation  calling  upon  Pennsylvania  in  addition 
to  the  quota  to  be  furnished  under  the  call  of  the 
President,  for  twenty-five  regiments  of  infantry  and  one 
of  cavalry,  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the  war. 
This  call  was  without  authority  from  the  government 
at  Washington,  and  rested  solely  on  the  Governor's 


AS  A  CITIL  ADMINISTRATOR.  469 

responsibility  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  military  forces 
of  the  State,  and  upon  the  recommendation  of  Major 
General  Robert  Patterson,  and  other  military  officers  of 
high  command.  The  response  was  immediate  and 
overwhelming.  Men  crowded  to  Harrisbnrg  importunate 
for  service,  coming  without  arms  and  often  without 
adequate  clothing,  and  necessitating  immediate  provision 
for  food  and  shelter.  It  was  expected  that  the  national 
government  would  promptly  and  gladly  accept  these 
additional  regiments,  and  muster  them  into  the  United 
States  service.  But  men  high  in  authority  at  Washing 
ton  looked  upon  the  call  as  wholly  unnecessary,  and 
did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the  three  months'  men  called 
for  by  the  President  were  adequate  for  all  military 
demands.  There  was  a  rude  awakening  from  this 
dream  of  security,  and  not  many  weeks  elapsed  until  the 
government  was  calling  earnestly  for  the  troops  it  had 
so  recently  rejected. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  April,  Massachusetts  volunteers 
hastening,  at  the  call  of  the  government,  to  the  defence 
of  Washington,  were  violently  assaulted  in  the  streets  of 
Baltimore  and  four  of  their  number  killed  and  several 
wounded. 

On  the  twentieth  day  of  April  the  Governor  issued 
his  proclamation,  summoning  the  Legislature  to  meet 
on  Tuesday,  the  thirtieth  day  of  April,  in  special  ses 
sion.  When  assembled  he  immediately  sent  in  his 
special  message,  briefly  reviewing  the  exciting  emergency 
and  stating,  u  I  have  called  you  together,  not  only  to 
provide  for  a  complete  reorganization  of  the  militia  of 
the  State,  but  also  that  you  may  give  me  authority 
to  pledge  the  faith  of  the  commonwealth  to  borrow 
such  sums  of  money  as  you  may,  in  your  discretion, 


470  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

deem  necessary  for  these  extraordinary*  requirements.  I 
recommend  the  immediate  organization,  disciplining  and 
arming  of  at  least  fifteen  regiments  of  cavalry  and 
infantry,  exclusive  of  those  called  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  as  we  have  already  ample  warning  of  the 
necessity  of  being  prepared  for  any  sudden  exigency 
that  may  arise." 

A  bill  was  promptly  passed,  approved  May  15,  author 
izing  the  organization  of  fifteen  regiments  for  service 
for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  and  a  loan  of  three 
millions  of  dollars.  These  regiments,  intended  origi 
nally  for  the  defence  of  this  commonwealth,  were  subse 
quently  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  became  conspicuous  as  the  "  Pennsylvania  Reserves" 
in  many  of  the  severest  conflicts  of  the  war. 

The  loan  was  taken,  but  not  without  hesitation,  and 
under  the  stress  of  the  Governor's  personal  influence. 

The  public  debt  of  the  State,  exclusive  of  available 
securities,  exceeded  twenty-seven  millions  of  dollars,  to 
which  had  been  added  the  recent  loan  of  $500,000.  It 
was  not  surprising  that  financiers,  in  view  of  this  large 
indebtedness,  the  evident  necessity  for  large  loans  to  the 
national  government  and  the  exigencies  of  war  already 
commenced,  hesitated  to  buy  this  newr  loan  of  the  State 
for  so  large  an  amount.  The  credit  of  the  State  was  in 
danger,  and  the  need  for  money  was  daily  becoming 
more  urgent.  In  these  circumstances  the  Governor 
went  to  Philadelphia  for  an  interview  with  the  leading 
bankers  of  the  city.  He  satisfied  them  of  the  absolute 
security  of  the  loan  and  arranged  with  them  for  pay 
ments  no  faster  than  necessity  required.  Under  this 
arrangement  a  few  of  the  leading  bankers,  among  whom 
were  Drexel  &  Co.,  and  K.  W.  Clark  £  Co.,  and  Jay 


AS  A  CIVIL  ADMINISTRATOR.  471 

Cooke  &  Co.,  agreed  to  announce  the  taking  of  the 
entire  loan.  Upon  this  announcement  the  credit  of  the 
State  was  so  assured  that  the  bonds  were  at  once  in 
demand,  and  both  the  Governor  and  the  bankers  relieved 
from  all  anxiety  concerning  them. 

The  conditions  which  surrounded  the  execution  of 
this  law  were  of  the  most  perplexing  and  difficult  char 
acter.  An  efficient  staff  was  promptly  organized,  and 
measures  at  once  taken  to  supply  \vith  the  utmost  expe 
dition  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  new  force  so  rapidly 
forming.  Unscrupulous  adventurers  swarmed  around 
the  capital.  All  the  devices  of  ingenious  fraud  were 
resorted  to  to  impose  upon  the  officers  inferior  articles, 
and  oftentimes  taking  the  chances  on  the  plainest  fraud. 
I  well  remember  an  invoice  of  army  shoes — rejected,  of 
course — in  which,  among  some  of  approved  quality, 
were  mixed  a  large  number  of  shoes  of  apparent  excel 
lence,  in  which  the  soles  were  filled  with  shavings  of 
wood,  concealed  with  a  thin  covering  of  leather.  When 
these  soles  were  cut  across  and  bent  the  shavings  popped 
out.  So  also  in  clothing — the  most  worthless  shoddy 
was  worked  up  into  fair  appearing  garments.  In  every 
department  the  utmost  vigilance  was  required  to  protect 
the  State  against  these  manifold  devices  of  fraud.  The 
strain  of  such  incessant  imposition,  not  only  in  the  organ 
ization  of  regiments,  but  in  the  selection  and  commission 
ing  of  officers,  the  adjustment  of  innumerable  disputes  and 
his  general  watchfulness  over  every  department  of  both 
the  civil  and  military  service,  was  greater  than  even  the 
robust  health  of  the  Governor  could  bear,  and  his  failing 
health  compelled  him  to  announce  his  absolute  declina 
tion  of  a  second  nomination.  It  was  not  until  the  unani 
mous  voice  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  and  of  the 


47  2  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

convention,  and  the  expressed  desire  of  President  Lincoln, 
compelled  his  acceptance,  that  he  consented  to  run  for 
the  second  term. 

In  these  brief  sketches  I  have  confined  myself  to 
events  which  belong  to  the  genesis  of  the  war  and 
appertain  rather  to  the  civil  administration  than  to  the 
military  operations.  They  are  events  occurring  largely 
within  my  personal  knowledge,  and  whilst  I  was  in  close 
personal  relations  with  the  Governor. 

His  war  record  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
his  intimacy  and  confidential  relations  with  Lincoln 
and  with  Secretary  Stanton  are  not  within  my  pur 
pose.  His  influence  was  felt  during  the  whole  progress 
of  the  war,  in  the  organization  and  furnishing  to  the 
government  of  367,482  soldiers,  besides  87,000  for  ser 
vice  within  the  State.  He  was  largely  instrumental  in 
procuring  the  passage  of  the  law  which  authorized 
soldiers  in  the  field  to  vote — many  thousands  of  whom 
were  unable  to  vote  at  his  second  election,  but  who  were, 
under  the  law  of  1864,  permitted  to  vote  at  the  succeed 
ing  Presidential  election.  The  establishment,  in  1863, 
of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Schools  originated  with  him, 
and  was  due  to  his  personal  efforts  and  influence.  But 
these,  and  many  other  things  so  creditable  to  him,  and 
redounding  so  greatly  to  the  honor  of  the  State,  are  not 
within  the  range  of  this  brief  but  affectionate  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  the  great  Governor  with  whose  friend 
ship  I  was  honored  and  whose  memory  I  revere. 


OF  THE 


BY   GALUSHA   A.    GROW. 


The  second  ses 
sion  of  the  Thirty- 
sixth  Congress  be 
gan  the  first  Mon 
day  in  December, 
1860.  In  November 
preceding  Abraham 
Lincoln  had  been 
elected  President, 
and  at  the  State 
election  in  October 
before,  Andrew  G. 
Cnrtin  was  elected 
Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Sixteen 
days  after  the  meet 
ing  of  Congress, 
South  Carolina  passed  what  she  called  an  ordinance  of 
secession,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  that  month 
Fort  Moultrie  was  seized  and  garrisoned  by  her  State 
troops.  On  the  third  day  of  January  following  Fort 
Pulaski  and  Fort  Jackson,  at  Savannah,  were  seized  by 
order  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  and  the  next  day 

(473) 


GALI-SHA    A.   GROW. 


474  ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 

Fort  Morgan,  at  Mobile,  was  seized  by  o^rder  of  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Alabama. 

On  the  ninth  day  of  January,  "i  86 1,  the  Star  of  the 
West,  an  unarmed  vessel,  carrying  only  provisions  for 
the  garrison  in  Fort  Sumter,  was  fired  upon  and  turned 
back  at  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  One 
month  later,  February  9,  1861,  delegates  from  the 
seven  States  known  as  the  Cotton  States — South  Caro 
lina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  Louisiana 
and  Texas — having  assembled  at  Montgomery,  in  the 
State  of  Alabama,  elected  Jefferson  Davis  and  Alexan 
der  H.  Stephens,  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
so-called  Confederate  States  of  America. 

While  these  transactions  in  the  Cotton  States  were 
occurring  in  such  rapid  succession,  efforts  were  put  forth 
in  each  of  the  fifteen  slave-holding  States  to  induce  their 
co-operation  in  this  movement  for  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  and  for  setting  up  a  separate  and  independent 
government,  bounded  by  the  line  that  divided  the  slave- 
holding  from  the  non-slave-holding  States.  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress,  after  the  twentieth  of 
December,  1860,  from  day  to  day  as  their  respective 
States  adopted  ordinances  of  secession,  were  taking 
formal  leave  of  Congress  by  publicly  announcing  to  the 
presiding  officer  of  their  respective  Houses  that  they  had 
resigned  their  seats  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
And  with  a  grandiloquent  declaration  that  their  alle 
giance  to  the  State  in  which  they  lived,  was  paramount 
to  their  allegiance  to  the  government  of  the  Union,  they 
bade  their  associates  in  legislation  a  long  and,  as  they 
thought  then,  a  lasting  farewell,  as  they  went  forth  to 
execute  their  revolutionary  scheme  peaceably  if  they 
could,  forcibly  if  they  must. 


KEGINNIXG  OF  THE   WAR.  475 

The  annual  message  of  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Congress,  on 
the  fourth  of  December,  1860  was  devoted  almost  wholly 

to  a  discussion  of  the  two  subjects,  which  had  then 
become  the  all-absorbing  question  in  the  public  mind, 
slavery  and  disunion.  In  this  message  referring  to  Con 
gress  he  said,  "  You  may  be  called  upon  to  decide  the 
momentous  question  whether  you  possess  the  power  by 
force  of  arms  to  compel  a  State  to  remain  in  the  Union. 
Has  the  Constitution  delegated  to  Congress  the  power  to 
coerce  a  State  into  submission  which  is  attempting  to 
withdraw,  or  has  actually  withdrawn,  from  the  Con 
federacy?"  The  word  confederacy  at  that  time  had  a 
significance  and  political  meaning  never  before  attached 
to  it,  so  it  was  a  singular  word  for  a  President  of  the 
United  States  to  use  in  any  official  document  discussing 
existing  things.  Instead  of  leaving  Congress  to  dispose 
of  this  question  by  its  own  deliberate  action,  as  he 
should  have  done  after  calling  its  attention  to  it,  he  vol 
unteered  his  opinion  as  to  what  that  action  ought  to  be, 
in  the  following  language  :  "  After  much  serious  reflec 
tion  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  no  such  power 
has  been  delegated  to  Congress  or  to  any  other  depart 
ment  of  the  Federal  Government." 

This  opinion,  obtruded  upon  Congress  as  if  to  fore 
stall  its  action,  was  the  opinion  held  at  that  time  by 
most  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party,  North  as 
well  as  South.  It  was  upon  this  constitutional  construc 
tion  that  all  disunionists  relied  for  securing  peaceable 
secession.  The  advocates  of  this  construction  had  them 
selves  been  the  most  zealous  defenders  of  Jefferson  in 
his  acquisition  of  the  territory  of  Louisiana  by  purchase 
from  France,  when  there  was  no  grant  of  power  in  the 
constitution  for  any  such  purpose.  In  the  mad  delusion 


4  7 6  A  NDRR IV  G.  Cl  >R  TIN. 

of  the  hour  they  ignored  the  plain,  logical  conclusion, 
that  if  the  government  could  acquire  territory  for  the 
safety  and  well  being  of  the  Union,  it  could  by  the 
exercise  of  the  same  power  prevent  any  State  or  the 
people  thereof  from  taking  such  territory  out  of  the 
Union.  The  power  to  acquire,  whatever  it  might  be, 
could  not  be  greater  than  the  power  to  retain.  This 
common  sense  construction  of  constitutional  power  pre 
vailed  everywhere,  with  what  Lincoln  called  the  plain 
people,  if  not  biased  by  their  devotion  to  the  institutions 
of  slavery.  But  constitutional  power,  or  constitutional 
construction,  were  of  no  consequence  or  consideration 
witli  the  original  plotters  of  disunion. 

After  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  a  few  of 
the  leading  and  most  active  devotees  of  slavery,  mostly 
in  the  Cotton  States,  had  agreed  privately  among  them 
selves,  that  if  ever  the  "  Black  Republicans,"  a  term 
which  they  applied  to  all  Free-soilers,  that  is  to  those  who 
were  opposed  to  any  further  extension  of  slavery  beyond 
the  then  existing  States,  should  ever  elect  a  President, 
they  would  co-operate  in  inciting  the  slave-holding 
vStates  to  break  up  the  Union.  The  sentiment  incul 
cated  by  this  secret  conclave  was  never  to  submit  to  a 
u  Black  Republican  "  administration  in  the  government 
of  the  Union.  This  scheme  for  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  would  have  developed  in  1856  had  Fremont 
been  elected,  instead  of  developing  in  1861  after  Lin 
coln's  election.  The  rapid  occurrence  of  acts  of  spolia 
tion  on  the  government,  seizing  its  forts,  arsenals  and 
mints,  months  before  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Buchanan's 
term  of  office,  were  but  steps  in  this  plotted  conspiracy 
for  destroying  the  Union. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  inaugural  address  to  the  thousands 


JlEGn\\\IXG  OF  THE  WAR.  477 

assembled  in  front  of  the  eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol, 
March  4,  1861,  said  in  addressing  directly  his  dissatis 
fied  countrymen  :  "  You  can  have  no  conflict  without 
being  yourselves  the  aggressors."  Up  to  that  time, 
though  the  flag  at  the  mast-head  of  the  Star  of  the 
West  had  been  fired  upon,  and  various  acts  of  spoliation 
upon  the  property  of  the  government  had  been  com 
mitted,  no  blood  had  been  shed  nor  had  there  been  any 
armed  conflict  between  citizens  of  the  republic. 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  1861,  but  little  more 
than  a  month  after  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the 
roar  of  hostile  cannon  at  Sumter,  like  that  at  Lexington 
in  1775,  shook  a  continent  as  it  echoed  down  the  cen 
turies.  The  time  forewarned  by  Lincoln  had  come. 
His  dissatisfied  countrymen  had  become  the  aggressors. 
The  first  gun  in  the  war  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union 
had  been  fired  ;  and  while  it  sealed  forever  the  doom  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America,  it  was  the  death 
knell  of  human  bondage  on  the  continent. 

Three  days  later  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  his  proclamation 
convening  Congress  in  extra  session  on  the  fourth  day  of 
July  following,  and  calling  for  75,000  armed  volunteers 
for  the  defence  of  the  capital  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  This  proclamation  reached  Governor  Curtin  at 
Harrisburg  the  next  day.  Immediately  he  issued  a  call 
for  volunteers.  And  within  twelve  hours  thereafter  482 
laborers,  miners  and  mechanics  in  and  about  Pottsville, 
and  in  the  Juniata  Valley,  Pennsylvania,  leaving  their 
tasks,  Putnam-like,  unfinished,  and  in  their  every-day 
laborers'  garments,  were  on  their  way  to  Harrisburg  to 
be  armed  and  mustered  into  the  service  of  their  country. 
The  State  of  Pennsylvania,  en  their  arrival  at  its  capi 
tal,  had  neither  arms,  clothing  nor  munitions  of  war 


478  ANDREW  G.  CURT1N, 

sufficient  to  equip  these  men.  Governor  Curtin,  after 
mustering  them  into  service,  sent  them  to  Washington 
to  be  armed  and  equipped. 

On  my  way  from  home  to  Washington  the  eighteenth 
day  of  April,  1861,  when  the  train  reached  Harrisburg 
a  great  number  of  men,  clothed  in  the  begrimed  and 
blackened  suits  of  the  mines  and  the  workshop,  came 
into  the  cars.  Their  great  number  and  unusual  appear 
ance  excited  the  attention  and  curiosity  of  the  passen 
gers,  leading  to  a  general  exclamation,  u  What  does  all 
this  mean  ? "  On  inquiry  we  learned  that  these  men 
were  volunteer  soldiers  on  their  way  to  Washington  in 
response  to  the  President's  proclamation.  We  all  passed 
through  Baltimore  that  afternoon,  reaching  Washington 
about  five  or  six  o'clock  in  the  evening.  These  volun 
teers  were  quartered  in  the  committee  rooms  on  the  first 
and  second  floors,  surrounding  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  where  they  remained  until  they  re 
ceived  their  arms  and  equipments  ready  for  the  tented 
field.  This  little  heroic  band  of  laborers  from  the  inte 
rior  of  Pennsylvania,  to  whom  Congress  subsequently 
awarded  medals  and  a  vote  of  thanks,  as  First  Defenders, 
were  the  vanguard  in  the  mightiest  conflict  of  arms  in 
the  history  of  the  race.  On  the  next  day  after  these  un 
armed  citizen  soldiers  marched  through  Baltimore,  from 
the  railroad  station  on  one  side  of  the  city  to  the  station 
on  the  other,  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment,  on  its 
way  to  Washington,  was  attacked  by  the  mob  in  its 
streets.  The  bridges  along  the  railroad  between  that 
city  and  Havre  de  Grace  were  burned,  and  the  wires 
were  cut  on  all  telegraph  lines  leading  out  of  the  city. 

Washington  was  thus  entirelvcut  off  from  railroad  or 

o 

telegraphic  communication  with  the  loyal  States,  until 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR.  479 

the  Seventh  New  York  and  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regi 
ments  opened  communication  by  way  of  Annapolis. 
During  this  period  Washington  had  the  appearance  of  a 
deserted  city.  A  person  could  pass  along  Pennsyl 
vania  avenue  from  the  War  Department  to  the  Capi 
tol  at  mid-day,  and  scarcely  see  a  person  on  the 
street.  With  the  setting  sun  every  day  two  horsemen, 
in  full  cavalry  uniform,  could  be  seen  walking  their 
horses  along  the  avenue  to  take  their  places  as  senti 
nels  for  the  night  at  Long  Bridge  over  the  Poto 
mac  into  Virginia,  and  at  the  bridge  over  the  east 
branch  near  the  navy  yard.  The  clatter  of  the  horses' 
shoes  on  the  cobble  stone  pavement  echoed  along  the 
abandoned  streets,  and  was  about  the  only  noise  to  break 
their  stillness.  As  a  precaution  against  an  uprising  of 
secessionists  in  Washington,  or  of  an  incursion  of  the 
mob  from  Baltimore,  or  Alexandria,  or  both,  the  citizens 
then  in  Washington  from  the  Northern  States  organized 
themselves  into  two  companies,  called  the  Kansas  Brigade 
and  Clay's  Brigade.  James  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  was 
captain  of  the  first,  and  Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky, 
captain  of  the  other.  The  War  Department  furnished 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  They  all  wore  citizens' 
clothes.  The  Kansas  Brigade  was  quartered  every  night 
in  the  East  Room  of  the  Executive  Mansion.  Clay's 
Brigade,  to  which  I  belonged,  had  Willard's  dancing 
hall,  a  building  attached  to  his  hotel,  for  their  armory. 
These  two  organizations  of  undisciplined  militia,  called 
upon  to  act  as  minute  men,  were  designed  merely  as  a 
menace  to  the  threat  of  the  Baltimore  mob  to  march  to 
Washington  and  seize  its  public  buildings.  We  contin 
ued  in  service  until  the  Seventh  New  York  and  Eighth 

& 

Massachusetts   inarched   into   the  city  from  Annapolis. 


4«o  ANDREW  C.  CURTIN. 

Then  the  two  brigades,  returning  their  arms  and  muni 
tions  back  to  the  War  Department,  disbanded.  From 
that  time  Washington  was  a  military  camp  until  the 
battle-scarred  veterans  marched  homeward  through  its 
streets,  from  their  victorious  fields  of  a  Union  saved  and 
a  country  free. 

During  the  four  years  of  conflict  preceding  this  last 
event  the  geographic  position  of  the  State  of  Pennsyl 
vania  made  it  practically,  what  it  had  always  been  in 
theory,  the  keystone  of  the  Union.  Its  Southern  boun 
dary  extended  for  its  whole  length  along  three  slave- 
holding  States.  Washington,  the  capital  of  the  Union, 
was  about  half  way  from  this  boundary  line  to  the  head 
quarters  of  the  army  of  the  Confederacy  at  Richmond. 

The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  was  therefore  required, 
while  specially  guarding  the  territory  of  his  own  State 
against  hostile  invasion,  to  look  as  well  after  the  safety 
of  the  national  capital.  Antietam,  one  of  the  great 
battles  of  the  war,  was  fought  just  over  her  boundary 
line,  in  Washington  County  in  the  State  of  Maryland  ; 
and  the  next  year  the  decisive  battle  of  the  rebellion, 
and  one  of  the  great  decisive  battles  of  the  world,  was 
fought  at  Gettysburg,  in  Adams  County,  just  within  the 
Southern  boundary  of  the  State.  It  is  a  singular  coinci 
dence  that  these  two  great  battles  should  have  been 
fought  in  their  respective  order,  in  two  counties  named 
from  the  first  and  second  Presidents  of  the  United 
States ;  and  both  of  them  decisive  triumphs  for  the 
Union. 

Governor  Curtin,  in  his  inaugural  address  in  January, 
1861,  two  months  before  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  said  :  "  It  is  the  first  duty  of  the  national  author 
ities  to  stay  the  progress  of  anarchy  and  enforce  the 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR.  481 

laws,  and  Pennsylvania  with  a  united  people  will  give 
them  an  honest,  faithful  and  active  support.  The  peo 
ple  mean  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  national  Union 
at  every  hazard."  In  his  message  to  the  Legislature, 
which  he  convened  in  extra  session  April  30,  1861,  and 
after  Pennsylvania's  quota  of  the  75,000  men  called  for 
by  the  President  had  been  filled,  he  said  :  u  A  quarter 
of  a  million  of  Pennsylvania's  sons  will  answer  the  call 
to  arms  if  need  be.  to  wrest  us  from  a  reign  of  anarchy 
and  plunder  and  secure  for  themselves  and  their  chil 
dren  for  ages  to  come  the  perpetuity  of  this  government 
and  its  beneficent  institutions." 

Instead  of  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  Pennsylvania's 
sons,  454,842,  almost  half  a  million,  answered  the  call  to 
arms  for  the  purposes  indicated  in  the  Governor's  mes 
sage.  Two  of  Pennsylvania's  sons  bore  the  most  con 
spicuous  part  at  Gettysburg — Meade  was  the  command 
ing  general  on  the  field,  and  Reynolds,  by  forcing  his 
division  far  into  the  front  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
first  day's  conflict,  secured  Round  Top  and  Cemetery 
Ridge  for  the  Union  Army,  the  most  advantageous 
ground  for  the  three  days'  battle.  His  military  sagacity 
and  heroic  daring  cost  him  his  life,  but  it  made  victory 
doubly  sure  for  the  Union. 

On  the  assembling  of  Congress  at  the  extra  session, 
July  4,  1861,  no  representatives  appeared  from  the  slave- 
holding  States,  except  Delaware,  Maryland  and  Ken 
tucky,  and  part  of  Northern  Missouri  and  Northern 
Virginia.  An  election  of  speaker  was  held  without  the 
formality  of  a  party  caucus.  The  House  was  composed 
of  Republicans,  Democrats  of  two  kinds — Breckinridge 
and  Douglas — and  Americans  ;  that  is,  those  who  had 
supported  Bell  and  Kverett  at  the  preceding  Presidential 


482  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

election.  On  the  first  ballot  I  was  •elected  speaker, 
though  fourteen  members  were  voted  for.  Most  of  the 
votes,  however,  were  cast  for  Frank  Blair,  George  H. 
Pendleton  and  myself. 

At  that  time  the  Confederate  flag  carried  by  the 
advance  of  the  Confederate  Army  was  floating  from 
the  hill  tops  on  the  south  side  of  the  Potomac,  in  full 
view  of  the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  and  desponding  patri 
otism  was  some  time  querying,  whether  it  would  not  be 
better  "  to  let  the  erring  sisters  go  in  peace."  Called  by 
the  confiding  kindness  of  my  fellow  members  to  the 
speakership  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  under 
such  circumstances,  the  following  are  the  concluding 
sentences  of  the  address  to  the  House  on  taking  the 
speaker's  chair : 

A  rebellion — the  most  causeless  in  the  history  of  the  race — has 
developed  a  conspiracy  of  long-standing  to  destroy  the  constitution 
and  the  Union,  formed  by  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers,  and  cemented 
by  their  blood.  This  conspiracy,  nurtured  for  long  years  in  secret 
councils,  first  develops  itself  openly  in  acts  of  spoliation  and  plunder 
of  public  property,  with  the  connivance,  or  under  the  protection  of 
treason  enthroned  in  all  the  high  places  of  the  government,  and  at 
last  in  armed  rebellion  for  the  overthrow  of  the  best  government 
ever  devised  by  man.  Without  an  effort  in  the  mode  prescribed  by 
the  organic  law  for  a  redress  of  all  grievances,  the  malcontents  appeal 
only  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword,  insult  the  nation's  honor, 
trample  upon  its  flag,  and  inaugurate  a  revolution  which,  if  success 
ful,  would  end  in  establishing  petty,  jarring  confederacies,  or  despot 
ism  and  anarchy,  upon  the  ruins  of  the  republic,  and  the  destruc 
tion  of  its  liberties. 

******         ****** 

No  flag  alien  to  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  River  will  ever  float 
permanently  over  its  mouths  till  its  waters  are  crimsoned  in  human 
gore;  and  not  one  foot  of  American  soil  can  ever  be  wrenched  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  until  it  is 
first  baptized  in  fire  and  blood. 

' '  In  God  is  our  trust ; 

And  the  star-spangled  banner  shall,  forever,  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave. " 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR.  483 

Those  who  regard  it  as  mere  cloth  bunting  fail  to  comprehend  its 
symbolical  power.  Wherever  civilization  dwells,  or  the  name  of 
Washington  is  known,  it  bears  in  its  folds  the  concentrated  power 
of  armies  and  navies,  and  surrounds  its  votaries  with  a  defence  more 
impregnable  than  battlement,  wall  or  tower.  Wherever  on  the  earth's 
surface  an  American  citizen  may  wander,  called  by  pleasure,  business 
or  caprice,  it  is  a  shield  secure  against  outrage  and  wrong — save  on  the 
soil  of  the  land  of  his  birth.  As  the  guardians  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people,  it  becomes  your  paramount  duty  to  make  it 
respected  at  home  as  it  is  honored  abroad.  A  government  that  can 
not  command  the  loyalty  of  its  own  citizens  is  unworthy  the  respect 
of  the  world;  and  a  government  that  will  not  protect  its  loyal  citi 
zens  deserves  the  contempt  of  the  world. 

The  Union  once  destroyed,  is  a  shattered  vase  that  no  human 
power  can  reconstruct  in  its  original  symmetry.  "Coarse  stones 
when  they  are  broken  may  be  cemented  again — precious  ones,  never. ' ' 
If  the  republic  is  to  be  dismembered  and  the  sun  of  its  liberty  must 
go  out  in  endless  night,  let  it  set  amid  the  roar  of  cannon  and  the 
din  of  battle,  when  there  is  no  longer  an  arm  to  strike  or  a  heart  to 
bleed  in  its  cause ;  so  that  coming  generations  may  not  reproach  the 
present  with  being  too  imbecile  to  preserve  the  priceless  legacy 
bequeathed  by  our  fathers,  so  as  to  transmit  it  unimpaired  to  future 
times. 

It  is  a  source  of  State  pride  for  Pennsylvania  that  in 
the  three  most  important  and  critical  periods  in  the 
history  of  the  republic — two  in  peace  and  one  in 
war — one  of  her  citizens  in  each  case  occupied  the 
speaker's  chair  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  Congress.  Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg  was 
speaker  of  the  First  Congress,  after  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution,  Samuel  J.  Randall  was  speaker  when  the 
Presidential  election  was  decided  by  one  vote  in  the  Elec 
toral  College.  After  Congress  had  created  by  law,  a 
judicial  tribunal  specially  to  hear  and  decide  all  contro 
verted  questions  relative  thereto,  a  factious  minority 
attempted  by  dilatory  motions,  under  the  rules  of  the 
House,  to  prevent  a  declaration  of  the  result  of  the  elec 
tion  within  the  time  prescribed  by  the  constitution. 


484  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

He  put  an  end  to  all  such  revolutionary  attempts,  though 
made  by  members  of  his  own  political  party,  by  promptly 
deciding  that  a  law  of  Congress  under  the  constitution 
was  paramount  to  any  rule  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives.  That  ended  all  factious  opposition,  and  the 
election  of  President  and  Vice-President  was  proclaimed, 
at  the  time  and  in  the  manner,  provided  by  the  consti 
tution.  But  no  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  ever 
confronted  with  questions,  of  national  concern,  more 
momentous  and  far-reaching  than  was  the  Congress  that 
convened  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1861. 

Pennsylvania,  while  honoring  the  patriotic  and  self- 
sacrificing  devotion  of  all  the  citizens  of  all  the  States 
in  maintaining  the  union  of  our  fathers,  may  be  excused 
for  her  laudable  pride  in  the  fact  that  within  her  borders, 
on  the  spot  consecrated  a  century  before  by  William 
Penn  in  deeds  of  peace,  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  first  proclaimed,  and  there  was  framed  the  constitu 
tion  of  government  under  which  we  live.  And  doubly 
proud  that  at  Gettysburg  on  her  soil  was  fought  and  won, 
the  great  decisive  battle  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union, 
which  made  it  impossible  thereafter  to  establish  a  hostile 
frontier  across  the  continent,  lined  with  frowning  battle 
ments  and  bristling  cannon,  entailing  upon  coming 
generations  the  countless  woes  of  endless  border  con 
flicts.  For  if  the  people  between  the  Gulf  and  the  Lakes 
could  not  live  together  in  peace  as  one  nation  they  cer- 
tainlv  could  not  as  two. 


H  THE 


BY    HARRY    WHITE. 


American  consti 
tutions  have  hither 
to  employed  t  h  e 
highest  t  y  p  e  of 
statesmanship  in 
making  them,  and 
nothing  indeed  ex 
cites  the  wonder  of 
the  educated  for 
eigner  so  much  as 
their  wisdom  and 
stability. 

Mr.  Bryce,  the 
British  Liberal,  in 
his  admirable  book 
entitled  "  The 
American  Common 
wealth,"  most  aptly  describes  the  inquisitive  pride  of  the 
American  citizen,  who,  when  meeting  the  foreign  visitor, 
as  soon  as  politeness  allows,  and  sometimes  indeed 
sooner,  bluntly  obtrudes  the  question,  u  What  do  you 
think  of  our  institutions  ?  "  The  question  never  fails  to 
bring  a  nattering  answer  from  an  intelligent  and  fair- 
minded  foreigner. 

The  self-satisfied  and  sedate  European,    living  among 
the    traditions    of   centuries,    takes    it    for  granted  the 

(485) 


m 


HARRY  WHITE. 


486  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

visitor  to  his  country  feels  lie  treads  on^sacrecl  ground  and 
asks  no  questions  and  expects  no  criticisms.  The  Ameri 
can,  however,  always  patriotic  with  a  stranger,  wants  to 
hear  compliments  to  his  country.  The  difference  is 
natural  and  philosophical.  The  remarkable  growth  of 
this  country  in  the  last  thirty  years,  while  exciting  the 
continual  pride  of  the  American,  attracts  as  well  the 
wonder  of  mankind.  This  growing  confidence  of  the 
inquisitive  Yankee,  as  Charles  Dickens  calls  him,  in  the 
institutions  of  his  country,  is  encouraged  by  such  re 
marks  as  Sir  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  late  Professor  of 
Law  at  Cambridge,  England,  made  and  published  in  the 
London  Quarterly,  when  he  said  :  u  The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  of  America  is  the  most  important 
political  instrument  of  modern  times.  The  country 
whose  destinies  it  controls  and  directs  has  this  special 
characteristic,  that  all  the  territories  into  which  its  al 
ready  teeming  population  overflows,  are  so  placed  that 
political  institutions  of  the  same  type  can  be  established 
in  every  part  of  them.1'  It  is  also  frankly  admitted  by 
the  same  distinguished  authority,  that  while  the  British 
Constitution  has  been  insensibly  changing  itself  into  a 
popular  government,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  difficul 
ties,  the  American  Constitution  has  employed  several 
expedients  by  which  these  difficulties  may  be  altogether 
overcome  or  at  least  greatly  mitigated. 

The  popular  character  of  our  institutions  are  gener 
ally  understood  abroad  because  it  is  seen  the  people 
make  the  laws  for  their  own  government  through  their 
representatives.  But  the  importance  and  controlling 
power  of  our  written  constitutions  are  confusing  to  the 
average  educated  foreigner.  They  see  the  courts  repeat 
edly  and  often  annul  and  destroy  an  act  of  the  Legislative 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  487 

and  Executive  Departments,  which  has  been  enacted 
with  all  the  formalities  of  law,  because  it  violates  the 
constitution.  The  omnipotence  of  Parliament  cannot 
be  defied  by  any  written  constitution  in  the  old  world. 
"  My  lord,"  Coke  says,  "  the  power  and  jurisdiction  of 
Parliament  is  so  transcendent  and  absolute  that  it 
cannot  be  confined  either  for  causes  or  persons  within 
any  bounds.1'  And  it  is  a  phrase  accepted  by  all 
English  lawyers  "  that  Parliament  can  do  everything 
except  making  a  woman  a  man  or  a  man  a  woman."  Now, 
however,  since  the  new  woman  has  appeared,  it  may  not 
be  safely  asserted  that  the  omnipotence  of  Parliament 
cannot  even  change  the  sexes.  In  America  the  only 
omnipotent  written  document  recognized  is  the  consti 
tution  the  people  themselves  have  ordained.  Constitu 
tions  that  govern  the  American  States  as  the  highest  law 
have  a  history  peculiarly  their  own.  When  the  experi 
ment  of  a  republic  was  begun  in  the  wilds  of  America, 
no  bow  of  promise  spanned  the  sky.  Those  along  the 
Mediterranean  had  lived  their  day  and  left  little  but 
classic  lore  to  illustrate  their  history.  Confusion  and 
cruelty  were  the  real  legacies  from  the  French  adven 
ture,  and  the  ephemeral  existence  of  the  South  Ameri 
can  conceptions  was  but  a  meteor  flash  to  lead  those 
patriotic  men  who  wanted  here  to  frame  a  constitutional 
"government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people,  that  should  not  perish  from  the  face  of  the  earth." 
Without  a  written  constitution,  the  experience  of  a 
century  demonstrates,  the  American  Republic  would 
have  gone  glimmering  long  since  through  the  things 
that  were.  This  may  seem  an  axiomatic  utterance,  but 
should  nevertheless  be  ever  present  to  the  merest  tyro 
in  American  politics. 


488  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

When  James  Wilson,  a  delegate  ffom  Pennsylvania 
to  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1787,  said,  "  By 
adopting  this  constitution  we  shall  become  a  nation  ; 
we  are  not  now  one.  We  shall  form  a  national  charac 
ter  ;  we  are  now  dependent  on  others,"  he  spoke  as  a 
political  philosopher  and  his  prophecies  and  predictions, 
to  be  found  in  Blliott's  Debates,  Vol.  II,  page  526,  if 
not  already,  are  now  being  fulfilled.  It  was  the  thought 
ful  learning  of  Madison  and  Franklin,  and  Hamilton  and 
Wilson,  and  their  peerless  associates,  with  the  wonderful 
influence  of  Washington,  made  constitutional  govern 
ment  here  possible  ;  without  the  great  patient,  forbearing, 
reasoning  minds  in  the  convention  such  a  constitution 
would  never  have  been  possible. 

With  the  National  Constitution,  which  Fisher  Ames 
said,  in  the  Massachusetts  convention,  "  considered 
merely  as  a  literary  performance  is  an  honor  to  otir 
country,"  before  them,  all  the  States  therefore  when 
forming  and  amending  their  constitutions  have  con 
sidered  that  the  highest  statesmanship  was  required  for 
the  purpose.  They  looked  for  ability,  patriotism  and 
experience  among  their  people  for  such  a  great  work. 
With  this  brief  historical  reference  to  the  great  office  of 
making  constitutions  for  American  States,  and  the  pre 
eminent  fitness  and  ability  required,  the  presence  of 
Andrew  G.  Curtin  in  the  Fourth  Constitutional  Conven 
tion  of  Pennsylvania  was  natural  and  to  be  expected. 
For  years  in  his  earlier  life  he  had  been  an  active  and 
successful  jury  lawyer  in  his  native  and  surrounding 
counties  in  the  central  part  of  the  State,  which  had 
supplied  Huston  and  Burnside  and  Woodward  and  other 
eminent  jurists  to  the  judicial  history  of  Pennsylvania. 
He  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  and 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  489 

ex-officio  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools  under 
Governor  Pollock,  from  1855  to  1858,  then  Governor 
from  1861  to  1867,  a  most  historic  period  ;  then  followed 
his  creditable  service  as  Minister  to  Russia.  His  per 
sonal  and  official  experience  then  made  him  familiar 
with  the  condition  of  the  people  and  the  requirements 
of  a  written  constitution.  Pennsylvania,  although  one 
of  the  original  thirteen  States,  with  the  halo  of  Inde 
pendence  Hall  about  her,  and  alive  to  the  progress  and 
necessities  of  the  times,  has  always  been  cautious  and 
conservative.  In  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  years 
since  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
only  four  constitutional  conventions  have  been  held  in 
her  borders.  The  one  in  1776,  while  composed  of 
eminent  citizens,  was  somewhat  tentative  in  its  pro 
visions,  as  our  system  was  then  in  a  chrysalis  state. 
The  Convention  of  1 790,  held  after  our  National  Constitu 
tion  was  adopted,  being  more  pronounced  in  its  results, 
has  been,  really,  the  basis  of  our  two  subsequent  consti 
tutions  in  its  fundamental  principles,  and  had  in  its 
membership  our  then  most  experienced  and  patriotic 
citizens.  The  Convention  of  1838,  the  third  in  our 
history,  was  composed  of  many  able  and  learned  men 
with  much  practical  business  capacity.  The  "  great 
commoner,"  Thaddeus  Stevens,  was  there  as  a  leader  of 
the  most  experienced  political  thought  of  the  time. 
That  convention  made  radical  changes,  and  the  consti 
tution  it  framed,  though  subsequently,  in  many  particu 
lars,  specially  amended,  supplied  a  reasonably  safe  gov 
ernment  for  near  forty  years,  during  a  period  when  the 
population  of  the  commonwealth  increased  from  a 
million  and  three-quarters,  when  it  was  adopted,  to  four 
millions  when  the  Fourth  Constitutional  Convention  met 


490  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

and  made  what  is  known  as  the  Constitution  of  1874. 
This,  as  our  present  constitution,  is  a  study  in  itself. 
While  it  has  some  errors,  it  is  submitted,  it  is  the  most 
complete  of  all  the  American  constitutions.  The  con 
vention  that  framed  it  was  the  outgrowth  of  a  public 
sentiment.  While  the  earlier  constitutions,  or  the  debates 
of  the  conventions  forming  them  disclose,  were  cautious 
of  constitutional  restrictions  on  the  legislative  power, 
the  pendulum  of  public  opinion  in  1872,  however,  swung 
in  a  different  direction.  The  people  and  business  inter 
ests  asked  to  be  protected  from  the  disturbing  ills  of 
special  and  local  legislation.  The  unlimited  power  to 
pardon  by  the  Governor  had  brought  torment  and  scandal 
to  the  Executive  Department.  The  judicial  system  did 
not  meet  the  growing  necessities  of  different  localities. 
The  purity  of  the  ballot-box  was  often  flagrantly  invaded 
and  the  growth  of  corporate  power  was  exciting  discon 
tent.  These  and  kindred  questions  made  a  popular 
demand  for  the  ablest,  best  and  purest  thought  of  the 
State,  familiar  with  the  necessities  of  the  hour,  to  meet 
in  convention  and  formulate  in  detail  such  a  constitution 
as  would  protect  the  people  from  the  incautious  legisla 
tion  of  their  own  representatives  and  rescue  the  good 
name  of  the  commonwealth  from  the  scandal  of  the 
time.  The  personnel  of  this  body  cannot  pass  here  in 
review.  The  purpose  of  this  article  will  not  allow  such 
detail. 

It  is  due,  however,  to  the  history  of  constitutional 
conventions  to  pause  a  moment  here  to  remark  that  no 
abler  or  more  competent  convention,  for  the  special 
duties  required,  ever  sat  in  any  of  our  States  to  formu 
late  a  constitution.  The  convention  that  met  in  Phila 
delphia  in  1787,  over  which  George  Washington  presided, 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  491 

to  form  the  National  Constitution,  was  illumined  and  led 
by  the  great  men  of  the  time,  who  with  original  thought 
and  patriotic  purpose  gave  us  the  constitution  the  world 
to-day  admires.  While  such  historic  names  were  not  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Convention  of  1872-73,  yet  it  brought 
to  its  assemblage  industry,  learning,  patriotism,  legisla 
tive  experience,  judicial  deliberation  and  fairness  with 
business  thought  and  integrity  for  its  important  work. 

There  were  in  it  three  survivors  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1838 — William  M.  Meredith,  William 
Darlington  and  S.  A.  Purviance — all  eminent  lawyers. 

Many  of  its  members  had  held  high  place  in  State  and 
nation.  Meredith,  who  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  and  peerless  in  his  profession,  and  long  time  Attor 
ney-General  of  Pennsylvania,  was  there  from  Philadel 
phia,  and  with  him  were  Biddle,  the  nestor  of  the  bar, 
and  Henry  C.  Carey,  whose  economic  thoughts  were  text 
books  in  many  schools  and  languages,  and  Cassidy,  and 
Cuyler  and  Gowen,  with  other  fitting  representatives  of 
the  bar  and  business  of  that  great  city.  Black  and 
Woodward  had  both  been  Chief  Justices  ;  while  Black 
had  also  been  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States ; 
MacVeagh  subsequently  became  such.  And  Dimmock 
and  Cassidy  and  Lear  and  Palmer,  all  afterward  became 
Attorneys-General  of  Pennsylvania.  Green  and  Clark 
were  soon  called  to  adorn  the  Supreme  bench  of  the 
State ;  while  Baer,  of  Somerset ;  Church,  of  Crawford  ; 
Corbett,  of  Clarion  ;  Kwing  and  White,  of  Allegheny  ; 
Gibson,  of  York  ;  Hemphill,  of  Chester ;  Landis,  of 
Blair  ;  McClean,  of  Adams  ;  Metzgar,  of  Lycoining ; 
Patterson,  of  Lancaster,  and  Stewart,  of  Franklin,  have 
each  subsequently  dignified  the  bench  of  their  respective 
districts  ;  and  Hanna  has  been  elected  again  and  again 


492  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

as  President  Judge  of  the  Orphans'  Court  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  Dallas  now  sits  on  the  Circuit  bench  of  the 
United  States  Court.  Buckalew,  with  clear  head  and 
pure  purpose,  had  much  legislative  experience  in  Penn 
sylvania  and  the  United  States  Senate  ;  and  Walker,  of 
Erie  ;  Niles,  of  Tioga  ;  Purman,  of  Greene  ;  Mann,  of 
Potter,  with  thirty  others  with  them,  had  been  trained 
in  practical  legislation  by  long  and  useful  service  in  the 
different  branches  of  the  Legislature.  Armstrong,  and 
Lawrence,  and  Broomall,  and  McCulloch,and  S.  A.  Purvi- 
ance  had  each  been  members  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  Bigler,  who  came  in  to  fill  a  vacancy, 
had  been  Governor  and  United  States  Senator.  To 
these  indeed  could  be  added  the  names  of  the  other 
representatives  of  the  business  thought  and  necessities  of 
the  different  interests  and  localities  of  the  common 
wealth,  who  brought  their  contribution  of  practical  ser 
vice  to  the  important  work.  It  was  a  rare  assemblage 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  citizens  of  the  common 
wealth,  all  animated  by  high  and  patriotic  purpose. 
But  fifty-two  of  them  now  survive. 

In  such  a  membership  Curtin  soon  took  a  conspicuous 
position.  Although  long  in  public  life,  this  was  his  first 
appearance  in  any  legislative  body.  He  had  always 
been  a  Whig  and  a  Republican  in  politics,  yet  he  came 
into  the  convention  elected  as  a  delegate-at-large  011  the 
Democratic  State  ticket.  As  a  result  of  some  political 
complications  of  the  time,  by  a  coincidence,  ex-Governor 
Bigler,  on  the  regular  Democratic  State  ticket  as  a  dele 
gate-at-large,  withdrew  so  that  ex-Governor  Curtin,  a 
Republican  successor  on  his  return  from  Russia,  could  be 
nominated  in  his  stead.  There  were  in  the  convention 
many  of  Curtin's  old  devoted  Republican  friends,  and 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  493 

while  mere  partisanship  there  was  rarely  regarded,  yet  in 
the  earlier  days  of  the  convention  there  was  a  period  of 
estrangement  between  him  and  his  old  friendships  which 
soon  disappeared.  His  old  associates  thought  that  he 
had  been  too  long  a  Republican  to  make  a  real  Democrat, 
but  that  social  attraction  and  personal  magnetism  he 
always  possessed  soon  drew  his  old  friendships  about 
him,  and  it  was  not  long  till  he  became  personally  the 
most  popular  man  in  the  convention. 

Many  a  time  and  oft  the  tedious  hour  of  business 
routine  or  detail  debate  was  enlivened  by  the  witty  re 
mark,  pungent  story  or  pathetic  reminiscence  of  Curtin, 
either  to  a  coterie  of  friends  in  the  committee  room  or 
on  the  floor  of  the  convention. 

By  common  consent,  as  a  tribute  to  his  membership  of 
the  Convention  of  1838,  his  eminence  as  a  citizen  and 
ability  as  a  lawyer,  William  M.  Meredith  was  unani 
mously  elected  president  of  the  convention.  He  had 
been  the  Attorney-General  all  through  Curtin's  adminis 
tration,  was  a  decided  Republican  and  elected  as  such  as 
a  delegate-at-large.  With  Curtin  on  the  floor,  elected  as 
a  Democrat,  and  his  late  Attorney-General,  are  presenta- 
tive  Republican,  president  of  the  convention,  with  the 
power  to  appoint  the  chairmen  of  the  committees  that 
would  frame  and  lead  the  important  work  of  the  body, 
there  was  an  unexpressed  wonder,  what  Mr.  Meredith 
would  do  with  his  former  executive  chief.  There  being 
a  decided  Republican  majority,  elected  by  the  ordinarily 
recognized  party  machinery,  the  chairmanship  of  all  the 
important  committees,  by  parliamentary  usage,  belonged 
to  the  majority  members.  When  the  committees  were 
announced,  Curtin  was  the  chairman  "  on  the  Executive 
Department/'  .  While  the  mere  partisan  would  have 


494  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

criticised  this  selection  and  claimed  the  honor  for  one  of 
the  majority,  yet  not  a  voice  of  disapproval  came  from  a 
delegate.  Some  needed  reforms  in  the  Executive  Depart 
ment  required  experience,  thoughtful  care,  ability  and 
personal  popularity  on  the  floor  to  lead  in  their  adoption. 
The  just  sense  of  the  convention  looked  at  once  to 
him,  who  had  been  the  Governor  in  the  most  trying 
period  of  the  country,  as  the  man  for  the  place  and  the 
hour. 

Indeed,  in  a  body  whose  members  were  elected  on 
party  lines,  in  a  time  of  great  excitement,  stimulated  by 
much  of  the  bitterness  of  the  war  so  fresh  in  the  recol 
lection  of  all  the  people,  there  was  little,  if  any,  mere 
partisan  feeling  among  the  delegates  in  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  of  1872-73.  And  when  Curtin  was 
made  chairman  of  one  of  the  most  important  commit 
tees  all  the  delegates  approved  the  selection. 

While  the  ex-Governor  was  personally  and  socially 
one  of  the  most  popular  men  of  the  convention,  yet  he 
soon  became  one  of  its  active  working  members.  The 
duties  of  the  governor  of  a  great  State  had  necessarily 
withdrawn  his  mind  from  that  studential  attention  to 
the  detail  work  of  framing  sections  and  provisions,  either 
in  statutes  or  constitutions. 

Although  the  convention  met  for  organization  Novem 
ber  12,  1872,  yet  the  real  work  did  not  begin  till  after 
the  holidays  in  January,  1873  ;  and  February  21,  1873, 
the  chairman  on  the  Executive  Department  submitted 
the  completed  report  of  his  committee.  In  it  were 
many  radical  changes  to  meet  required  reforms.  That 
few  changes  were  made  by  the  convention  on  this 
important  article,  as  originally  reported,  attests  the  care 
with  which  it  was  prepared.  While  it  would  be  tedious 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  495 

to  pause  for  the  discussion,  in  detail,  of  this  report,  yet 
the  more  material  practical  changes  created  were  the 
extension  of  the  executive  term  to  four  years  and  mak 
ing  an  incumbent  ineligible  to  immediately  succeed 
himself ;  the  creation  of  a  lieutenant  governor  to  avoid 
threatened  confusion  in  the  succession  in  case  of  vacancy 
in  the  executive  office,  and  also  to  establish  the  principle 
that  the  Senate  is  a  continuous  bod}- ;  the  creation  of  a 
Board  of  Pardons,  thus  relieving  the  governor  of  that 
hitherto  prolific  source  of  torment  and  scandal,  and  the 
authority  to  veto  special  items  in  appropriation  bills. 
While  other  material  provisions  regulating  the  Execu 
tive  Department  were  embraced  in  the  article  reported, 
they  were  all  to  meet  necessities  experience  had  devel 
oped,  and  were  effectively  supported  by  Governor  Curtin 
as  the  chairman  and  leader  of  the  committee.  The 
thinking  people  of  the  commonwealth  to-day  approve 
the  changes  made  and  regard  them  as  reforms  time  had 
required.  But  the  Governor  did  not  confine  his  thoughtful 
care  alone  to  the  preparation  and  discussion  of  the  report 
of  his  committee.  As  the  published  debates  develop, 
he  was  heard  often  in  persuasive  voice  in  many  of  the 
important  discussions  of  the  body.  Among  the  people 
and  soldiers  of  the  commonwealth  Curtin  is  known  and 
will  pass  down  in  the  traditions  of  the  future  as  "  Penn 
sylvania's  War  Governor."  As  a  member  of  the  con 
vention  he  never  forgot  the  friendship  and  love  he 
formed  for  the  men  who  wore  the  blue,  when,  from  time 
to  time,  under  the  law  as  the  Governor  of  the  Common 
wealth,  he  presented  the  flags  to  the  different  regiments 
as  they  went  to  the  front.  Of  all  the  members  of  the 
convention,  he  was  the  first  to  recall  that  a  Decoration 
Day  was  approaching  during  the  sittings  of  the  body, 


496  ANDREW  G.   CUR  TIN. 

and  instantly  wrote  and  presented  a  "suitable  resolution 
for  the  occasion. 

When  the  article  on  legislation,  which  contains  many 
restrictions  on  the  power  of  the  Legislature  to  make 
appropriations,  was  being  discussed,  it  was  conceived  the 
restrictions  might  embarrass  appropriations  for  the  relief 
of  the  soldiers'  widows  and  orphans.  The  Governor 
promptly  recalled  the  pledge  he  gave  from  time  to  time 
with  dramatic  utterance  for  Pennsylvania  as  he  presented 
the  flags  to  the  different  regiments  as  they  went  to  the 
field,  "  that  those  who  fell  in  its  defence  would  not  be 
forgotten,  but  the  commonwealth  would  care  for  the 
widow  and  the  orphan  as  the  wards  of  the  State."  He 
hence  prepared  and  submitted  a  section  to  relieve  the 
doubt :  "  The  Legislature  may  make  appropriations  of 
money  to  institutions  where  the  widows  of  soldiers 
are  supported  or  assisted,  or  where  the  orphans  of  sol 
diers  are  maintained  and  educated."  And  it  became 
part  of  the  constitution.  While  an  exciting  discussion 
resulted,  the  objection  being  made  that  this  might  open 
the  door  to  such  appropriations  indefinitely,  the  Gov 
ernor,  with  earnest  yet  sincere  manner,  came  to  the  sup 
port  with  the  reply  : 

"  Well,  I  say,  open  the  door  as  wide  as  you  can  open 
it,  and  let  it  stand  open.  I  would  put  the  orphan  of  a 
dead  man  who  died  for  my  country  anywhere  that  I 
could  have  him  supported  rather  than  let  him  be  a  vag 
abond  on  the  streets." 

This  sentiment  was  delivered  with  such  emphatic  and 
eloquent  utterance  that  the  sedate  and  dignified  delegates 
broke  forth  in  earnest  applause.  Curtin  never  forgot 
the  debt  of  gratitude  the  country  owes  the  men  who 
carried  the  flag,  and  an  inscription  over  his  grave  in  his 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  497 

native  mountain  home,  "  Here  lies  the  soldiers'  friend,'' 
would  be  a  just  and  honest  tribute  to  a  devoted  and  con 
sistent  sentiment  of  his  life. 

In  the  convention  Curtin  more  than  once  grew  restive 
and  impatient  at  the  constitutional  restraints  to  be  imposed 
upon  the  Legislature.  He  was  trained  in  the  old  school 
and  inherited  an  implicit  trust  in  the  people  and  their 
fitness  to  select  the  proper  representatives  who  could  be 
defeated  and  rebuked,  if  faithless  to  their  constituents. 
In  this  connection,  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  student 
of  the  history  of  our  constitutions  will  discover  a  marked 
contrast  between  the  debates  and  efforts  about  the  legis 
lative  department  of  the  earlier  conventions  and  the 
more  recent  ones.  In  the  former,  any  attempt  to  restrict 
the  legislative  power  was  resented  with  jealous  care  of 
popular  rights  and  as  an  invasion  of  the  people's  privi 
leges,  while  in  the  latter  the  effort  has  been  to  protect 
the  people  from  their  own  representatives  by  careful 
restraints.  While  Curtin  admitted  the  want  of  confidence 
in  the  legislative  department  had  called  the  convention 
into  existence,  yet  he  thought  the  true  remedy  was  the 
increase  of  members.  In  this  he  was  supported  by  Mr. 
Meredith,  who  said  to  the  writer,  during  the  discussion, 
that  the  true  remedy  would  be  an  increase  of  the  lower 
branch  to,  at  least,  six  hundred  members.  And,  indeed, 
the  membership  of  the  lower  House  of  the  Legislature 
gave  the  convention  hours,  days  and  weeks  of  debate. 
On  motion  of  Judge  Woodward  it  was  referred  to  a 
special  committee  of  nine — Woodward,  MacVeagh,  J. 
Price  Wetherill,  Bowman,  Harry  White,  Hall,  Buckalew, 
Turrell  and  D.  N.  White.  The  matter  was  committed, 
by  the  balance  of  the  committee,  to  Mr.  Buckalew  and 
Mr.  Harry  White,  who  formulated  a  plan  which  was 
32 


498  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

• 

accepted  by  the  committee  and  reported  to  the  conven 
tion.  This  plan  was  to  allow  a  representative  to  each 
county,  then  secure  a  ratio  for  the  balance  by  divid 
ing  the  whole  population  of  the  State  by  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  after  each  decennial  census  qf  the  United  States. 
This  would  have  secured,  under  the  first  apportionment, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  members,  Governor  Curtin,  how 
ever,  following  his  desire  for  the  largest  membership  and 
also  that  his  county  of  Centre  should  have  an  additional 
member,  moved  to  strike  out  the  division  of  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  and  insert  two  hundred.  This  motion 
prevailed  and  fixed  the  rule  for  a  ratio.  By  a  coinci 
dence  of  arithmetic  this  increased  the  membership  by 
the  same  number  the  division  was  increased.  The 
divisor  of  150  gave  150  members,  increased  to  200  it 
gave  200  members.  This  increased  number  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  came-  then,  from  Curtin's 
devotion  to  the  idea  for  a  more  numerous  membership 
to  reform  legislative  abuses. 

While  this,  by  many,  if  not  the  majority  of  the  con 
vention,  was  not  conceived  to  be  the  remedy,  yet  it 
must  be  admitted  the  limitations  upon  the  Legislature, 
by  abolishing,  practically,  local  and  special  legislation, 
as  the  constitution  now  does,  and  allowing  Legislation 
only  of  a  general  character,  has  not  brought  to  the  Legis 
lature  generally  the  strongest  men  of  the  State.  It  was 
hoped  it  would  do  this. 

But  the  discussion  of  this  question  was  more  earnest 
perhaps  than  that  of  any  other  proposition  before  the 
convention.  While  the  writer  had  the  honor  to  be  chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Legislation,  which  framed 
the  third  article  of  the  constitution  that  relates  to  the 
powers  of  the  Legislature,  and  had  charge  of  it  through 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  499 

the  convention,  we  observed  most  closely  all  the  debates 
about  it.  The  late  Judge  Black  was  one  of  the  most 
earnest  advocates  of  strict  limitations  on  legislative 
power,  while  Governor  Curtin  had  more  confidence  in  the 
Legislature,  and  hesitated  about  imposing  so  many  re 
strictions.  More  than  once  Judge  Black  and  he  collided 
in  debate  on  this  question.  One  occasion  of  their 
earnest  yet  friendly  antagonism  on  it  entertained  and 
amused  the  convention  very  much.  It  was  a  warm 
summer's  day  in  June,  1873,  and  the  debate  had  been 
rather  tedious,  when  Judge  Black  assailed  in  vigorous 
manner  nominating  conventions  and  legislatures  with 
some  severe  thrusts  at  Cur  tin's  position.  To  this  the 
Governor  replied  at  length  with  Judge  Black  sitting  in 
front  of  him  as  a  careful  auditor.  Looking  the  Judge 
pleasantly  in  the  face  and  in  manner  peculiar  to  Curtin, 
he  said,  among  other  things :  "  He  is  a  lawyer  and  a 
great  lawyer  ;  and  as  a  Pennsylvanian  I  am  proud  to  ac 
knowledge  and  admit  that  the  leader  of  the  American 
Bar  is  a  Pennsylvanian But  when  a  dis 
tinguished  and  learned  lawyer  has  so  much  knowledge 
he  is  sometimes  a  little  dangerous.  There  is  too  much 
in  his  head  for  the  practical  affairs  of  life.  He  grew  up 
amid  the  frosty  sons  of  thunder  in  Somerset  County,  and 
when  he  had  grown  to  be  a  boy,  a  big  boy,  a  great  big 
boy,  he  was  put  on  the  bench  too  early  in  life.  Ten 
years  of  experience  in  the  practical  affairs  of  humanity 
would  have  made  him  a  stronger  and  a  wiser  man.  He 
was  separated  from  the  body  of  the  people,  their  busi 
ness,  their  interests  and  pursuits  ;  and  all  the  time  the 
great  storehouse  above  his  shoulders  was  getting  fuller 
and  fuller  of  knowledge,  until  he  knew  everything  in 
the  range  of  human  knowledge,  except  what  is  practical 


500  ANDREW  G.  CURTIN. 

9 
and  useful.      I  say  this  with  all  respect  to  my  learned 

friend  and  with  the  kindest  feeling,  as  you  have  no 
warmer  friend  than  I  in  Pennsylvania."  While  Judge 
Black  was  always  able  to  take  care  of  himself  and  all 
the  delegates  admired,  respected  and  liked  him,  yet  the 
contest,  springing  up  so  suddenly  and  yet  so  good-natur 
edly,  was  an  episode  in  the  proceedings  amusing  to  all. 
When  the  convention  adjourned  that  day  Judge  Black 
came  to  the  seat  of  the  writer,  and  with  that  friendship 
he  had  always  shown,  said  :  u  That  speech  of  Curtin 
annoyed  me  very  much,  for  if  there  is  one  thing  above 
another  I  have  always  possessed  and  been  proud  of  it 
is  what  the  world  calls,  in  common  parlance,  strong 
horse,  common  sense."  With  the  assurance  that  the 
piquancy  of  the  little  passage-at-arms  and  the  high  re 
spect  all  the  delegates  had  for  both  of  them,  the  incident 
passed  away  with  no  unpleasant  memories  behind. 

It  would  be  tedious,  however,  to  follow  the  Governor 
in  detail  in  all  the  distinguished  prominence  he  obtained 
in  that  historical  convention.  He  was  a  conspicuous 
character  in  its  membership,  both  in  debate  and  much 
detail  work,  and  left  the  impress  of  his  labor  on  the 
constitution  as  it  was  finally  adopted  and  exists  to-day. 
Throughout  his  subsequent  career  he  spoke  with  satis 
faction  and  pleasure  of  his  experience  and  associations 
there. 

Annually,  for  several  years,  the  surviving  members 
met  in  social  reunion  at  different  places  in  the  State  to 
recall  old  memories  and  pay  proper  respect  to  those  of 
their  colleagues  who  were  so  frequently  paying  the  great 
debt  of  nature.  Governor  Curtin,  during  his  life,  was 
always  there.  The  last  meeting  was  several  years  ago 
in  Philadelphia.  After  an  agreeable  and  sprightly 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  501 

interchange  of  views,  those  in  attendance  had  gathered 
around  the  dining  table  and  were  about  to  be  seated 
when  the  Governor  observingly  said,  "  Are  you  super 
stitious,  gentlemen  ;  I  see  there  are  but  thirteen  of  us 
here  ;  "  recalling  that  old  superstition  that  thirteen  sitting 
down  to  a  table  one  of  the  number  would  be  dead  before 
a  year  passed.  Some  thoughtless  reply  was  made  and  the 
incident  passed  without  thought  until  it  was  recalled  to 
the  mind  of  all  present  by  the  announcement  of  the 
sudden  death,  some  nine  months  after,  of  the  late  Hon.  J. 
Price  Wetherill,  one  of  the  thirteen. 

When  later  on  the  few  survivors  of  that  convention 
meet  to  take  a  retrospect  of  their  work  and  its  results  on 
the  commonwealth  all  of  them  tried  well  to  serve,  the  one 
absent  member  that  all  respected  highly  and  loved  so 
much  will  be  Andrew  G.  Curtin. 


At  Harrisburg,  the  capital  of  Pennsylvania,  are  col 
lected  all  the  flags  that  were  carried  by  the  different 
regiments  that  went  from  the  State  in  the  War  of  the 
Rebellion,  except  such  as  were  destroyed  by  the  enemy. 
Arranged  as  they  are  in  the  capital  building  they  make 
a  most  entertaining  museum  in  their  battle-scarred  con 
dition.  It  will  be  observed  that  each  Pennsylvania 
regiment  carried  two  flags,  one  given  by  the  general 
government  when  the  regiment  was  organized  and  mus 
tered  in,  the  other  by  the  Governor  of  the  State,  on 
which  was  also  the  State  coat  of  arms.  After  Sumter 
was  fired  on  and  Mr.  Lincoln  called  for  troops,  the  sur 
vivors,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincin 
nati  sent  to  the  Governor  $500  to  be  used  in  arming 
and  equipping  the  volunteer  regiments  from  the  State. 

Governor  Curtin,  by  special  message,  submitted  the 
matter  to  the  Legislature.  May  16,  1861,  it  was  pro 
vided  by  joint  resolution  that  the  Governor  should 
ascertain  how  the  several  regiments,  raised  in  Pennsyl 
vania  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  the  War  of  1812 
and  the  Mexican  War  were  numbered,  among  what 
divisions  distributed  and  where  they  severally  distin 
guished  themselves  in  action.  That  having  ascertained 
this  he  shall  procure  regimental  standards,  to  be  inscribed 
with  the  numbers  respectively,  in  which  shall  be  painted 
the  arms  of  the  commonwealth,  and  the  actions  in 
which  such  regiments  distinguished  themselves.  The 

(502) 


THE  STATE  FLAGS.  505 

flags  so  inscribed  to  be  delivered  to  the  regiments  then 
in  the  field  or  forming,  bearing  the  regimental  numbers 
corresponding  to  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  in  former 
wars.  Authority  was  also  given  him  to  procure  flags 
for  all  the  regiments  from  the  State  beyond  the  number 
in  former  wars,  on  which  should  also  be  placed  the  com 
monwealth's  coat-of-arms.  These  flags  to  be  presented  by 
the  Governor  to  the  different  regiments.  All  these  flags 
to  be  returned  when  the  Rebellion  was  ended,  to  be  fur 
ther  inscribed  as  the  valor  and  service  of  each  regiment 
deserved,  and  to  be  carefully  preserved  by  the  State  to  be 
delivered  to  future  regiments  as  the  military  necessities 
of  the  country  may  require  Pennsylvania  to  raise. 

The  first  ceremony  of  flag  presentation  under  this 
authority  took  place  on  the  tenth  of  September,  1861, 
at  Tennallytown,  Maryland.  What  became  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  was  then  located  there.  The  occasion 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  army.  President 
Lincoln  was  there  with  Simon  Cameron,  then  Secretary 
of  War.  General  McClellan,  then  commanding  the 
army,  with  Staff  General  Butler  and  many  other  promi 
nent  soldiers,  was  present.  When  proper  disposition 
was  made  of  the  troops,  so  that  all  could  hear,  Governor 
Curtin,  with  the  eyes  of  the  army  upon  him,  formally 
handed  to  the  commander  of  each  regiment  the  appro 
priate  colors.  His  eloquent  and  feeling  words  were 
always  remembered  by  the  soldiers  who  heard  him.  In 
the  course  of  his  speech  he  said  : 

"  The  remnant  of  the  descendants  of  the  heroes  and 
sages  of  the  Revolution  in  the  Keystone  State,  known 
as  the  Cincinnati  Society,  presented  me  with  a  sum  of 
money  to  arm  and  equip  the  volunteers  of  Pennsylvania, 
who  might  go  into  the  public  service  in  the  present 


506  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

exigency.  I  referred  the  subject  to  the  Legislature. 
They  instructed  me  to  make  these  flags  and  pay  for 
them  with  the  money  of  the  Cincinnati  Society.  I  have 
placed  in  the  centre  of  the  azure  field  the  coat-of-arms 
of  your  great  and  glorious  State  and  around  it  a  bright 
galaxy  of  stars.  I  give  these  flags  to  you  to-day  and  I 
know  you  will  carry  them  wherever  you  appear  in  honor 
and  that  the  credit  of  your  State  will  never  suffer  at 
your  hands. 

**;£**# 

"  God  is  for  the  truth  and  the  right.  Stand  by  your 
colors  my  friends,  this  day  delivered  to  you,  and  the 
right  will  prevail.  I  present  to  you,  to-day,  as  the  rep 
resentative  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  these  beauti 
ful  colors.  I  place  in  your  hands  the  honor  of  your 
State.  Thousands  of  your  fellow-citizens  at  home  look 
to  you  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  your  great  State.  If 
you  fail,  hearts  and  homes  will  be  made  desolate.  If  you 
succeed,  thousands  of  Pennsylvanians  will  rejoice  over 
your  success  and  on  your  return  you  will  be  hailed  as  the 
heroes  who  have  gone  forth  to  battle  for  the  right.  They 
follow  you  with  their  prayers.  They  look  to  you  to  vin 
dicate  a  great  government,  to  sustain  legitimate  power 
and  to  crush  out  rebellion.  Thousands  of  your  friends 
in  Pennsylvania  know  of  these  flags  to-day  and  I  am  sure 
that  I  am  authorized  to  say  their  blessing  is  upon  you. 
May  the  God  of  battles,  in  His  wisdom,  protect  your  lives, 
and  may  right,  truth  and  justice  prevail!" 

Similar  ceremonies  were  had  as  the  calls  for  soldiers 
were  repeated  and  regiment  after  regiment  wrent  to  the 
front. 

When  the  war  was  over  and  the  Legislature  had  assem 
bled  in  1866,  Governor  Curtin  took  initiatory  steps  to 


THE  STATE  FLAGS.  507 

secure  the  return  of  the  flags  in  formal  and  appropriate 
manner.  He  desired  the  co-operation  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  State  and  made  it  an  eventful  and  impressive  occasion. 
For  this  purpose  he  called  together,  for  consultation,  the 
soldier  members  of  the  Legislature,  and  they  organized 
themselves  into  a  committee  for  the  purpose  and  selected 
General  Harry  White,  then  Senator  from  the  Indiana 
District,  as  their  chairman,  with  authority  to  increase 
the  committee  by  appointing  representative  soldiers  from 
different  parts  of  the  commonwealth  as  additional  mem 
bers.  On  this  committee  General  White  appointed 
the  most  prominent  and  well-known  soldiers  of  the 
State,  and  to  them  was  entrusted  the  management  and 
control  of  the  entire  ceremony.  The  Legislature  appro 
priated  five  thousand  dollars  and  the  Councils  of  Phila 
delphia  an  additional  amount  to  defray  necessary  expenses. 

The  committee  met  first  on  the  twelfth  of  May,  1866,  in 
the  Council  Chamber  in  the  old  City  Hall,  Philadelphia, 
with  Governor  Curtin  and  Morton  McMichael,  then 
Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  present.  At  the  meeting,  the 
fourth  of  July,  1866,  was  designated  as  the  time  and 
Independence  Square,  Philadelphia,  as  the  place  for  the 
formal  return  of  the  flags  to  the  State. 

Provision  was  made  for  an  assemblage  of  the  soldiers 
from  Pennsylvania — indeed,  for  soldiers  from  all  over  the 
country — to  come  and  be  part  of  this  historic  event. 

Major  General  Hancock  was  given  and  accepted  com 
mand  of  all  the  soldiers  who  were  and  did  participate  in  the 
great  parade,  with  Major  Generals  Negley,  Robert  Patter 
son,  S.  W.  Crawford,  John  W.  Geary  and  D.  McM.  Gregg 
and  Brigadier  Generals  Charles  T.  Campbell  and  John 
R.  Brooke,  commanding  the  different  divisions  of  the 
magnificent  pageant. 


508  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

% 

General  Grant  with  staff  was  there,  and  many  distin 
guished  soldiers  as  invited  guests.  Major-General  Meade, 
Pennsylvania's  most  prominent  soldier,  was  selected  to 
present  the  flags  with  appropriate  speech,  and  General 
White  to  call  the  assembly  together  at  the  end  of  the 
parade,  with  brief  explanation  of  the  object  of  the  cere 
mony  in  Independence  Square.  This  was  a  historic  day 
in  Philadelphia.  The  streets  in  daylight  were  decorated 
with  every  patriotic  device,  and  at  night  there  was  a 
general  illumination  in  honor  of  the  great  occasion. 
When  the  parade  was  completed  by  an  extended  line  of 
march  to  Independence  Square,  where  the  old  color- 
bearers  carrying  the  tattered  flags  brought  and  held 
them  around  the  platform,  erected  near  the  centre  of  the 
square  for  the  purpose,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  thous 
ands  assembled,  General  Harry  White  came  to  the  front 
and  inaugurated  the  ceremony  of  the  flag-return  in  the 
following  manner  : 

"  This  assembly  will  now  come  to  order. 

Soldiers,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  You  have  come  this  day  to  this 
place,  under  the  shadow  of  immortal  memories,  to  witness  and  aid 
to  perform  the  last  scene  of  the  long  series  of  historic  actions  in 
which  Pennsylvania  citizens  bore  a  part  so  conspicuous,  so  eminent, 
so  heroic.  Those  war-worn  banners  to-day  return  to  the  government 
of  this  great  commonwealth.  [Applause.  ]  Through  four  years  of 
fierce  war's  changing  fortunes,  faithful,  brave  men  bore  them,  one 
by  one,  from  our  State.  They  went  out  against  the  armed  hosts  of 
treason  and  rebellion,  proudly,  defiantly;  with  flaming  folds  sym 
bolizing  the  nation's  unity  and  integrity.  They  come  back  tattered, 
torn  in  shreds,  with  immortal  honors  circling  about  them.  These 
flags  have  been  gathered  up  from  the  storm  of  battle.  There  they 
are.  They  speak  most  eloquent  stories.  [Applause.]  Our  children's 
children  may  read  in  them  the  lesson  of  a  most  anxious,  yet  most 
glorious  time.  [Applause.  ]  Faded,  shot-torn,  cannon-scorched,  they 
blaze  in  imperishable  renown.  They  are  again  in  the  hands  of  the 
heroes,  whose  spirits  they  so  often  inspired  in  the  rapture  of. strife 
and  the  fire  of  battle. 


THE  STATE  FLAGS.  509 

The  scarred,  war-worn  veterans,  who  have  been  "  bound  up  with 
victorious  wreaths,  "  now  hold  them.  We  now  propose  that  here  at 
this  great  anniversary,  in  the  presence  of  authority,  in  the  presence 
of  these  intelligent,  patriotic  people,  in  the  presence  of  the  sacred 
memories  of  Independence  Hall,  that  one  of  Pennsylvania's  greatest 
soldiers,  one  whom  wo  all  delight  tohonorshall,  with  formal  ceremony, 
in  behalf  of  the  soldiers  who  carried  and  followed  them,  present 
these  little  less  than  holy  relics  to  the  Chief  Executive,  who,  with 
clear  head  and  patriotic  heart  through  years  of  trial,  of  suffering 
and  of  war,  so  acceptably  governed  the  commonwealth,  to  be  by  him 
placed  among  the  archives  of  honor.  [Applause.]  When  thus  placed 
these  splintered  staves,  these  familiar  flags,  weather-beaten  and 
blood-baptized,  will  be  "  sacred  shrines — shrines  to  no  creed  or  sect 
confined,  "  around  which  will  continually  cluster  the  venerated  mem 
ories  of  the  brave  dead,  at  which  the  heroic  living  may  always  render 
acceptable  offering.  We  now  and  here  propose  no  idle  ceremony. 

Citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  soldiers  of  the  nation!  I  congratulate 
you  that  you  celebrate  this  great  event.  [Applause.  ]  Let  us  all 
rejoice — let  the  whole  land  be  glad  in  its  spring-like  beauty,  for  it 
rests  in  the  pure  light  of  a  conquered  peace. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Brainerd  then  offered  most  fervent 
prayer  and  thanksgiving  for  the  return  of  peace  and  a 
restored  Union. 

Major-General  Meade  then,  taking  one  of  the  flags, 
presented  it  with  the  rest  to  Governor  Cnrtin,  in  a  brief 
but  eloquent  and  patriot  address. 

Governor  Curtin  then  taking  the  flag  accepted  them 
all  with  the  following  speech  : 

General  and  Soldiers  of  Pennsylvania:  Soon  after  the  commence 
ment  of  the  late  rebellion  the  Cincinnati  Society  of  Pennsylvania 
presented  to  the  Governor  of  the  State  a  sum  of  money,  which  they 
asked  to  be  used  in  the  equipment  of  volunteers.  The  sum  was  too 
small  to  be  of  material  service  in  that  respect,  and  the  subject 
having  been  presented  to  the  Legislature,  an  act  was  passed  di 
recting  the  governor  to  use  the  money,  and  whatever  additional 
sums  were  necessary,  to  procure  flags  to  be  carried  by  Pennsylvania 
regiments  during  the  war;  and  with  a  wise  provision  that  the  flags 
should  be  returned  to  the  State  at  the  close  of  their  service,  with 
proper  inscriptions,  to  be  made  archives  of  the  commonwealth. 

The  ceremony  of  the  return  of    these  flags  was   delayed   until  all 


510  ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

% 

the  regiments  in  the  service  from  Pennsylvania  had  been  mustered 
out,  and  to-day,  surrounded  by  your  fellow-citizens,  and  in  the  pres 
ence  of  high  officials  of  the  national  government,  of  governors  and 
officials  of  sister  States,  of  distinguished  soldiers  of  other  States, 
and  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  the  representa 
tives  of  the  government  of  this  commonwealth;  more  than  two  hun 
dred  of  these  emblems  of  our  country's  nationality,  all  of  which  have 
waved  amid  the  rapture  of  strife — all  of  which  have  been  carried  by 
Pennsylvanians — are  returned  untarnished.  In  their  azure  fields  the 
arms  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  emblazoned,  and  her  motto,  ' '  Virtue, 
Liberty  and  Independence, ' '  has  been  written  in  letters  of  fire,  with 
pens  of  steel,  by  the  gallant  men  before  us,  and  their  comrades, 
living  and  dead,  upon  every  battlefield  of  the  war.  The  record  is 
glorious  in  memories  of  the  past  and  in  hopes  of  the  future. 

If  I  consult  my  own  feelings,  I  would  receive  these  flags  in  silence, 
for  this  occasion  is  its  own  most  eloquent  orator.  My  words  cannot 
add  to  its  sublimity.  Human  lips  cannot  express  such  lessons  of 
patriotism,  of  sacrifice  and  heroism  as  these  sacred  relics  sublimely 
attest.  The  man  is  to  be  pitied  who  claims  to  be  a  citizen  of  our 
America,  especially  of  Pennsylvania,  who  has  witnessed  these  cere 
monies  without  profound  emotion  alike  of  sorrow  and  exultation — 
sorrow  for  the  dead  who  died  for  liberty",  exultation  in  recalling  the 
blessings  of  God,  the  laws  vindicated  and  enforced  by  the  suppres 
sion  and  punishment  of  treason,  the  government  protected  and  main 
tained  until  the  last  armed  rebel  was  beaten  down,  and  the  redeemed 
republic  emerged  from  the  smoke  of  battle. 

It  might  be  better  to  accept  the  momentous  lessons  taught  by  these 
returned  standards  without  a  word.  In  what  adequate  language  can 
we  address  you,  soldiers  of  the  republic,  who  live  to  take  part  in 
this  ceremony.  We  have  no  words  to  convey  the  holy  sentiment  of 
veneration  and  of  reverence  for  the  heroic  dead  that  wells  up  from 
every  heart  in  your  presence. 

To  the  men  who  carried  the  steel,  the  musket  and  the  sabre — to 
the  private  soldier,  to  the  unknown  dead,  the  demigods  of  the  war 
— we  this  day  seek  in  vain  to  express  all  our  gratitude.  If  there  be 
men  more  distinguished  than  others,  more  entitled  to  our  highest 
veneration,  it  is  the  private  soldier  of  the  republic.  If  we  follow 
him  through  all  the  sufferings  and  privations  of  the  service,  his 
long,  weary  marches,  his  perils  oh  the  outposts,  his  wounds  and  sick 
ness,  even  in  the  article  of  death,  we  trace  him  back  to  that  sentiment 
of  devotion  to  his  country  that  led  him  to  separate  from  home  and 
its  ties,  and  to  offer  even  his  life  a  sacrifice  to  the  government  his 
fathers  gave  him  and  his  children. 


THE  S  TA  TE  FLA  CS,  5 1 1 

As  the  official  representative  of  the  commonwealth,  I  can  not  take 
back  the  remnants  of  the  colors  she  committed  to  your  keeping  with 
out  attempting  to  gather  in  my  arms  the  full  measure  of  her  over 
flowing  gratitude  and  lay  it  at  your  feet.  I  therefore  present  you 
with  the  thanks  of  your  cherished  mother,  this  ancient  and  goodly 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  great  glory  you  have  given 
to  her  history.  She  fully  realizes,  and  while  public  virtue  remains, 
she  will  never  cease  to  realize  that  she  could  better  afford  to  lose 
the  sources  of  her  natural  wealth,  her  rich  fertile  valleys,  her  great 
cities,  her  exhaustless  minerals,  than  to  lose  from  her  archives  a  sin 
gle  one  of  these  torn,  faded,  precious,  consecrated  flags  of  battle  and 
its  history,  and  of  the  brave  men  who  suffered  and  fought  around 
them.  A  commonwealth  may  exist  without  cherishing  her  material 
wealth,  but  no  commonwealth  can  or  should  worthily  exist  which 
does  not  cherish,  as  the  joy  of  its  life,  the  heroic  valor  of  its 
children. 

In  the  name  of  Pennsylvania  I  gave  you  these  standards,  fresh  and 
whole,  and  asked  you,  in  all  trials,  to  maintain  your  loyalty  and 
defend  them,  and  to-day  you  bring  them  back  to  me,  torn  with 
rebel  shots,  sad  with  the  gloom  of  some  reverses,  bright  with  the 
light  of  many  triumphs,  but  beyond  all,  saved  by  your  courage  from 
dishonor,  reddened  by  the  blood  of  your  dead  brothers,  borne  over 
the  ridges  of  a  hundred  battles,  and  planted,  at  last,  upon  the  sum 
mits  of  victory.  Surely  State  never  had  nobler  children,  nor 
received  at  their  hands  more  precious  gifts.  What  heroism,  excell 
ing  the  fables  of  romance ;  leading  forlorn  hopes ;  charging  into  the 
"imminent  deadly  breach;"  "riding  into  the  jaws  of  death  till  all 
the  world  wondered. ' '  What  sufferings  of  pain  and  hunger,  and 
outrage,  and  death ;  what  ardent  love  of  country ;  what  purest  love 
of  home ;  wrhat  tender  messages  to  mother,  wife,  children  and 
betrothed  maiden;  what  last  prayers  to  God,  do  these  old  and  tat 
tered  flags  suggest  and  unfold. 

The  State  will  guard  them  reverently  and  lovingly  until,  in  the 
fullness  of  time,  some  genius  will  arise  to  marshal  their  legends  into 
the  attractive  order  of  history,  or  weave  them  into  the  immortal 
beauty  of  poetry,  and  then  at  last  will  be  found  fit  expression  for 
the  part  Pennsylvania  has  acted  in  the  bloody  drama.  It  will  then 
be  remembered  that  our  State  was  represented  at  Fort  Sumter,  when 
traitors  first  fired  upon  the  flag  of  the  Union,  and  that  the  volun 
teers  of  our  State  first  reached  the  national  capital,  and  were  at 
Appomattox  Court  House,  where  traitors  fired  their  last  volley ;  and 
in  all  the  terrible  intermediate  struggles  in  every  rebellious  State, 
in  every  important  battle  on  land  and  water,  where  treason  was  to 


512  ANDREW  C.   CUR  TIN. 

41 

be  confronted  and  rebellion  to  be  conquered,  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
of  Pennsylvania  were  to  be  found  con-fronting  the  one  and  conquer 
ing  the  other — and  that  her  people  never  faltered  in  their  fidelity  to 
their  distressed  government. 

It  was  in  due  historic  fitness,  therefore,  that  the  wicked  struggle 
to  destroy  the  Union  should  culminate  upon  our  soil,  its  topmost 
wave  bedash  our  capital,  and  its  decisive  defeat  be  suffered  here, 
and  accordingly,  from  Gettysburg  the  rebellion  staggered  backward 
to  its  grave.  Alas,  how  many  other  graves  it  rilled  before  it  filled 
its  own.  How  many  brave  and  familiar  faces  we  miss  to-day,  who 
helped  to  bear  these  colors  to  the  front,  and  on  whose  graves  are 
growing  the  wild-flowers  of  the  Southern  land.  Our  words  can  no 
longer  reach  them  nor  our  gratitude  serve  them ;  but  we  thank 
heaven  that  those  they  loved  better  than  life  are  with  us  ;  that  the 
widow  of  the  war,  and  the  orphan  children  of  the  soldiers  are  within 
reach  of  our  cherishing  care.  We  must  never  forget  that  every  soldier 
of  Pennsylvania,  who  died  that  the  nation  might  live  thereby,  en 
titled  his  widow  to  be  kept  from  want,  and  his  fatherless  children 
to  find  a  father  in  the  commonwealth. 

May  the  flags  which  we  fold  up  so  tenderly  and  with  such  proud 
recollections,  never  be  unfurled  again,  at  least  in  such  a  war;  and 
may  all  mankind,  beholding  the  surpassing  power  of  this  free  gov 
ernment,  abandon  forever  the  thought  of  its  destruction !  Let  us 
remember,  too,  that  at  Gettysburg  the  blood  of  the  people  of  eighteen 
loyal  States — rich,  precious  blood — mingling  together,  sank  into  the 
soil  of  Pennsylvania,  and  by  that  red  covenant  are  we  pledged  for 
all  time  to  union,  to  liberty,  to  nationality,  to  fraternity,  to  "peace 
on  earth  and  good  will  toward  men. ' '  Now  that  the  war  is  over  we 
give  peace  to  those  who  gave  us  war.  And  in  the  universal  freedom 
purchased  at  so  large  a  cost  of  blood  and  treasure,  we  give  true  jus 
tice  to  all  men.  Under  the  benediction  of  true,  even  justice  to  all, 
and  inviting  them  to  obedience  to  the  law,  to  industry  and  virtue, 
we  offer  them  the  glories  of  the  future,  and  the  sacred  blessings  of 
freedom  for  them  and  their  children.  We  ask  them  to  forget  their 
malice  and  hate,  and  the  counsels  of  the  insane  and  wicked  men 
who  first  led  them  to  strike  at  the  heart  of  their  country,  and  to 
return  to  a  participation  in  the  rich  rewards  in  store  for  this,  the 
freest  and  most  powerful  nation  on  earth. 

But  for  you  and  your  comrades,  rebellion  would  have  become  revo 
lution  and  the  enemies  of  freedom  and  united  nationality  would  have 
achieved  their  infamous  purpose.  Under  God  we  triumphed.  The 
right  has  been  maintained.  And  to  you,  in  the  name  of  all  the 
people  of  this  great  commonwealth,  I  tender  thanks,  warm,  deep, 


THE  STA  TE  FLAGS.  5 1  3 

heartfelt  thanks.  May  your  lives  be  spared  long  to  enjoy  the  govern 
ment  you  saved,  to  illustrate  your  country's  grandeur,  and  to  enjoy 
the  priceless  blessings  which  must  follow  from  the  results  of  your 
courage,  fidelity  and  patriotism  ! 

The  State  of  Pennsylvania,  during  all  your  services,  has  not  been 
unmindful  of  you.  You  were  followed  to  the  battlefields  by  the 
benedictions  and  prayers  of  the  good,  and  benevolent  people  carried 
to  you  the  contributions  of  the  patriotic  and  generous  at  home. 
Never  at  any  time  during  the  war  did  this  constant  benevolence 
shrink,  and  always  good,  Christian  men  and  women  were  found 
willing  to  endure  privation  and  suffering  to  reach  you  on  the  field 
and  in  the  hospital.  So  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  State  always 
made  ample  provision  for  the  removal  of  the  bodies  of  the  slain  for 
Christian  interment  amid  their  kindred  and  friends.  When  it  was 
practicable,  the  sick  and  wounded  were  removed  to  enjoy  the  tender 
watching  and  care  of  their  friends  at  home. 

And  as  the  crowning  glory  of  this  great  commonwealth  she  has 
gathered  together  the  helpless  and  destitute  orphans  of  her  dead 
soldiers  and  adopted  them  as  the  children  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  by  justice  and  Christian 
charity,  for  three  years  has  made  munificent  appropriations  of  the 
public  money  to  place  within  the  care  of  the  State  the  homeless  little 
ones  of  your  dead  comrades.  They  are  to  be  brought  up  as  the  glory 
and  honor  of  the  State,  a  monument  that  Pennsylvania  raises  to  the 
memory  of  the  slain,  more  enduring  than  brass  and  marble,  and  in 
harmony  with  the  Christian  teachings  of  her  people.  Here  are 
twelve  hundred  of  these  little  ones  before  you  to-day,  the  children 
of  comrades  left  upon  the  field  of  battle,  bright  jewels  in  the  crown 
of  glory  which  encircles  this  great  commonwealth,  the  strongest  evi 
dence  of  the  fidelity  and  patriotism  of  her  people.  Let  this  work  be 
so  now  engrafted  upon  the  public  policy  of  the  State  that  it  shall 
endure  until  the  last  orphan  of  the  Pennsylvania  soldier  shall  be 
trained,  nurtured  and  educated. 

This  is  a  hallowed  place — this  is  a  hallowed  day.  Here  and  now 
in  the  name  of  Pennsylvania,  I  accept  these  colors  fitly,  for  we  are 
assembled  upon  the  birthday,  in  the  birthplace  of  American  liberty. 

We  are  forced  to  contemplate  the  wondrous  march  of  this  people 
to  empire — colonization — the  revolution — the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence — the  constitution — the  rebellion,  its  overthrow — and  the 
purification  of  our  government — and  the  change  of  our  organic 
laws  by  the  lesson  of  discord — and  our  hopes  for  the  future,  follow 
ing  each  other  in  logical  sequence,  and  the  duty  and  responsibility 
of  this  labor  for  mankind  is  devolved,  by  the  grace  of  God  and 

33 


ANDREW  G.  CUR  TIN. 

% 

the  hearts  and  arms  of  our  soldiers,  upon  the  loyal  people  of  this 
land. 

In  the  presence  of  these  mute  symbols  of  living  soldiers  [pointing 
to  the  flags],  of  yonder  touching  memorials  of  our  dead  soldiers 
[pointing  to  the  children],  in  fealty  to  the  blood  poured  out  like 
water;  in  remembrance  of  the  sorrows  yet  to  be  assuaged,  and  the 
burdens  yet  to  be  borne,  the  graves  yet  to  be  numbered,  and  the 
horrors  yet  to  be  forgotten ;  in  loyalty  to  our  State,  to  our  country, 
to  our  fellow-men  everywhere,  and  to  God,  let  us  rise  to  the  height 
of  our  great  privileges,  and  place  the  American  government  upon 
the  enduring  basis  of  justice  and  liberty.  This  is  the  great  lesson 
of  the  war,  and  the  very  rock  of  political  truth.  "Whosoever  falls 
upon  it  will  be  broken,  and  upon  whomsoever  it  shall  fall  it  will 
grind  him  to  powder."  Then  our  government  will  represent  the 
result  of  American  civilization,  and  then  these  old  flags  will  glow 
with  the  light  of  their  true  meaning,  and  the  valor  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  republic  will  receive  its  just  reward  in  rendering  a  memor 
able  service  to  mankind,  for  then,  in  the  words  of  our  illustrious 
martyr,  we  will  take  care  "That  the  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth. ' ' 

And  now,  having  received  these  standards,  he  who  addresses  you 
has  performed  his  last  official  act  connected  with  the  military  service 
of  the  war,  and  his  relations  to  you,  so  long,  so  intimate  and  so 
cordial,  are  severed.  In  this  our  last  official  interview,  when  the  ties 
that  bound  us  so  closely  for  these  eventful  years  just  passed,  and 
the  relations  so  intimate,  so  cordial,  are  closing,  he  would  be  insen 
sible  to  the  constant  fidelity,  to  the  pleasant  relations,  to  the  for 
giveness  of  error,  to  the  ready  and  generous  support,  and  the  many, 
very  many  evidences  of  kindness  and  affection  he  has  received  from 
you  and  your  comrades,  if  he  failed  to  express  to  you  his  personal 
obligations  and  thanks.  He  recurs  with  gratification  to  the  fact, 
that  he  did  for  the  soldier  what  he  could.  He  regrets  that  he  could 
not  have  done  more.  But  he  will  carry  with  him  to  his  grave,  and 
leave  as  a  rich  legacy  to  his  children,  the  consciousness  that  you,  at 
least,  believed  that  he  did  what  he  could  for  his  distressed  country ; 
and  that  after  the  experience  of  five  eventful  years,  the  soldiers  of 
Pennsylvania  deem  him  worthy  of  their  confidence  and  respect. 

And  here,  on  this  last  occasion  of  the  war,  he  returns  his  thanks 
to  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  for  their  kindness 
and  support,  and  to  the  thousands  of  benevolent  women  and  men 
who  were  always  ready  to  obey  his  calls  to  the  succor  and  relief  of 
their  brave  and  gallant  brethren  in  the  field. 

I  have  done.     Farewell,  brave  men!     May  God  bless  you! 


Andrew  Gregg  Curtin  died  at  his  residence  in  Belle- 
fonte  on  Sunday  morning,  October  7,  1894.  It  was  not 
unexpected  to  the  community,  as  he  had  been  seriously 
ill  for  some  time,  but  the  loss  of  the  most  beloved  citizen 
none  the  less  shocked  every  class  and  condition,  and  the 
sorrow  was  universal  in  the  town  and  neighborhood  in 
which  he  had  lived  his  four  score  years  more  esteemed 
than  any  other  citizen  of  his  mountain  home.  His  fu 
neral  occurred  on  Wednesday,  October  10,  and  the  Centre 
County  Bar  Association  met  at  10  o'clock  to  take  action 
on  the  death  of  the  oldest  member  of  the  bar .  A 
number  of  prominent  citizens  of  the  State  were  present 
to  attend  the  funeral,  and  they  were  invited  to  partici 
pate  in  the  proceedings  of  the  bar  meeting.  Judge 
Furst  was  called  to  the  chair  and  A.  S.  Landis,  of  Blair, 
and  Jerome  B.  Niles,  of  Tioga,  were  chosen  as  vice-pres 
idents.  After  an  address  by  Judge  Furst  expressing  the 
universal  sorrow  that  prevailed  not  only  throughout  the 
bar  but  the  entire  neighborhood,  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  draft  resolutions  to  be  preserved  as  a 
minute  on  the  records  of  the  Bar  Association.  Ex-Gov 
ernor  James  A.  Beaver,  chairman  of  the  committee, 
reported  the  following  to  be  placed  on  record  as  the 
expression  of  the  Bellefonte  bar  on  the  death  of  their 
most  beloved  associate  : 

ANDREW  GREGG  CURTIN. 

Andrew  Gregg  Curtin,  son  of  Roland  and  Jane  Gregg  Curtin,  was 
born  in  Centre  County,  April  23,  1815.  His  preliminary  education 

(517) 


5 1 8  ANDRE  \V  G.  C  UR  TIN. 

9 

was  pursued  in  Centre  County,  at  Harrisburg  and  at  the  celebrated 
academy  conducted  by  Dr.  Kirkpatrick  at  Milton.  He  was  a  stu 
dent  in  the  office  of  W.  W.  Potter  and  of  the  Law  School  conducted 
by  Hon.  John  Reed,  at  Carlisle,  Pa,  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of 
Centre  County  at  the  April  term,  1837,  and  entered  at  once  upon 
the  active  practice  of  his  profession,  and  continued  therein  until 
his  election  as  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  in  1860. 

He  was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  by  Hon.  James 
Pollock,  who  had  been  elected  governor  in  1854,  and  continued  to 
fill  that  position  during  the  entire  administration  of  Governor  Pol 
lock.  As  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  he  was  ex-offico  Super 
intendent  of  Public  Instruction,  and  gave  much  of  thought  and 
effort  to  the  organization  of  our  common  school  system.  During  his 
administration  of  this  office  the  county  superintendency  and  the 
system  of  normal  schools  were  inaugurated  and  successfully  prose 
cuted.  They  have  continued  to  follow  the  plan  of  organization  and 
development  marked  out  by  him  from  that  time  to  the  present. 

He  was  elected  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  in  1860,  and 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  office  in  January,  1861.  He  was 
re-elected  governor  in  1863,  and  his  administration  continued  until 
January,  1867,  covering  six  of  the  most  eventful  years  of  the  history 
of  the  commonwealth.  His  personality  and  his  administration  were 
alike  unique.  Great  opportunities  were  presented  to  him,  and  it  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  he  met  and  mastered  them  in  such  a  way 
as  to  add  lustre  to  the  annals  of  the  commonwealth  and  to  contribute 
largely  to  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country.  During  his  administra 
tion  the  country  passed  through  the  war  of  secession.  The  part 
which  he  and  his  administration  acted  therein  is  so  well  known  that 
it  is  needless  to  refer  thereto  at  length.  Under  his  leadership  Penn 
sylvania  took  a  primal  and  proud  position  among  the  States  engaged 
in  asserting  the  supremacy  of  the  constitution  and  the  enforcement 
of  law  and  in  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  Union. 

His  large  heart  and  generous  disposition  led  him  to  give  special 
attention  to  the  needs  of  those  who  had  volunteered  for  the  defence 
of  the  country  from  Pennsylvania,  and  also  to  provide  for  the  widows 
and  orphans  left  helpless  by  the  vicissitudes  of  war.  He  was  the 
founder  of  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  School  System,  which  until  the 
present  time  cares  for  and  educates  the  orphans  of  those  who  were 
killed  or  disabled  during  the  war  or  have  become  destitute  since. 

Immediately  after  the  close  of  his  administration  he  was  appointed 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  the  Court  of 
St.  Petersburg,  Russia,  where  he  represented  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  nearly  four  years.  His  genial  qualities  and  diplo- 


HIS  FUNERAL.  5 1 9 

matic  services  were  so  much  appreciated  by  the  country  to  which  he 
was  accredited  that,  upon  his  return  home,  he  was  presented  by  the 
Czar  with  a  full  length  portrait  of  himself  and  received  a  similar 
distinction  from  Prince  Gortchakoff,  the  then  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  for  Russia. 

Upon  his  return  to  his  own  country,  he  was  elected  in  1872  as 
delegate-at-large  to  the  convention  which  assembled  in  1873  to  revise 
the  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania.  He  took  an  active  and  leading 
part  in  the  deliberations  of  that  convention  and  contributed  much, 
by  his  knowledge  of  State  affairs,  to  the  Constitution  of  the  Common 
wealth  now  in  force. 

He  was  elected  to  represent  the  Twenty-eighth  Congressional  Dis 
trict  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  in  1880, 
and  continued  to  represent  it  from  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1881, 
until  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1887,  having  been  twice  re-elected  in 
the  meantime. 

At  the  end  of  his  Congressional  services  he  voluntarily  retired  from 
public  life  and  has  lived  a  life  of  quiet  and  congenial  retirement 
since  that  time  among  the  friends  and  neighbors,  whose  friendship 
and  companionship  were  always  dear  to  him  and  to  whom  he  was 
greatly  endeared  by  his  genial  and  kindly  nature. 

His  career  at  the  bar  was  closed  before  the  majority  of  the  mem 
bers  of  this  committee  were  admitted.  The  distinctive  characteris 
tics  of  the  man  appeared  in  his  professional  life,  and  the  traditions 
which  cluster  around  it  are  well  known  in  our  day,  although 
he  has  not  practiced  his  profession  for  nearly  thirty-five  years.  The 
generosity  of  his  heart  inclined  him  to  the  defence,  particularly  in 
the  criminal  courts,  and  the  weapons  of  his  warfare  were  wit,  humor 
and  ridicule,  which  were  so  keen  in  themselves  and  wielded  with 
such  force  and  dexterity  that  even  the  weighty  legal  positions  and 
arguments  of  his  adversary  were  minimized  and  made  to  disappear 
before  the  jury.  No  one  who  has  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  him 
in  a  case  in  which  his  feelings  were  enlisted  will  ever  forget  the 
impression  which  his  earnestness,  zeal  and  eloquence  made  upon 
mind  and  heart. 

The  great  sphere  of  his  labor  and  influence  was  largely  outside  his 
chosen  profession,  but  in  his  practice  as  a  lawyer  as  well  as  in  his 
career  as  a  publicist  and  statesman,  his  personality  predominated. 
The  charm  of  his  conversation  was  equal  to  the  power  of  his  elo 
quence,  and  made  him  as  pre-eminent  in  the  social  circle  as  in 
public  life.  These  qualities,  together  with  the  generosity  of  his 
nature  which  made  his  a  liberal  hand,  endeared  him  to  all  with 
whom  he  came  in  contact,  and,  in  giving  voice  to  the  sentiment  of 


520  ANDREW  G. 

the  Bar  of  Centre  County,  we  deplore  the  loss  not  only  of  the  oldest 
member  and  acknowledged  head  of  the  bar,  but  also  of  a  valued 
friend,  an  esteemed  and  generous  hearted  citizen  and  a  man  whose 
character  and  career  have  made  our  little  community  known  and 
honored  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land. 

Governor  Curtin  died  at  his  residence  in  Bellefonte,  on  Sunday 
morning,  October  7,  1894.  In  view  of  his  demise,  your  committee 
recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolutions : 

1.  That  the  foregoing  minute  be  adopted   and  that  the  Court  of 
Centre  County  be  requested  to  have  the  same  spread  at  length  upon 
its  records. 

2.  That  the  members  of  the  bar  attend  the  funeral  of  the  deceased 
in  a  body,  at  two  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

3.  That  we  tender  to  the   family  our  sincere  sympathy  in   their 
great  bereavement. 

4.  That  this  minute  and  resolutions  be  published   in   the  public 
prints  and  a  copy  thereof  furnished  to  Governor  Curtin 's  family. 

Before  the  adoption  of  the  foregoing  minute,  addresses 
were  delivered  by  Colonel  William  B.  Mann,  of  Phila 
delphia,  Governor  Robert  B.  Pattison,  Ex-Senator  John 
Scott,  A.  K.  McClure,  Ex-Senator  William  A.  Wallace, 
John  M.  Bailey,  General  J.  P.  S.  Gobiu  and  others. 

The  body  of  the  War  Governor  was  brought  into  the 
court  house  before  the  close  of  the  bar  meeting,  where 
it  was  viewed  by  thousands  of  his  neighbors.  After  the 
bar  meeting  adjourned  funeral  services  were  had  in  the 
Curtin  mansion.  Rev.  Dr.  T.  H.  Robinson,  of  Allegheny, 
opened  by  reading  the  nineteenth  Psalm,  followed  by 
prayer,  after  which  he  delivered  a  brief  but  touching 
tribute  to  the  life  and  character  of  the  hero-statesman. 
The  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  Rev.  William 
Laurie,  D.  D.,  from  the  text ;  "  Know  ye  not  that  a  great 
man  has  fallen  this  day  ?"  The  funeral  procession  was 
one  of  the  most  imposing  ever  witnessed  in  the  State, 
and  on  every  face  was  pictured  the  sorrow  of  their 
bereavement.  The  pall-bearers  were  Governor  Pattison, 


HIS  FUNERAL .  521 

Judge  Dean,  Senator  Scott,  Senator  Wallace,  General 
Brooks,  General  Taylor,  Colonel  Mann,  Colonel  Mc- 
Michael,  Colonel  McClure,  Governor-elect  Hastings, 
Judge  Biddle,  Judge  Furst,  Mr.  Himes  and  Mr.  Col 
lins.  The  funeral  procession  was  headed  by  a  mili 
tary  escort  tinder  Colonel  Theodore  Burchfield,  fol 
lowed  by  a  special  escort  of  honor  from  the  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  under  Colonel  Mullen.  Then 
followed  the  clergy  in  carriages,  the  pall-bearers,  the 
body  with  the  carriers  on  each  side  of  the  hearse, 
the  family  and  friends,  and  representatives  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserves,  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion, 
the  Union  League  of  Philadelphia,  the  Bald  Eagle  Val 
ley  Railroad  Company,  officers  of  the  National  Guard, 
Centre  County  Veteran  Association,  the  Bar  Association, 
the  State  College  cadets,  the  municipal  authorities,  and 
all  followed  by  a  large  concourse  of  citizens.  In  addi 
tion  to  the  record  of  the  Centre  County  Bar  Association, 
the  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion  made  an  eloquent  minute 
on  its  records  on  the  death  of  Governor  Curtin,  as  did 
the  Union  League  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  representa 
tives  of  the  "  Sixteeners,"  the  soldiers'  orphans  of  Penn 
sylvania  who  had  been  educated  at  the  orphan  schools 
founded  by  Curtin.  Thus  closed  the  career  of  one  of 
the  most  eloquent  and  patriotic  of  Pennsylvania's  sons, 
who  has  written  the  brightest  records  on  the  annals  of 
her  history. 

[THE  END.] 


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